British expats in Hong Kong & Amsterdam : transnational belonging in expat couples in global cities

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BRITISH EXPATS

IN HONG KONG

& AMSTERDAM

Transnational belonging

in expat couples in global

cities

Anne Hovingh ajhovingh@gmail.com Student number: 11442654 Supervisor: Dr. Willem Boterman Second reader: Dr. Virginie Mamadouh 20 June 2019 Research MSc Urban Studies

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Summary

The British have been expatriating to Hong Kong for centuries, and in recent years due to globalisation, many Brits have also been expatriating to Amsterdam. The case study of Hong Kong is of interest because of its link to British history as a former colony. The case study of Amsterdam is of interest because it a capital city within the European Union, during a time of Brexit. The Britishness of the expats are highlighted in both these cases in a unique way.

This research takes a further look into the lives of these expats and their spouses – transnational, cosmopolitan elites who have a different, sometimes fluctuating, sense of national identity – and how they find a sense of home and belonging in Amsterdam and Hong Kong. Interestingly, in both cities these British expatriate couples create an 'expat bubble' in which they have their own comfort zone within the foreign city. The two cities are most different in their gender and work relations. Hong Kong is an international expat city of 'trailing spouses' who are unable to work because of visas and a different labour market, whereas Amsterdam is an EU metropolis where finding work is easy for the British, as well a more balanced home-work life, meaning both partners are often employed. Key words: transnationalism, sense of belonging, highly-skilled migrants, expatriates, British nationalism.

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Foreword

The past year of my life has resolved around the preparation, research and writing of this thesis. This process has not only furthered my academic skills, but my personal skills as well. It was not always easy, but the end result has become something I am happy to say I am very proud of.

My interest in this topic was initially peaked because of the developments in the Brexit deal for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union. Having lived in the UK as a Dutch person and having many British friends living in EU countries, I was intrigued by how Brexit and thus the prospect of losing the right to citizenship in the place one calls home, would affect people’s state of mind and sense of belonging. When given the opportunity to go on exchange as part of the Research Master Urban Studies, the choice for Hong Kong was quickly made as the UK is so interwoven in its history. This thesis would not have been possible without my respondents in Hong Kong and Amsterdam. I am forever grateful to them for taking the time to speak with me and share their stories, views and experiences.

I also owe gratitude towards my supervisor, Willem Boterman, for his teaching, insightful (but slightly illegible) feedback, helpful comments and encouraging conversations. I would also like to thank Virginie Mamadouh, for taking the time to be my second reader.

I would never have been able to write the words in front of you without the personal support I received from many people in my life. I would like to thank all my classmates from the research Master Urban Studies, who were there in times of support but also in times of celebrations. To my family, for their words of wisdom and encouragement. To Henry Zubaida, for pushing me to do my best, making me laugh and keeping me sane. Finally, I would also like to thank the writers of the wonderful soundtracks of Studio Ghibli, for helping me stay focused during the writing process.

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1 Introduction

As the then UK prime-minster Theresa May spoke at the 2016 Conservative Party Conference, “if you believe you’re a citizen of the world, you’re a citizen of nowhere.” (Conservatives, 5 October 2016) Globalisation has meant for many people that they live transnational lives; taking up work in places all around the world, whilst maintaining a transnational link to their home country.

Globalisation has been well documented as the process in which the world has become ever more connected. As modern technology developed, there has been a shift towards a more global orientation. This is especially evident in the world economy. The financial industry became more organised, as production and its work force became more spatially dispersed. Globalisation is recognised as the main cause for the emergence of global cities, as this global network of markets and production sites called for a new form of centralization for management and control. (Sassen, 2001) Cities operate as both 'nodal points' in the market system, as well as the sites where this capability of global control is produced. (Friedmann, 1986, Friedmann & Wolff, 1982)

The global city as defined by Sassen (2001) is characterised by its functions. They are key locations for business, finance and specialised service companies and the production sites of these new types of economies, but also the place where the products of these types of businesses, like services or financial goods, are marketed. Global cities tend to score high on accounts of economic growth, infrastructure, technology and liveability. (Beaverstock & Hall, 2012).

Being a multiple nodal point combined with these factors means that these global cities are attractive for high-skilled expatriate workers. The presence of these high-skilled expatriate workers is part of what gives a city its global significance. They are part of a professional class (Sassen, 2001), who can be placed within what Sklair (2000) defined as a ‘transnational capitalist class’ (Beaverstock, 2011). Many of the existing case studies focus on the British, and their lives in global cities on which British imperialism has left its traces. (eg New York; Beaverstock, 2005, Singapore; Beaverstock, 2011, Hong Kong; Leonard, 2008 Knowles & Harper, 2010) These expatriate workers are sent out on temporary expat assignments, move to a different office of the same company, or seek to further their career with a different company. Many companies encourage expats to bring their families, and since colonial times the phenomenon of the 'trailing spouse' is well-documented. (Fechter, 2010) Previous literature on expat partners has mostly focused on women who move with their husbands to large cities in Asia (eg Singapore; Lundström, 2012) or the Middle East (eg Dubai; Walsh, 2012). These trailing spouses, even more so than their partners, practice place-making through locality and transnationalism, not just their global identity.

Sassen (2002) argues that national identity is not defined by locality, but it is ‘portable’. At the same time, the highly skilled-migrant, or expatriate, has been defined as a mobile transnational elite (Beaverstock, 2005), or cosmopolitan (Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt, 2018) and ‘forever on the move’ (Yeoh & Huang, 2011).This hyper-mobility is often paired with a notion of foot looseness, but it undermines the complexity of their social and spatial lives.

To grasp this complexity of high mobility paired with transnational life in a local sphere, the need for a embodied transnational urbanism approach was developed. (Smith & Guarnizo, 1998, Dunn, 2010) This approach puts more emphasis on the expat as an individual, and how transnational lives are lived and produced locally. (Conradsom & Latham, 2005) This embodied transnationalism shifts the focus away from the process of migration to a ‘study of the every-day’. (Dunn, 2010) It emphasises the importance of everyday life, and how transnational individuals produce a sense of belonging spatially and socially. Taking transnational, mobile expatriates as first and firemost as people, Fenster (2005: 253) states that “we all belong, because we all have repetitive daily uses of city spaces.” The

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sense of belonging is not a question of if, but how. This resulted in the following main research question which lead this research project:

How do British expat couples experience and/or produce a transnational sense of belonging through their social-spatial practices in Hong Kong and Amsterdam?

This question is explored through comparison of two case studies of global cities. One in the East, Hong Kong, and in the West, Amsterdam. The presence of British expats in both these cities is relevant in their own way. In Hong Kong, it is the post-colonial, imperial context. Hong Kong was under British rule for 156 years, until the handover to China in 1997. English remains an official language in Hong Kong, and over 35.000 Britons currently reside in Hong Kong. (Census Department HK, 2017)

Amsterdam is home to nearly 12.000 British people. (CBS, 2017) As a global city strongly represented in the financial, IT and creative industries, it is an important hub within the European Union. As the United Kingdom is to leave the EU on October 311_{, British expats in the Netherlands stand to see the}

diplomatic rug pulled out from underneath them. They “stand to see their legal status shift from that of mobile citizens to migrants.” (Brexit Brits Abroad, 2018) In both cases, their British national identity makes up a unique part of their presence in these countries.

This thesis aims to contribute to and extend debates on grounded transnationalism by exploring the socio-spatial practices of 'trailing spouses' in their social fields in their gendered and classed context. It also aims to extend the existing theories on transnational expats from beyond a post-colonial context and examine the applicability of expat typology theories to a European context.

This thesis is outlines according to the follow structure. First in chapter 2, the relevant theories on global cities, transnationalism, cosmopolitanism and the specificities of expats are discussed, as well as any gaps in this literature. In chapter 3, the research design and methods are laid out. Here the methods, data collection and analysis are discussed, as well as providing background information and history on both cities. It also explains the methodological foundation for the research as well as its limitations and validity. Chapter 4 is the narrative of the Hong Kong case study and its results, of which Chapter 5 is that of Amsterdam. Chapter 6 compares the two cases and their narratives. Chapter 7 provides a conclusion and answers to the research questions, as well as a further discussion of the results in relation to the current state of the literature. It also discusses reflections on the research and recommendations for further research.

1_{This date is correct at time of writing. Theresa May stepped down as Prime Minister on June 7}th_{, and as of yet it is} unknown who will take over her role as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party. (Blitz, Hughes and Brunsden, 24 May 2019)

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2 Theoretical Framework

2.1 Introduction

The theoretical framework is structured as follows: firstly, an overview is given on literature on the emergence of global cities, and the role of expatriates in these cities. Secondly, the concept of expatriate is discussed within the broader context of literature on transnationalism and cosmopolitanism. Within theories of cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, there is an emphasis on geographical location and urban grounded transnationalism, highlighting the significance of the local and the social in these transnational, cosmopolitan lives. Thirdly, the elements of expat life and culture are discussed, concluded with a problematization of specific aspects of this life, for example gender relations. The theory discussed in this chapter relates to more general theory on expatriates and highly skilled migrants, but also focusses specifically on theories and case studies on British migrants in a post-colonial context.

2.2 Global cities

The term ‘global city’ was defined by Saskia Sassen (2001). Due to technological developments, the world has become more connected and globally oriented. The financial industry became more organised, as production and its work force became more spatially dispersed. Globalisation is recognised as the main cause for the emergence of global cities, as this global network of markets and production sites called for a new form of centralization for management and control. (Sassen, 2001) Global cities are defined as ‘nodes’ in the global economy, as they are the key location for business, finance and specialised service companies and the production sites of these new types of economies. But they are also the place where the products of these types of businesses, like services or financial goods, are marketed. (Friedmann, 1986, Friedmann & Wolff, 1982) Since the coining of the term, several global city rankings have been developed (eg ATKearney, 2018), ranking cities based on several contributing factors like infrastructure, economy, technology, culture and liveability. (Beaverstock & Hall, 2012)

Being a multiple nodal point combined with these factors means that these global cities are attractive for high-skilled expatriate workers. In return, the presence of these expats is what gives a global city its appeal. In the global city, transnational networks and activities make up for a “powerful force reshaping not only the physical but also the social and cultural aspects.” (Sassen, 2001: 270) The global city is constantly being reshaped through the transnational flows of people, information and culture. These cities offer constant changing bases for fluid and hybrid form of identities and mobilities. The transnational capitalist class, as Sklair (2000) refers to expatriates as, are a key group in these processes in global cities. However, focusing only on the high mobility of these people disregards their 'co-presence' with others. Yeoh & Willis (2005) argue that transnational elites, or expatriates, “belong as much to the 'space of place' as to the 'space of flows'”. (pp. 271)

2.3 Transnationalism

These located yet mobile lives of expats mean they become transnationals: they experience being the national of one country whilst being in another. A transnational life then means a constant negotiation of being in a foreign place whilst keeping up with one’s own nationality and links to this nationality. Kevin Dunn (2010) defines transnationalism as “the movements, communications, and

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other exchanges between people from emigration sources and their family, friends, and other acquaintances in destination locations.” (pp. 2) The focus here lies on the migrant themselves, rather than the process of migration. Mobility is a key aspect of transnationalism, as not everyone crosses national borders as easily as others, which is where the importance of an embodied approach lies. An embodied transnationalism approach means focussing on expats themselves rather than the wider migration networks they find themselves in: “the scale of analysis is upon migrants rather than migration flows, upon transnationals rather than upon transnationalism.” (Dunn, 2010: 1) Smith & Guarnizo (1998) also call for a more grounded transnationalism, as a study of the everyday, or 'transnationalism from below'.

Though expats are considered to be of a 'transnational elite' in a 'space of flows' (Castells, 1996), in a case study of British financial workers in New York (Beaverstock, 2005) they are demonstrated to be very much embedded in their local context through everyday life. As Conradson & Latham (2005) explain, “even the most hyper-mobile transnational elites are ordinary”, meaning even they are people who live somewhere, eat, raise their children, maintain social contacts, etc. Transnational lives are lived and produced locally. Their social activities, for the most part, are spatially bound. Patricia Ehrkamp (2006) argues how belonging for transnational migrants is created in space, by stressing that the spatial aspect of transnationalism is not 'pre-made' as places are not like 'containers waiting to be filled by migrants'.

Transnational migration research, according to Levitt and Glick Schiller (2004), benefits from a 'social field' approach. This approach means that ‘society’ is reformulated as a concept, to aid the study of transnational migration. Societies are interconnected through flows of people, capital, and media, meaning that society is not 'confined by nation-state boundaries'. Some scholars have previously wanted to move away from a 'container theory' of society, but by this they tend to disregard the concept of the social in this. (Beck, 2000)

These 'social fields' have much in common in theory with the social and cultural 'contact zones' as identified by Yeoh & Willis (2005). Social fields are the different facets of everyday life, but redefined as contact zones, they are especially relevant to expatriates as these incorporate the 'frontiers of difference' they encounter.

2.4 Expatriates

Jonathan Beaverstock (2005) defines expatriates (or expats) as being “highly mobile, highly paid and highly skilled.” (pp. 249) Recent case studies (eg Walsh, 2012, Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt, 2018) show that there is much variation in terms of residency length, meaning that expats are not always by definition living somewhere temporarily. Though there is variation to the degree of their mobility, this mobility is an inherent part of their transnational migrant identity.

Some work on transnational migrants focuses so much on them being 'fluid' and “forever-on-the-move, forever in transit, forever unmoored, forever part of the 'space of flows” (Yeoh & Huang, 2011: 682), that they disregard the notion that they can also be “bearers of culture, ethnicity, class, or gender.” (Yeoh & Willis, 2005: 270) For example, a case of Swedish expat wives in Singapore shows how they feel uncomfortable with being a stay-at-home mother whilst having a maid, as it goes against their Swedish and personal morals of equality and feminism. (Lundström, 2012) Transnational migrants (or expats) are also often referred to as a type of cosmopolitan elite, who are “basically indifferent to where they live” (Robbins, 1998), as if their local place and those others who they share this locality with does not affect their transnational identity. Yeoh and Willis (2005) construct a comparative frame for looking at the cultural diversity in expats (both in regard to work culture, as well as social culture, such as gender or ethnicity) and its effect on the 'contact zones'

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dynamic.

The term 'contact zones' stems from Mary Louise Pratt (1991), who developed the notion in a colonial context. In her work 'contact zones' are referred to as “social spaces where cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths as they are lived out in many parts of the world today.” (pp. 34) Yeoh & Willis (2005) take on this colonial term and apply it to the context of expatriates, defining it as “frontiers where 'difference' is constantly encountered and negotiated.” (pp. 269) Yeoh and Wilis identify 'three broad ranges of expatriates': the culturalists, the colonialist, and the imperialist. The 'culturalists' are identified as being interested in the local culture, and attempt to integrate into local culture. They see being in a foreign place as a 'cultural challenge', or they take it as an opportunity to run away from the familiar.

A 'colonialist' corresponds with the 'fluid' and mobile notion of a cosmopolitan, transnational migrant: they “go away not having felt the difference” (Yeoh & Willis, 2005: 273), because they build a wall (or 'colonial barrier') around themselves. Colonialists experience more social exclusivity: they lead separate lives from locals, in their 'expat bubbles'. This difference creates a 'strong community spirit', as “difference itself serves to amplify both self-identity and a sense of community among British expatriates.” (pp. 278) Difference is accepted, as being part of the expatriate experience, and remains 'an immutable barrier' between expats and non-expats.

The 'imperialist' is referred to as being more arrogant and stubborn. They view the place they are in through a British imperial lens and assume their surroundings to be British. This means that cultural difference is not really accepted but more just ignored. This is because they are constantly comparing their surroundings only to their British context, instead of viewing something within their own context. Part of this imperial lens is the 'pastoral gaze' intent on 'salvation' (Foucault, 1982: 213), which translates to a wish to change, help, or 'improve' the locals and their lives. The terms culturalist, colonialist, and imperialist are very much linked to the British colonial past, but their definitions are applicable to any transnational migrant faced with a 'contact zone' of cultural differences.

Transnational elites like expatriates are in the position to manage the contact zones, because of their superior geographical mobility as well as economic resources. Cultural encounters by transnational elites in these 'superior' situations can be either tried out or immediately rejected. In more equal situations, the expatriates can also themselves be rejected by locals in cultural encounters. 'Culture shock' can be managed by creating walls of difference; by maintaining distance through 'expat bubbles'. (Yeoh & Willis, 2005)

These three terms are much in line with the literature on acculturation. Acculturation is defined by Hoersting & Jenkins (2011:18) as “adapting to belong”, as a person’s own sense of belonging is partly maintained by a strong group identification. The literature in the academic field of psychology (eg Berry, 2005, Marin, Organista & Chun 2003) shows how people who are exposed to several cultural contexts mediate the development of their cultural identity. For example, Rudmin (2009) views acculturation as the 'acquisition of a second culture.' The four stages of acculturation as identified by Berry (2005) can also be fitted into Yeoh & Willis (2005) description of different types of expats. Berry's four stages start at marginalization, in which the 'imperialist' fits in. The next stage is separation, which is in line with the 'colonialist' and their expat bubble. The last two stages are assimilation and integration, which fits with Yeoh & Willis' last type of expat, the 'culturalist'.

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2.5 Expat sense of belonging

These three typologies of expats can be seen as three ways of group identification, in which expats find a way to experience a sense of belonging. These processes of group identification are paired with emotional processes of ‘becomingness’, hope and interest. Michaela Benson (2016) discusses how the process of belonging means emotional negotiations for expats. Expats are considered an elite group, but even for privileged people belonging is a ‘project-in-progress’. Her work on British lifestyle migrants in France show the trans-localities of their lives, and how their shape their sense of belonging in their locality. Part of this project-in-progress is their perception of the landscape changing as they develop their belonging and emplacement. This process of ‘laying claim to local belonging’ is likened to a process of being different. These processes bare similarities to the different types of expats as indicated by Yeoh & Willis (2005) and processes of acculturation, as their process of belonging goes through stages where their view of expats of their surroundings can range from indifference, building social-spatial barriers, or being interested in the local surroundings and culture.

Walsh (2009) argues how sense of belonging for British expats is an emotional process of ‘becomingness’. Emotions like hope or desire indicate an expat’s status of interested and liked in return, which fuels their sense of attachment. This sense of attachment as an emotional process of hope, shapes their sense of belonging. Walsh argues that this attachment, and thus sense of belonging, is a requirement for expats live in a foreign place successfully. In her case study of British expats in Dubai, this sense of belonging is formed by creating a strong identification to a group. They accentuate their association to the Western expat community by highlighting their British cultural identity through acts of ‘othering’. This process of ‘othering’ builds a wall around them, fortifying their sense of community with other expats, but excluding themselves from locals. Another way in which these British expats in Dubai determine themselves within a group is by being interested in the local culture. Their attempts to integrate and learn about the localities surrounding them is what binds them to a fellow group of interested expats and locals.

Ngai (2005) argues how this notion of hope and emotion can lead to a sense of belonging, which is defined as ‘rootedness’. This rootedness inherently indicates a spatial aspect – an expat’s sense of belonging is developed within the context of their location, in their ‘world of strangers’ (Lofland, 1973). However, the nature of the life of an expat also means their presence in a place is often temporary. There are often culturally still linked to their native country, and so lead a life of being 'located yet mobile'. (Daskalaki, 2012: 431)

2.6 Cosmopolitanism and expat identity

The life of a transnational expatriate means, in many cases, identifying as a ‘cosmopolitan’. Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt (2018) The concept of cosmopolitanism is widely discussed across academic fields, but there is little agreement regarding to how it is conceptualised and operationalised. However, most scholars do accept a general distinction between cultural, moral, and political cosmopolitanism. Moral cosmopolitanism, as defined by Nussbaum (1994: 3) as a global necessity against nationalism, is “the very old ideal of the cosmopolitan, the person whose primary allegiance is to the community of human beings in the entire world.” Cultural cosmopolitanism is the domain of sociology and anthropology. It refers to a sense of openness towards people and experiences from different cultures.

David Harvey (2000) argues how cosmopolitanism is empty without a geographical location: it is rooted in place. The presence in place of these cosmopolitan transnational elites means a number

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of 'contact zones' are created in the global cities they place themselves in. In the case of transnational cosmopolitans, their contact zones are both experienced in the social as well as the spatial realm. Cosmopolitanism can be seen as its own culture, and so a source for identity-making for expatriates.

2.6.1 Cosmopolitanism as culture

Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt (2018) argue that cosmopolitanism acts as a culture in its own right upon which expatriates source their sense of identity and belonging. By defining oneself as a 'non-national', they downplay “national affiliations and cultural differences” whilst at the same time “marking national identity categories and 'cultural features' to maintain the difference they collectively embrace.” (pp. 129) This collective difference is embraced, but It does not mean that everyone who is classified as 'other' than the local culture is included in this collective difference. Key to a 'cosmopolitan us' (in expat culture) is drawing boundaries that distinguish between transnationals expats and national (mono) culture. Expats are cosmopolitan elites (Beaverstock, 2005, Sklair, 2000). Their cosmopolitan identities are not identities absent from a culture: it is its own culture. (Calhoun, 2003) Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt (2018) reject the idea that “a cosmopolitan identity is seen as an expression of selfhood that transcends cultural identity and collective belonging.” (pp. 129) They approach cosmopolitanism as a 'cultural identity discourse.'

Beck & Sznaider (2006) argue that one can have both a national identity and a cosmopolitan identity at the same time. Beck (2002: 29) argues further for 'rooted cosmopolitanism', as people and their cosmopolitan identities are always socially and geographically situated. Rooted cosmopolitanism can thus be observed in contexts where cultural encounters take place, like global cities. (Delanty, 2006, Beck & Sznaider, 2006)

The idea of 'cosmopolitan' meaning a global, openminded non-national who transcends cultural worlds is disputed by Calhoun (2003), as 'it is impossible not to belong to social groups, relations or culture.' Being cosmopolitan thus does not mean having no social affiliation, but affiliations that are shaped differently. As Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt (2018) argue, “the cosmopolitan identity formation can involve embracing multiple affiliations” or cultures. (pp. 133) This identity is made together with others, socially and relationally, “through acts of internal definition and external differentiation drawing on shared cultural resources.” (pp. 135)

2.6.2 Expat culture and 'expat bubble'

In line of the classic work of Anderson (1983), the previous paragraph shows that cosmopolitanism and expat culture are imagined communities. These encounters of difference in the 'contact zones' (Yeoh & Willis, 2005) spark expats to fortify their sense of security and belonging, by creating an expat bubble. Edensor (2002) explains how 'becomingness' of a national identity whilst not being in that nation is a process partially made of acts of 'othering', by drawing borders around what is considered being 'us' and being 'them'. Katie Walsh (2009) discusses this 'becomingness' as a sense of belonging, by exploring narratives of emotions in British expats in Dubai. She argues that 'hope, wrapped up with desire' is a pre-requisite by liking and being interested, which are caught up in a sense of attachment. Walsh' notion of emotion, more specifically hope, is closely linked to sense of belonging, which as a term itself is full of emotions. She explains how a sense of attachment is necessary for expats to live somewhere foreign – be it through an interest in the localities, or to the Western expat community present there, by highlighting their British identity through 'othering'. If hope constitutes of an interest, and then results in further 'rootedness' or belonging, it has both

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spatial as well as temporal aspects. (Ngai, 2005)

The notion of 'expatriate' has much in common with the notion of 'third culture kids' (Moore & Barker, 2012). Expat culture can be similarly explained as a process of intercultural adaptation: “individuals upon relocating into an unfamiliar cultural environment, establish (or re-establish) and maintain a relatively stable, reciprocal and functional relationship with the environment.” (Kim, 2002: 200)

2.6.3 Expat partners, gender & emotional labour

The presence of expat culture and ‘bubble’ is especially relevant to expat partners. In many cases, one partner will be offered work in a foreign country, and the other partner will move with them. These ‘trailing spouses’ sometimes find work of their own, but in either case they are paired with the difficult emotional task of finding their ‘becomingness’ in a foreign place. They (initially) might not be working, and so have to find their sense of attachment and community elsewhere. This position of emotional labour they find themselves in is that of a white elite that is in a specific gendered position:

No matter how much spatial mobility or border crossing may characterise transnational actors' household, community and place-making practices, the actors are still classed, raced and gendered bodies in motion in specific historical contexts, within certain political formations and spaces. (Smith, 2005: 238)

These expat spouses fall into a unique 'position' in transnational studies, as their mobility and place-making practices are very visibly interlinked with their 'classed, raced and gendered bodies'. Levitt and Glick Schiller (2004) specifically recognise transnational families as actively shaping transnational social fields, as “child raising actively shapes' families' journeys and the spaces they move in.” (pp. 1016) School choice specifically is recognised as an act of social reproduction. According to Ball and Nikita (2014), the global aspect of international schools calls for further research on placing school choice within frameworks of mobility and transnationalism. Previous research on migration, (eg Brah, 1996; George, 2005; Parreñas, 2001) has shown how transnational migration is very gendered, and shapes and changes mens and womens lives differently. Bao (1998) discusses how, in migration, men and women 'inhabit different social spaces and networks', which they reconstruct for themselves in socially in varying regional and national contexts, as well as in relation to work, home, and community. Pauline Leonard (2008) discusses the construction and performance of identity by British expat women, and how studies of migration act as a “point of access to the ways that categories of whiteness, nationality, and gender” operate. (pp. 48) Alisdair Rogers (2004) also argues that gender or the family are important social themes, and should not be overlooked, as they (also) persist in the lives of transnationals.

Previous case studies in Beijng (Arieli, 2007) and Singapore (Lundström, 2012) explore how (Western) expatriate partners struggle with a sense of an unfair 'patriarchal bargain'. They halt or interrupt their personal social life and career, and thus become economically and socially dependent on their husbands. However, they also get to live a privileged lifestyle, as an elite. Companies that send out their employees to work as expats encourage them to take their families, “under the premise that families guarantee a social and practical support system.” (Büchele, 2018) They experience a sense of unfairness, as there exists an assumption that their husbands are given a 'ready-made' social life, because they start their work as soon as they arrive, and get absorbed into a local social setting immediately. These new conditions they move to, like the division of labour, are often at odds with their personal and cultural ideals of work, gender and class equality. (Lundström,

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2012) It requires these trailing spouses a type of 'emotional labour'; the 'task of being content.' (Arieli, 2007)

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3

Research Design & Methods

In the following chapter, the chosen methods for investigating the topic at hand are introduced, along with some crucial background information for both the case of Hong Kong and Amsterdam. The external validity of this research is discussed, as well as considerations towards some of the ethical issues when doing empirical research.

Taking a grounded approach towards transnational belonging, the concept of sense of belonging is researched through the key concept of everyday life and practices. Within these social-spatial practices, several ‘contact zones’ (Yeoh & Willis, 2005) can be identified. These social fields all have an impact on social-spatial practices and how expats may be typologised, which in return influences transnational sense of belonging. These concepts are also further operationalised in the item list for the semi-structured interviews.

3.1 Research questions

The main question leading my research will be:

How do British expat couples experience and/or produce a transnational sense of belonging through their social-spatial practices in Hong Kong and Amsterdam?

This main research question is aided by three sub-questions:

1. How do social-spatial factors shape the social-spatial practices performed by British expat couples in Amsterdam and Hong Kong?

2. How and in what way can these social-spatial practices be typologised as culturalist, cosmopolitan, or imperialist?

3. How do their social-spatial practices and the expat typologies inform or shape their sense of belonging?

3.2 Setting the scene

3.2.1 Background Hong Kong

Hong Kong is a city region in eastern Asia, with a population of 7.482 million. (Census Department HK, 2017) Its official name is Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, often shortened to HKSAR. It is a special administrative region of China, but has its own legislative, executive and judicial power under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle. From 1841 until 1997, Hong Kong was part of the British Empire. The British gained rule of Hong Kong after winning the First Opium War in the early 1800s. In 1984, the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed by Premier Zhao Ziyang of the People's Republic of China and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom. The details of this agreement were in accordance with the ‘one country, two systems’ principle, and meant that Hong Kong would maintain a high degree of autonomy for 50 years, until 2047. The handover was followed on 30 June 1997, with the last governor of Hong Kong, Chris Patten, sailing off on the HMY Britannia together with Prince Charles from the Central harbourfront. The handover is also referred to as 'wuiguai' in Cantonese, meaning 'return', and is viewed by many as the end of the British empire. (Tsang, 2004)

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As an important harbour with a strategic location in eastern Asia, under British rule Hong Kong grew to become one of the key trade harbours and financial hubs. It is home to many regional offices of international banks and other multi-national companies. It also has one of the busiest and largest container ports in the world. As one of the most influential cities in the world, it ranks 5th_on

the Global Cities Index. (ATKearney, 2019)

Colonial Hong Kong was one of the most popular destinations for skilled expatriates, mostly from the UK and other Western countries The influx of skilled expatriates continued until the 1997 handover (Findlay & Li, 1998). Yeoh & Willis (2005) estimate that around the time of the 1997 handover, there were around 16,000 British people living in Hong Kong. In present day the British make up the largest European population in Hong Kong, with 35,069 registrations, according to Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department (2017). Despite Hong Kong’s long-standing status as a dream expat destination, only 4,6% of the total population are of foreign nationality, and a large part of this percentage is made up of foreign domestic workers from Indonesia and the Philippines. According to HSBC Expat data (2018), 43% of expats in Hong Kong are from Europe. The majority, 55%, are between ages of 35 and 54, and 37% have children. Of immigrants in Hong Kong, 62% is over the age of 35, with 38% between the ages of 18 and 34.2

3.2.2 Background Amsterdam

Amsterdam is the capital of the Netherlands and has a population of 863,202. (CBS, 2019) In recent years, Amsterdam has established itself as a global city, ranking 20th_{on the Global Cities Index.}

(ATKearney, 2019) Over 2500 international companies have set up offices in Amsterdam in mostly the creative and IT industries, but also finance. These companies account for around 15% of employment in the region. (Foreign Investment Agency of the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area, 2015) This high number of multi-national corporations means a relative high volume of highly skilled migrants, or expats, live in Amsterdam. In some neighbourhoods in the area, the concentration of expats can be as high as 20%. (Bontje et al., 2009)

Census data from 2012-2016 shows that immigration from outside of the Netherlands to Amsterdam are mainly people in their twenties and thirties. (CBS, 2019) Over 45% of expats3_{in the Netherlands}

are between 18 and 40, and only 8% is over 50. A quarter of all expats in the country are either German or British. Dutch census data shows that as of 2017, there were 11,535 British people living in the Amsterdam metropolitan area. (CBS, 2019)

It is currently a tumultuous time for British people living in the Netherlands, as they stand to lose their EU citizenship. Following the 2015 general elections, Conservative Party leader David Cameron held his campaign promise and held a referendum on the UK’s EU membership. 52% of the voters voted Leave, prompting Cameron to step down as Prime Minister. He was succeeded by Theresa May, who invoked article 50 on 29 March 2017, announcing the UK’s definite departure. The actual date of the departure has been under constant discussion, including many referenda to cancel Brexit

2_{The Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department has not published any information on (British) expats, besides} some general census data. A report on ethnic minorities does exist (Census and Statistics Department Hong Kong, 2017) but this classifies British within a larger category of 'Whites' and is mostly focused on data on domestic helpers.

3_{The CBS defines expats as “someone who was born and grew up in another country, who usually makes more than} a regular employee, often works at a international orientated company, is highly qualified, does not have the intention to settle permanently in the Netherlands and does not (or barely) identify with the Netherlands and Dutch values.” but for measurability reasons, they could only account for the first two aspects in their data. (CBS, 2015, pp. 4)

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and retract article 50 altogether. As it currently stands, the Brexit ‘due date’ has been delayed until October 31, 2019. The tumult of Brexit and the inability of the British government to agree on a Brexit-deal lead to Theresa May to resign as leader of the Conservative Party and as Prime Minister on May 24th_{, relinquishing her position on June 7}th_{. (Blitz, Hughes & Brunsden, 24 May 2019)}

Depending on the type of Brexit-deal the United Kingdom will make with the European Union, the UK departure from the EU will at the very least mean complications for British citizens living in Amsterdam. They will cease to be EU citizens which will implicate their residence permits, but also their social standing as Brits abroad. (Minto et al., 2016, Schrauwen, 2017, Benton et al., 2018)

3.3 Case study selection

The population in my research is British expatriate couples in global cities. ‘Expatriates’ can be defined as 'highly skilled migrants' (Amsterdam Economic Board, 2014). There is a specific focus on British migrants, as historically the British were one of the key imperialists, colonialising much of the world. Currently, the UK does not have any colonies, though its imperial mark can still be found across its former colonies. Some are still part of the Commonwealth, and recognise the British queen, whereas some other countries still have recognisable elements of British culture. A key remnant of British imperialism is the global widespread use of the English language. (Phillipson, 2010)

In recent history, the British are of interest because of Brexit: the UK is set to leave the European Union on October 31st_{, 2019. (Blitz, Hughes & Brunsden, 24 May 2019) British nationals living in EU}

countries stand to lose their EU citizenship, and thus their residence permit in EU countries. As it is unclear yet exactly how these new residence permits will be regulated in the Netherlands, the British people in these EU countries are living with this uncertainty and knowledge their British national identity will change to no longer include EU citizenship.

In both the case of former British colonies as well as EU countries, British highly skilled migrants in these places are faced with an interesting issue. In the case of Amsterdam, the diplomatic rug that is their residence permit has been pulled out from underneath them. This leaves them in a sort of limbo as to where they stand in regard to their locality, which is now no longer a secure base. Even in the case of former colonies like Hong Kong, where the nature of their visa is not under deliberation, they are still located in a place that, because of the previous British rule, resembles much of what they consider to be British.

The population of British expat couples was researched by comparison of two case studies: Hong Kong and Amsterdam. 'Britishness' in the context of Hong Kong is very much shaped by histories of colonialism and imperialism. The handover of Hong Kong in 1997 was seen by many as the end of the British Empire. (Tsang, 2004) In the context of Amsterdam, this 'Britishness' is of interest because the UK has long had a strong bond with the Netherlands, for both political and economic reasons. (Ashton and Hellema, 2001) The announcement of Brexit and the looming UK departure from the EU, however, put pressure on the juxtaposition of the British in Amsterdam, especially as the future outcome of Brexit is still unclear. (Henley, 2017; Van Unen, 2018; Hunt and Wheeler, 2018) Because of these reasons, the focus is on just the British, and expat couples of mixed backgrounds and cultures (eg a British husband and Chinese wife, or a Brit and a German), are excluded.

Both Hong Kong and Amsterdam are considered to be global cities and are seen as important hubs in the world economy (Sassen, 2001, Beaverstock et al., 2012) As a result of this, both cities have been attracting highly-skilled migrants for a long time. This attraction is multi-dimensional. The cities’ magnetism is not only defined by its economy, but also by its liveability, environment, and

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cultural interaction, amongst others. (ATKearney, 2019) The global ranking of both cities may be what attracts highly skilled migrants, but it is their lives that takes place in the city which shapes their practices, and thus their sense of belonging. This research aims to test three categories of expats, categorised on their interaction with and interest in the city they are in. The city’s context and environment might stimulate or affect the expats’ social life and experience. Selecting Hong Kong and Amsterdam as cases is then a choice for a social-spatial approach towards the research. Following the official term for expats as 'highly skilled migrants' (Amsterdam Economic Board, 2014), the respondents are highly skilled knowledge workers, who moved to Hong Kong or Amsterdam for work initially, without the intent to stay permanently (though this intent may have changed after arriving).

Following techniques as explained by Yin (2009), this research takes on a multiple case design, by initially writing the individual case reports as narratives of both cities. This is then followed by a cross-case comparison and conclusion. These conclusions can then be utilised to modify or add to existing theory. As a multiple case research, the aim is to investigate the social-spatial practices of British expat couples in Hong Kong and Amsterdam, to further the theory by Yeoh & Willis (2005) beyond the post-colonial narrative, by widening this narrative by including cities that are not former colonies.

3.4 Conceptual scheme

The conceptual understanding that emerges from the theoretical framework is visualised in Figure 1. The conceptual scheme forms a base for the case study research. It shows that the eight social-spatial factors that are thought to shape and influence social-social-spatial practices as (groups of) independent variables. These social-spatial practices then can be typologized into three categories of expats. These expat typologies are thought to influence the main dependent variable transnational sense of belonging. The context of the city influences the social-spatial practices performed, but also influences the transnational sense of belonging on its own.

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Figure 1 A conceptual scheme that explains how social-spatial practice is shaped by socio-spatial factors and the city's context, and then can be typologized using three categories of expats which inform transnational sense of belonging.

3.5 Operationalisation of concepts

3.5.1 Transnational sense of belonging

In this research the concept of sense of belonging is, to state it briefly, defined as rootedness. This rootedness can be to a specific location, but also more symbolically to a shared origin, nationality or cosmopolitan values. Sense of belonging can be present at different times in different places for each respondent. It is a concept very strongly linked to emotion, and in this research, it is also operationalised by feelings of hope and desire to belong somewhere, but also of sadness when a lack of rootedness is experienced. It is also operationalised by inquiring where home is for the respondent, what home means to them, and if they feel at home where they are.

3.5.2 Socio-spatial practices

The first leg of my research will be determining the various social-spatial factors which shape the social-spatial practices. These social-spatial factors are shown in the conceptual scheme discussed previously as social life and community, mindset, family status, gender, work, age or generation, duration of stay, and residential practices.

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The first section of these social-spatial factors can be defined as contact zones, as explained previously by the work of Yeoh & Willis (2005):

We take ‘contact zones’ to denote both a sense of embodied presence within geographical space as well as a social and cultural metaphor. The concept insists on analysis of everyday encounters and everyday experiences of sameness and difference and provides a ‘grounded epistemic optic’ (Smith 2001: 98) to view globalisation and transnationalism, one which is particularly useful in allowing us to adjust the focal length to zoom in on relations and transactions across boundaries. (pp 271)

Specifically, the contact zones are operationalised in this research through everyday life practices where cultural difference may be experienced.

Social life and community are broad concepts, as they refer to all aspects of a respondent’s social life. This is operationalised by enquiring about friends and social circles, and how one came to meet them. There is also a specific focus on the social life of an expatriate, by enquiring into memberships of expat sports teams, cultural or social associations.

Mindset can be operationalised by a respondents’ attitude towards their life in the city. It is the way they approached the move to the city, but also their view on being there: i.e. were they happy, sad, excited, or nervous to move, and are they still? This demeanour is also operationalised by whether or not they like or enjoy their life there, and if they are positive about a future there.

Family status refers to what kind of relationship the expat couples are in: are they in a (long-term) relationship, engaged, or married? It is also operationalised in regard to whether or not they have children. Key to this is also whether their children are of school-going age, and if they live with them in the city. If the respondents have children of school-going age, the process of finding and applying for the school is also discussed.

Gender is operationalised primarily through the differing gender roles taken on by the expat couples. Interview questions referring to how the tasks in the household are divided, or who if there is a sole income-bringer. Based on the work of Lundström (2012), having a household helper or cleaner is also an important element of gender roles in the lives of expats. Therefore, questions in regard to how a household works are followed up by questions in regard to any household help.

Work, or labour, is operationalised firstly by employment status. The type of work and its seniority is also of importance, as well as the length of employment. It is also operationalised in regard to the expat status: was the respondent sent out on an expat assignment, did they stay with the same company or did they leave their past job behind to start their current one? Work can also include voluntary or unpaid work.

Beyond these contact zones, there are also other factors which influence social-spatial practices. These are fairly straightforward, like age and generation. They can also be more complex, like residential practices. This is operationalised by asking which neighbourhood a respondent chooses to live, if they rent or buy, how they found their home, why they chose to live in the area and if they considered any other areas. Specific requirements (like price or type of house) for a place to live in are also important, as well as future wishes of residential practices. Duration of stay is very simple: how long an expat couple has lived in the city. But the intent to stay is also incorporated here, asking how long they would like to stay, and where they see themselves in the future.

3.5.3 Typologies of social-spatial practices

These social-spatial factors are then analysed and used to typologise three types of social-spatial practices in expats: the culturalist, the cosmopolitan, and the imperialist.

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and take an active role to integrate, and often adjust their length of stay to be longer or even indefinite. A key element is also that their efforts have been accepted by the locals, a precondition for acculturation.

The colonialist (Yeoh & Willis, 2005) or cosmopolitan (Skovgaard-Smith & Poulfelt, 2018) is also interested, but they are not comfortable, or they are not able to acculture, due to the differences encountered in the several contact zones. These differences are responded to by the expats themselves, the locals, or both. The local response rejection by locals, or a feeling of too much difference by the expat themselves, or both. These encounters of difference places them in an 'expat bubble', in which they are comfortable. This enables them to be a 'citizen of the world', as they can go anywhere and feel grounded in this expat bubble.

The imperialist is only interested in the foreign in relation to Britishness. Their views are through a British (imperial) lens, which may come off as stubborn or arrogant, but also as seeing opportunities to 'save' or 'improve' the local culture. This does imply an underlying power relation, which they themselves might not be actively aware of. There is no mutual response of acceptance or rejection with locals, as interaction with locals is minimal.

3.6 Data collection

In order to answer the research questions, the analysis will be based on qualitative, empirical data collected through qualitative, semi-structed interviews. In-depth interviewing will give an insight into the respondents' social world, how they identify themselves in this world, and their subjective opinions on the matter. (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015: 27)

Semi-structured interviewing involves an interview guide, rather than a list of interview questions. It is composed of general themes with a few open questions. The respondent's trail of thought is encouraged by listening attentively, asking further questions, and deliberate pauses to encourage the respondent to go into further detail. This method means that the answers given by the respondent are a product of their own thoughts and opinions. It is therefore not an objective portrayal of the case, as respondents' personal experiences and opinions do not speak for the case of all British expats in Hong Kong and Amsterdam. However, interviewing several British expats in both cities with unique life stories and experiences gives the possibility to compare the nuances between their stories.

A subject like sense of belonging can be very private to people. When dealing with these kinds of topics, it is important to recognise the ethical issues with how the interviews are carried out. Brinkmann and Kvale (2015) explain how the interviewer needs to both be considerate towards the respondent and their answers as well as be brave enough to ask more prying questions. This has been taken into consideration by opting for very open questions, such as 'where is home for you?', allowing the respondent to interpret the concept of home for themselves and thereby indicate how they approach the notion of home.

The interviews were semi-structured, and guided by the interviewer as more of a conversation, to allow for participant listening with an 'ethnographic imaginary' (Gerard Forsey, 2010: 567) This type of interviewing is possible when the interviewer is familiar with the social context in which the interview takes place. (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995)

In this research, I am myself very familiar with the social context in which the conversation takes place. Having lived in the UK for several years, I am at home in British culture and its nuances in language. In the case of Hong Kong, as a visiting exchange student, I also fell into the same social

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category of 'foreign temporaries' as the British expats I interviewed.

Taking this 'ethnographic imaginary' interviewing approach allows the interviewer to ask about a specific significant experience from the point of view of the respondent, rather than to enquire about specific facts and information. This allows the respondents to talk in their own terms about themselves and their social world. Hastrup (2004) explains how for this to work, it is necessary that both parties in the interview are present in this same shared social space. Even in interviews where I was more on the periphery in this social space, I could still assume a degree of mutual understanding of transnational life, related to British culture, people and networks amongst these groups of expats in Hong Kong and Amsterdam.

This research is ethnographic in the way that it pays attention to social life and the location where this social life takes place. This follows an approach of relational knowing of this social space, which is grounded in experience. This approach implies a very fine-tuned ethnographic practice, which goes beyond thick description of the social world. It interacts with a social world with sensibility and alertness to this world's uniqueness and intricacy, and by interpreting the lived social worlds. (Hastrup, 2005)

This interpretative ethnographic practice implies an emic approach, as it takes the point of view of British people who are socially situated in the expat community. At the heart of it is how they make sense of and experience their social world.

With this emic approach, it is important to be aware of the fact that one can never completely remove themselves as an interview from one's own cultural views. It is therefore important to note a possible personal bias, and how the respondents' answers are viewed within this possible bias. This awareness should translate to a constant attempt to understand and analyse respondents' answers and comments from their own point of view as much as possible.

Key to my research and the interviews conducted is that it is the respondent’s narrative of their personal experiences, not an inquiry into general information of the world they situate themselves in. For such an interview, the mutual social context is of importance, as this only works if the respondent is present in their 'social space'. (Hastrup, 2004)

These interviews are in line with the ethical sensitivities as identified by Bryman (2004). Every interview was started off with an introduction to the project and its aims, and where the final project would be published. Besides the ethical considerations, this is also to inform the respondents of the context and aims of the interview. It also confirmed that the respondents' identity would be kept anonymous, as well as the possibility to receive a copy of the final research project to give the respondents the possibility to confirm the accuracy of their transcribed interviews. Throughout this research project and the transcribed interviews, pseudonyms are used and any facts and statements leading to their identification have been taken out.

As a starting point, personal contacts were used to find the first few respondents. From there, the 'snowball-sampling' procedure was used, which is reliant on social networks. (Hoyle et al., 2002, Noy, 2008)

3.7 Data analysis

The qualitative interviews provided a vast amount of data. To analyse this rich data, the interviews were firstly transcribed, after which the narratives were analysed in Atlas.ti.

The transcribed data was coded twice, in two different processes in line with the operationalisation of concepts.

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First, the interviews were coded with regards to the social-spatial factors indicated in the research design which they referred to. In this way, an overview of which factors were most discussed came to the fore as 'the research puzzles arising in the field' (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995). This so-called ‘open-coding’ is important, as to recognise what is essential in the understanding of the highly skilled migrant. It gives a clear comparison between Amsterdam and Hong Kong.

Secondly, the data was coded with regards to the main concepts culturalist, colonialist (or cosmopolitan), and imperialist. Sections of the interviews that could be identified as being part of one of these concepts, according to the operationalisation, were labelled as such.

3.8 Demography of respondents

Hong Kong respondents Name Time in

HK Age Marital status Occupation Former occupation in UK

Neighbourhood

Annie 20

months 63 Married (with adult children) Unemployed Working in local council Kennedy Town Stella 5 years 53 Married (with

adult children) Unemployed Primary school teacher Sheung Wan Heidi 10

months 49 Married (with one 12-year-old daughter and two adult children)

Unemployed Human rights

lawyer Pok Fu Lam

Cathy 4 years 63 Married Unemployed Telephone advisor in healthcare

Tung Chung

Nathalie 5 years 55 Married (with two adult children)

English teacher and

dyslexia tutor English teacher Sai Ying Pun Jane &

Eric 3.5 years 32 & 35 Married (with a new born baby)

Physiotherapist & High school English teacher

Same Tseung Kwan O

village, New Territories

Amanda 8 years 61 Long-term

relationship Unemployed Worked at a large bank Sai Ying Pun Jennifer 11

months 54 Married (with two adult children)

Children’s author Same Discovery Bay

Pamela 16

months 55 Married (with two adult children, both

Unemployed Personal

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24 living in HK) Amsterdam respondents Name Time in Amsterd am

Age Marital status Occupation Former

occupation Neighbourhood Kimberley 2 years 28 Engaged Content editor for

fashion brand Content editor for a university De West Baarsjes,

Lucy 3 years 30 Married Owner of

recruitment agency Recruiter Jordaan

John 15

months 24 In a long-term relationship Recruiter Student Buitenveldert Jen &

Charlie 7 years 29 & 32 In a long-term relationship English teacher & assistant professor Au-pair & tour guide Indische Buurt, Oost George 9 years 40 Married with 2

children (both under 5)

Associate professor Academic lecturer & researcher

Leiden

Charlotte 1.5 years 36 In a long-term

relationship Pharmacist Same Helmersbuurt, West Ellen 5.5 years 58 Married (with

4 adult

children)

Unemployed English teacher De Pijp

Beth 1.5 years 40 Married (with one 1.5-year-old)

Unemployed / Stay

at home mother High mathematics school teacher

Buitenveldert

3.9 Methodological reflections

Within the research conducted, there are certain boundaries set as well as active choices that have been made which might affect the result of the project. It is crucial to be aware of such limitations and delimitations in order to keep a critical stance towards the empirical material and the outcome of the analysis.

One of such limitations is linked to the respondents, who were mostly found through social networks and snowball-sampling. This meant that many of the respondents were, to some extent, connected, or were of a similar age group. The effort to reach out to diverse interviewees proved unsuccessful, thus limiting the scope of the empirical data collected. However, as indicated earlier in the research design, the census data available for both cities shows that the respondents are fairly representative of the population (ie older generation in Hong Kong and younger generation in Amsterdam).

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3.10 External validity

In this research, the emphasis is on the personal experiences of expats in Hong Kong and Amsterdam. This means this research operates at the micro-level, whilst recognising the transnationality of these expats’ lives. By focusing on the micro-level, this research aims to dispute the notion that the life of an expat is not strongly tied to local space. The conclusions drawn from this research refer to a population of British expatriates in these two particular cities. However, the findings might also be of interest in regard to the discussion of British expats in global cities, or ‘Britishness’ abroad more generally.

British expats make for a unique case in a population of expats because of the imperial history of the United Kingdom. The two cases are both global cities, one being a former British colony and the other the capital of an EU country. In this regard, this research could add to discussions of post-colonialism and British imperialism, but also to those around British and EU citizenship.