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Relation between upward social comparison and depressive feelings in young adolescents with low levels of self-esteem

Masterthesis Orthopedagogiek Pedagogische en onderwijswetenschappen

Universiteit van Amsterdam Name student: Isabella Busser

Student number: 10594914 University of Amsterdam

Assessor: Cisem Gurel Second assessor: Karen Fischer

Date: 24-07-2020 Words: 6809

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Abstract

Depression is the most prevalent health problem in the world. Depressive feelings among young adolescent could stem in part from upward social comparison. Individuals with low levels of self-esteem are more susceptible for upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Previous researchers suggested that low levels of self-esteem could influence the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Therefore, this study examined the relation between upward social comparison and depressive feelings, while looking for a moderating role of levels of self-esteem in adolescents aged 11-13. I hypothesized that there is a negative relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings and that it would be stronger among those with lower levels of self-esteem. while controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, results showed that upward social comparisons leads to depressive feelings among young adolescents. Levels of self-esteem do not seem to moderate these findings, which means that the relation between upward social comparison and depressive feelings, does not differ for adolescents with high or low levels of self-esteem.

Keywords: depressive feelings, young adolescents, self-esteem, upward social comparison, moderation analysis.

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Contents Introduction………3 Method……….10 Participants………...10 Procedure………. 11 Materials………...11 Data analysis………12 Results ………..13 Preliminary Analysis………13 Main Analyses………..13 Discussion………14 Theoretical implications………...15

Practical and clinical implications………17

Strengths, limitations and future research ………...17

Conclusion………...18

References………...20

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Relation between upward social comparison and depressive feelings in young adolescents: Moderator role of self-esteem

Depression is the most prevalent health problem in the world (Global Burden of Disease Study, 2015). Worldwide more than 300 million people suffer from depression. Depressive feelings seem to increase over the last twenty years (Collishaw, Maughan,

Natarajan & Pickles, 2010). Worldwide almost 20% of the people will experience depressive feelings during childhood or adolescence (Cohen et al., 1993). In the Netherlands 4% of adolescents suffer from extreme depressive feelings (Kenniscentrum kinder- en

jeugdpsychiatrie, n.d.). Depressive feelings make adolescents enjoy his or her daily life less, make them feel gloomy and harm his or her motivation (Kouros & Garber, 2014). On the long term extreme depressive feelings during adolescence are associated with suicidal risk and morbidity (Thapar, Collishaw, Pine, & Thapar, 2012).

Depressive feelings could stem, in part, from upward social comparisons (Appel, Crusius & Gerlach, 2015), which refers to comparisons with people who are better off at some characteristics then themselves (Festinger, 1954; Gerber, Wheeler & Suls, 2018; Wheeler, 1966). Such information may impact how people perceive themselves (de Vries & Kühne, 2015). Previous work showed that upward social comparisons are related to

depressive feelings (Butzer & Kuiper, 2006; Liu, Zhou, Yang., Niu, Tian, & Fan, 2017). Some individuals are more susceptible to depressive feelings as well as to upward social comparisons. This can be attributed to the individuals’ levels of self-esteem. Levels of self-esteem can influence the quantity of upward social comparisons (Buunk & Gibbons, 2007). For example, individuals with low levels of self-esteem compare themselves more often to others than individuals with high levels of self-esteem (Buunk & Gibbons, 2007). Additionally, they have a higher chance of developing depressive feelings (Crocker & Schwartz, 19985). Contrarily, individuals with high levels of self-esteem use social

comparisons in a more self-serving way (Dijkstra, Kuyper, van der Werf, Buunk & van der Zee, 2008). Furthermore, high levels of self-esteem can lower the chances of depressive feelings (Crocker & Schwartz, 1985). Thus, self-esteem might moderate the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings in young adolescents. In this study, I examined the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings among young adolescents. I hypothesized that there is a negative relation between upward social

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comparisons and depressive feelings. Next, I examined if self-esteem moderates the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Hereby I hypothesized that this negative relationship would be stronger among young adolescents with lower levels of self-esteem.

Upward Social Comparisons

People have social interactions on a daily base. These social interactions provide information to compare ourselves to the accomplishments, lifestyles and characteristics of others (Festinger, 1954). People are motivated to compare his or her characteristics to those of others (Festinger, 1954). People can compare themselves to friends, colleagues or people on television or in the newspapers (Krayer, Ingledow & Iphofen, 2007). According to the Social Comparison Theory social comparisons involve downward social comparisons and upward social comparisons (Festinger, 1954). Downward social comparisons refer to comparisons with people who are worse off than oneself at certain characteristics, whereas upward social comparisons refer to comparisons with people who are better off at some characteristics (Festinger, 1954; Gerber et al., 2018).

Social comparisons might be especially consequential in adolescence (Dijkstra et al., 2008). At age 13 and 14, 80% of the adolescents use social comparisons as an information source for self-evaluation (Dijkstra et al., 2008). Following a school transition from elementary to secondary school, pupils reevaluate their competences, given his or her new social comparison group (Feldlaufer, Midgley, & Eccles, 1988).

When young adolescents enter secondary school, they attach much value to their peer context and they compare themselves to their peers (Kroger as cited in Krayer et al., 2007). Through social comparisons, adolescents affirm his or her sense of achievements (Kroger as cited in Krayer et al., 2007; Wood, 1989). Adolescents use social comparisons for the purpose of self-evaluation to develop their self-concept (Wood, 1989). For instance, while using social comparisons adolescents can evaluate his or her abilities and characteristics (Wood, 1989). Adolescents learn how to explore the limits of his or her abilities and to set their boundaries (Krayer et al., 2007).

Adolescents prefer to use upward social comparisons, especially following a school transition (Ruble & Seidman, 1996). When entering a new social environment, individuals use upward social comparisons to assess the expectations of his or her new social

environment (Lockwood, Shaughnessy, Fortune & Tong, 2012). The Phase Model of Transitions (Ruble as cited in Chartrand, Ruble & Trope, 2001) showed that during

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their new social environment. The focus in this period is on searching for information to define the features and procedures of the tasks that belong to the new social environment (Chartrand, Ruble, & Trope, 2001). Upward social comparisons can be useful in helping pupils to identify the expectations of their new social environment and can helps to decide whether they are meeting these expectations (Chartrand et al., 2001). In novel social environments individuals might seek for information of their upward social comparisons target to identify which goals they have to strive successfully for (Lockwood et al., 2012). So, young adolescents are trying to seek for information to see how they perform in comparison with his or her new social environment (Chartrand et al., 2001)

Thereby, engaging in upward social comparisons during a transition to a new environment can harness the motivation to achieve new desirable outcomes (Lockwood, Sadler, Fyman, & Tuck, 2004). By using upward social comparisons adolescents know what knowledge their targets possess, which will help them to evaluate and improve their abilities (Ray, Neugebauer, Sassenberg, Buder & Hesse, 2013). Knowledge of how to improve themselves let adolescents strengthen their own feelings of efficacy, which leads to self-improvement (Dijkstra et al., 2008). When adolescents feel they are being outperformed by others, they will try to reduce this discrepancy (Higgins, 1987). So, it seems that adolescents use upward social comparisons for the purpose of acquiring information that is useful for his or her improvement and growth (Buunk, 1994). Studies in line with this perspective showed that young adolescents improved their grades significantly when they compared their grades to peers that performed better than they did (Blanton, Buunk, Gibbons & Kuyper, 1999). While using upward social comparisons performance of adolescents in class became closer to the performance of their target (Huguet, Dumas, Monteil & Genestoux, 2001; Lockwood & Kunda, 2000). This indicates that viewing the successes of others leads to higher personal standards and gets individuals motivated to improve (Huguet et al., 2001; Lockwood & Kunda, 2000).

In sum, upward social comparisons might be consequential in young adolescence. First, young adolescents use upward social comparisons during the transitions from elementary to secondary school. They seek for information to set new expectations and standards for their new social environment. Second, upward social comparisons during a transition to a new environment can harness the motivation. By using upward social comparisons young adolescents can strengthen their feelings of self-efficacy. Upward Social Comparisons and Depressive Feelings

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As said before, adolescents tend to make upward social comparisons (Buunk, 1994; Kroger as cited in Krayer et al., 2007). Although upward social comparisons can be

beneficial, it can also lead to inadequacy feelings and negative affect (Marsh & Parker, 1984), which can lead to depressive feelings in general. During adolescence, individuals are more vulnerable for depressive feelings, due to feelings of insecurity (Shapero, McClung, Bangasser, Abramsom & Alloy, 2017; Van Dijk, Branje, Keijsers, Hawk, Hale & Meeus, 2014).

Several theories described the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings, but different studies showed different perspectives. First, the cognitive theory of depression posits that negative judgements about ourselves is the key of depression (Orth, Robins & Roberts 2008). In accordance with this theory, various studies showed that individuals who suffer from depression often experience negatives feelings about themselves or feel disappointed in themselves (Beck, 1967). Negative self-evaluations are characteristic for depressive feelings (Beck, 1967). Multiple studies showed that when adolescents make upward social comparisons, this may lead to negative self-evaluations, low self-confidence, low feeling of well-being, and feelings of inadequacy (Tesser, Millar & Moore, 1988; Vogel, Rose, Roberts & Eckles, 2014). Such feelings can lead to increased depressive feelings (Bäzner, Brömer, Hammelstein & Meyer, 2006).

The second perspective is that upward social comparisons can lead to envy feelings (Salovey & Rodin, 1984; Smith & Kim, 2007). Several studies have found a positive relationship between envy and depression (Cohen-Charash, 2009). Studies in line with this theory showed that individuals make worse self-evaluations compared to his or her

comparisons target, which can lead to feelings of inferiority. When individuals localize the feelings of inferiority in themselves, this can cause depressive feelings (Cohen-Charash, 2009).

As mentioned above upward social comparisons can lead to depressive feelings. But upward social comparisons can not only cause depressive feelings, it can also sustain- and heighten these feelings (Ahrens & Alloy, 1997; Beck, Rush, Shaw & Emery, 1979). Beck et al. (1979) showed that upward social comparisons can sustain the negative self-evaluations of individuals with depressive feelings. Additionally, Ahrens and Alloy (1997) concluded that the depressive feelings can exacerbate because off being continuously exposed to social comparisons information. Subsequently, Swallow and Kuiper (1992) showed that individuals with depressive feelings interpret information from social comparisons in a less serving way

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than individuals without depressive feelings. Hereby, individuals with depressive feelings focus on the fact that others are better off than that they are (Swallow & Kuiper, 1992).

In general, people with depressive feelings compare themselves more often to others than people without depressive feelings do and tend to react more negatively in response to upward social comparisons information (Bäzner et al., 2006; Swallow & Kuiper, 1992). The relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings seems to start at young age. With age, individuals become more receptive for social comparisons information (Dijkstra et al., 2008). Preliminary work conducted in elementary schools showed that children used social comparisons information as the base for their achievements (Keil, McClintock, Kramer & Platow, 1990; Veroff, 1969). In line with these findings, Xiang, Lee and Williamson (2001) found that Chinese children (age 8-9) assess their achievements and abilities in terms of social comparisons (as cited in Dijkstra et al., 2008). Subsequently, Chua (2012) found that children (ages 10-12) who perceived themselves as inferior, experience higher levels of depressive feelings.

In summary, upward social comparisons can lead to, sustaining and extending

depressive feelings. The relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings starts at young age and seems to be there during lifetime.

Self-esteem as a moderator

Self-esteem refers to a global evaluation of oneself by looking at positive and negative feelings about oneself and is defined as an individual’s subjective evaluation of the worth as a person and the attitude towards oneself (Rosenberg, 1965; Steiger, Allemand, Robins & Fend, 2014). Self-esteem is identified by feelings of acceptance, respect and self-worth (Rosenberg, 1965). While assessing one’s self-esteem it’s about asking if the individual receives him- or herself as adequate.

People with high levels of self-esteem are characterized by high feelings of self-worth (Brown, Dutton & Cook, 2001; Patchin & Hinduja, 2010). They have positive feelings and appreciate their own personality traits and qualities (Brown et al., 2001). On the long term individuals with high levels of self-esteem have greater chances of academic achievements and job performances (Seaton et al., 2008). On the contrary, individuals with low levels of self-esteem are characterized by mildly positive feelings about themselves (Brown et al., 2001). On the long term they have higher chances of health problems, delinquency and poor psychological health, self-deprecation, and helplessness (Orth, Robins & Widaman, 2012). Self-esteem seems to be at its lowest level in early adolescence compared to other

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Robins, 2003). During the transition from elementary to secondary school, young adolescents experience many biological, cognitive and social changes that could adversely impact his or her self-esteem (Trzesnieuwski et al., 2003). In fact, school transitions are associated with a drop in the levels of self-esteem (Eccles & Midgley, 1990). Times of transitions are

characterized by constructing new definitions of given domains and assess individuals in these new standards (Ruble as cited in Chartrand, Ruble & Trope, 2001). In line with these findings, Feldlaufer et al. (1988) showed that following a school transition, students usually reevaluate his or her competences, given their new social comparisons groups. Consistent with these findings, several other studies showed that the levels of self-esteem are related to (upward) social comparisons (Bearman, Presnell, Martinez & Stice, 2006; Grabe, Ward & Hyde, 2008; Luan, Poorthuis, Hutteman, Asendorpf, Denissen & Aken, 2017; Morin,

Maiano, Marsh, Nagengast & Janosz, 2013). A study by Dijkstra et al. (2008) showed that in secondary school, adolescents get on a daily base, confronted with extensive sources of social comparison (e.g., reward systems, report cards). Individuals with low levels of self-esteem are more vulnerable to social comparisons information than individuals with high levels of self-esteem. Thereby, individuals with low levels of self-esteem seek for verification of his or her negative self-views by the use of upward social comparisons, which can lead to further degradation. Conversely, adolescents with high levels of self-esteem can see their upward social comparison target, as inspiring and these adolescents expect they can reach the same goals (Mussweiler, Rüter, & Epstude, 2004).

Other studies showed that peers become more important for reliance and approval for adolescents (Luan et al., 2017; Morin et al., 2013; Murray, Holmes, & Griffin, 2000). Peers play a central role in the development of self-views by using social comparisons (Sebastian, Burnett, & Blakemore, 2008). Adolescents want to be part of a peer group and to be

appreciated by others (Yurgelun-Todd, 2007). By making upward social comparisons

adolescents learn how to behave like their peers to fit in peer groups (Marsh, Hau, & Craven, 2004). For example, in China, social comparisons are seen as necessary for good behavior (Marsh et al., 2004). Thus, upward social comparisons can lead to both high and low levels of self-esteem. For example, adolescents who show the awaited behavior of their peers, feel accepted by their peers and belong into peer groups. Adolescents who belong to peer groups have higher levels of self-esteem (Laible, Carlo, & Roesch, 2004). On the other hand, adolescents who do not show the awaited behavior of their peers, may receive low levels of acceptance from their peers which can lead to low levels of self-esteem (Shroff, &

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Thompson, 2006). Additionally, individuals with low levels of self-esteem are vulnerable for rejection (Murray et al., 2000; Murray, Bellavia, Holmes, & Kusche, 2002).

The consequences of low levels of self-esteem can be major. Adolescents with low levels of self-esteem are more vulnerable to internalizing problems like extreme depressive feelings (Bajaj, Robins, & Pande, 2016; Millings, Buck, Montgomery, Spears, & Stallard, 2012; Sebastian et al., 2008) and are likely to have depressive feelings in late adolescence (Orth et al., 2008; Steiger et al., 2014). Depressive feelings and levels of low self-esteem often go together (Sowislo, & Orth, 2013). Young adolescents tend to be more receptive for depressive feelings when they have low levels of self-esteem (Millings et al., 2012; Orth et al., 2008). So, it seems that low levels of self-esteem is a negative predictor for depressive feelings, but depressive feelings is not a predictor for low levels of self-esteem (Orth et al., 2008).

Conversely, high levels of self-esteem can be a preventive factor in the development of depressive feelings. High levels of self-esteem can lead to an improved mood generated by upward social comparison and can lead to less frustration (Aspinwall, & Taylor, 1993). For example, the performance of adolescents with high levels of self-esteem in class gets better when using upward social comparisons (Huguet et al., 2001). This is caused by the fact that individuals get more motivated to outstand their performances, that individuals with high levels of self-esteem set higher aspirations and are more willing to develop their competences (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003; Huguet et al., 2001). Perceiving oneself as better boosts levels of self-esteem (Dijkstra et al., 2008) and when school grades improve, levels of self-esteem will automatically follow (Baumeister et al., 2003). So, it looks like individuals with high levels of self-esteem are more self-serving in his or her use of social comparisons (Dijkstra et al., 2008). In addition, individuals with high levels of self-esteem are better at preserving these high levels of self-esteem when they have to make upward social comparisons (Isobe & Ura, 2006). Individuals with high levels of self-esteem can reflect on the good and bad qualities of their comparisons targets. A study of Shackelford (2001) examined the levels of self-esteem outside the classroom and revealed that individuals with high levels of self-esteem can enhance close friendships in a better way (Shackelford, 2001). It could be that they seek and receive more social support and experience less stress than individuals with low levels of self-esteem (Benyamini, Leventhal, & Leventhal, 2004; Shackelford, 2001). Other studies showed even broader effects of high levels of self-esteem. For example, Swann, Chang-Schneider and McClarty (2007) showed that the high levels of self-esteem are related to higher scores on life satisfaction. In the end individuals with high

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levels of self-esteem will have less feelings of inadequacy (Baumeister et al., 2003).

Inadequacy feelings are characteristic for depressive feelings. So, it seems that high levels of self-esteem are related to lower levels of depression.

To conclude, adolescents with low levels of self-esteem are more vulnerable to social comparisons information and tend to make more upward social comparisons than adolescents with high levels of self-esteem (Vohs & Heatheron, 2004). Thereby it seems that individuals with high levels of self-esteem interpret information of upward social comparisons in a different way than individuals with low levels of self-esteem. Levels of self-esteem can influence the development of depressive feelings. That’s why I propose that the negative relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings is influenced by the levels of self-esteem among young adolescents.

The current research

Current research focused on two main questions. The first question is if there is a link between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings in young adolescents. And the second question is if self-esteem might moderate this relation. I hypothesized that there is a negative relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings and that this relationship would be stronger among those with lower levels of self-esteem. I focused on the theoretically relevant subgroup of young adolescents in first grade of secondary school (ages 12-13). To do so, I used questionnaires, in classroom assessment about upward social

comparisons, depressive feelings and levels of self-esteem. I used a hierarchical regression to test the relation between upward social comparison and depressive feelings among young adolescents. Next, I used a moderation analyses to see if levels of self-esteem extend the link between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Little is known about among whom upward social comparisons would contribute to more depressive feelings. To my knowledge, no research has addressed this question in adolescents, although early

adolescence is marked by making much upward social comparisons, low levels of self-esteem and high depressive feelings.

Method Participants

The adolescents were recruited from two secondary schools around Amsterdam. In total 749 adolescents from first, second and third class of secondary school were eligible for participation. Participants were 47 adolescents (32 girls, 15 boys) aged 11-13 years

Mage=12.45, SDage= .503). All of the participants were in the first class of secondary school

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included for 98% participants from Dutch origin. Most of the participants’ parents had Dutch origin (77% of the mothers, 89% of the fathers). An a priori power analysis was conducted using G*Power 3.1 (Faul, Erdfelder, Buchner, & Lang, 2009) to calculate the sample size, based on medium effect size (f=.25) (Liu et al., 2017), α of .05. Results showed that a total of 65 participants was required to achieve a power (1-ß) of .95. The final sample size was determined by the maximum number of parents who were willing to provide consent, similar as in previous research (Gürel, Brummelman, Sedkidis, & Overbeek, 2020).

Before the study started, the Ethics Commission of the Faculty Social and Behavioral Science of the University of Amsterdam approved the procedures. Several months prior to the school visits, we recruited the secondary schools by phone calls and emails. The schools that were willing to participate received information letters about the research. After the secondary schools informed the parents about the research, consent forms were handed out to the parents or caretakers. The parents and caretakers of the participants were not informed about the main goal of the study, but more broadly: They were told that the study investigates self-image and how that influences motivation and school grades. This was done to prevent parents and adolescents of knowing the topic of the study and possibly influencing it. Adolescents participated voluntarily with active parental consent (parental consent rate= 8.66%). The participants were free to participate and could terminate his or her participation at any time.

Procedure

All the parents, caretakers and adolescents were briefly informed that all the personal data would be treated confidentially and no statements would be made about individuals. During the classroom assessment the adolescents filled in a set of questionnaires assessing self-esteem, upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. The classroom assessment lasted approximately 60 minutes. As part of broader research, participants were randomly assigned to experimental (n = 23) and control conditions (n = 24) (randomizer.org) and filled in an online daily survey for five days. This took five to ten minutes per day. Three to six weeks later, participants completed the same set of questionnaires assessing self-esteem, upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. This classroom assessment also lasted approximately 60 minutes. Afterwards, all the participants were thanked for their

participation and were told that the gift cards would be handed out soon. Forty-seven participants participated at the baseline. Twenty- four participants participated at the follow-up; the other participants were not at school. After the participants filled in both

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Materials

Social demographics. The participants were asked to fill out his or her educational level, sex, age, country of birth and country of birth of his or her parents (see table 1).

Upward social comparisons scale. Upward social comparisons were assessed using 3-item Upward social comparisons scale during the first classroom assessment, which measures how much adolescents compare themselves upward with their classmates. The Upward social comparisons scale was a subscale of the Social and Temporal Comparisons Tendency Scale (Gürel, Brummelman, Sedikides, & Overbeek, 2016), which measures both upward and downward comparisons (e.g., “I think frequently about being worse than my peers.”). The items can be scored on a 4-point Likert-scale which varied from 0 to 3 (0= “no not at all,” 3= “yes very much true”). Responses were averaged across items. Higher scores indicate higher levels of upward social comparisons (M= 0.99, SD= 0.79). The questions showed high levels of internal consistency (Cronbach’s a = .81).

Children Depression Inventory Short form. The amount of depressive feelings was measured using the 10-item Children Depression Inventory Short Form (CDISF) (Kovacs, 1992; Van Leuven & Beek, 2000) during the both the first and second classroom assessment. This questionnaire assesses depressive feelings in children aged 7-18 by using self-report (e.g., “I am sad once in a while”). The items were rated along 3-point Likert-scale which varied from 0 to 2 (0= “I am sad once in a while”, 2= “I am sad all the time”). Responses were averaged across items. Higher scores indicate higher levels of depressive feelings (Mbaseline= 0.30, SDbaseline= 0.32, Mfollow-up= 0.30, SDfollow-up= 0.36). The questions showed high internal consistency at the baseline and follow up (Cronbach’s abaseline= .77, Cronbach’s afollow-up= .86).

The Life Span Self- Esteem Scale. Self-esteem was assessed using the 4-item “The Life Span Self-esteem Scale” during the first classroom assessment, which assesses global self-esteem (e.g., “how do you feel about yourself?”) (Harris, Donnellan, & Trzesnieuwski, 2016). These items were answered on a 5-point Likert-scale which varied from 0 to 4 (0 = really sad to 4= really happy). Higher scores indicate higher levels of self-esteem (M= 2.83, SD= 0.54). The questions showed a high internal level of consistency (Cronbach’s a = .70). Data-analysis

Prior to the main analyses the statistical assumptions of moderation analysis were checked. To answer the main questions, I used a hierarchical regression to test if upward social comparisons predicts depressive feelings at the follow-up, controlling for depressive

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feelings at the baseline. Next, I conducted a moderation analysis using Hayes’ PROCESS macro for SPSS (Hayes, 2012) to examine the moderation effect of self-esteem on the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. In this analysis, the dependent variable was depressive feelings at the follow-up, the independent variable was upward social comparisons, the moderator was self-esteem and the covariate was depressive feelings at the baseline (see figure 1).

Results Preliminary Analysis

Prior to the main analyses, the relevant assumptions of this statistical analyses were tested. The variables: self-esteem, upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the baseline and at the follow-up, were checked for accuracy of data entry, missing values and the assumptions of moderation analysis. Firstly, the data were checked for univariate outliers (± 3.29 SD; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014). One univariate outlier (4.11) was detected for the variable depressive feelings at the baseline. But excluding the univariate outlier from the analyses did not alter the results. So, the outlier was retained. For the variables self-esteem, upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at follow-up no univariate outliers were detected. By using Mahalanobis distance the data were also checked for multivariate outliers (df = 3, p < .001). No multivariate outliers were found in the dataset. Secondly, the data were checked for normality, linearity and homoscedasticity (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014). For the assumption of normality, the data were checked for skewness and kurtosis. Upward social comparisons was normally distributed (kurtosis= -0.88, skewness = 0.40), self-esteem was normally distributed (kurtosis = 0.58, skewness = -0.26), depressive feelings at baseline was normally distributed with positive kurtosis (kurtosis = 4.86, skewness = 1.78, kurtosis

significantly different from 0). And depressive feelings at follow-up was deemed as normally distributed (kurtosis = -2.77, skewness = 0.97). Next, the data were assessed for linearity (Hayes, 2017). Looking at the scatterplots for upward social comparisons, self-esteem and depressive feelings at baseline and follow up seemed to be linear. Taking a closer look at the one-sample Kolmogorov- Smirnov test, the asymptotic significance was .12 (df= 24, p < .20), which means that the unstandardized residuals of the variables are normally distributed and linearity related. Next, the assumption of homoscedasticity was checked (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014), showing that the variability in the scores for self-esteem is roughly the same as scores for depressive feelings at baseline and follow up. Lastly, the assumption of

multicollinearity was assessed (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014). The model involved upward social comparisons, self- esteem, and depressive feelings at the baseline as independent

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variables and depressive feelings at the follow up as dependent variable. All the levels of tolerance varied between .1 and .9, which means that there was no multicollinearity. Main Analyses

First, a hierarchic regression was applied to see if upward social comparisons,

controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, is a predictor for depressive feelings at the follow-up. The hierarchical regression analysis revealed that upward social comparisons is a significant predictor for depressive feelings at the follow-up, controlling for baseline

depressive feelings R2 = .57, F (1, 21) = 5.00, p < .05, 95% CI [-.290, -.011]. Thus, upward social comparisons can predict depressive feelings at the follow up, while controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline for 57.9%. This means that upward social comparisons is a unique predictor for depressive feelings over time. More specifically, upward social

comparisons can predict depressive feelings above and beyond the baseline depressive feelings. The regression statistics were reported in Table 2.

In order to test to what extend the link between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the follow- up (controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline) depends on self-esteem, controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, this study used moderation analysis by PROCESS macro (Hayes, 2013). Levels of self-esteem was examined as a moderator of the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the follow-up. The results are presented in Table 3. The results showed that, first, upward social comparisons did not predict depressive feelings at the followup, b= .131, t (19) = -2.02, p = .06, 95% CI [-0.266, 0.005]. Although upward social comparisons did not predict depressive feelings at the follow- up the pattern of results was similar to that of hierarchical regression upward social comparisons. Second, depressive feelings are stable over time, t = 2.94, SE = .236 p < .05, 95% CI [0.202, 1.193]. This means that higher levels of depressive feelings at the baseline are related to higher levels of depressive feelings at the follow up. Third, there was no statistically significant interaction between upward social comparisons and self-esteem on depressive feelings at follow-up, controlling for depressive feelings at baseline, b= -.096, t (19) = -.787, p = .441, 95% CI [-0.353, 0.159]. This means that the relation between, upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the follow-up,

controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, did not depend on the levels of self-esteem. In sum, the moderation analyses showed that upward social comparisons did not predicted depressive feelings at the follow up. Depressive feelings seem to be stable over time and the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the follow-up, does not differ for adolescents with higher or lower levels of self-esteem.

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Discussion

The prevalence of depression increases sharply during adolescence (Kenniscentrum kinder- en jeugdpsychiatrie, n.d.). Therefore, it is much needed to identify possible vulnerability factors that can predict higher levels of depressive feelings. The present study investigated if there is a relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings among young adolescents. And if so, if levels of self-esteem moderate this relation. We expected that there is a negative relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings and that the levels of self-esteem influence this relation. Findings suggested that upward social

comparisons, controlling for depressive feelings at baseline, predicts depressive feelings at the follow-up. The findings that without controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, no significant relation was found between upward social comparison and depressive feelings can be due to the small sample size. With a lower sample size than recommended we still found a trend towards significance, indicating that with a bigger sample size the level of significance would be reached. Contrary to the expectations, self-esteem did not moderate the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Upward social comparison marginally predicts depressive feelings at follow-up controlling for depressive feelings at baseline. This effect is not moderated by self-esteem, which means upward social comparison predicts depressive feelings regardless of adolescents’ self-esteem.

Theoretical implications

Almost all adolescents use upward social comparisons as an information-source (Dijkstra et al., 2008). During adolescence individuals become more aware of differences in their abilities (Renick & Harter, 1989). The findings that upward social comparisons predict depressive feelings at the follow-up, controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline, are in line with previous theories and studies that upward social comparisons can lead to depressive feelings. Building on the cognitive theory of depression (Beck, 1967; Tesser et al., 1998; Vogel et al., 2014), our findings suggest that upward social comparisons trigger negative self-evaluations, low feelings of well-being and feelings of inadequacy. To be specific: The key of depressive feelings (Beck, 1967). Our findings contribute to previous research that suggests that upward social comparisons in adolescence leads to negative (self)feelings, low levels of self-confidence and low feelings of well-being (Krayer et al., 2007; Tesser et al., 1998).

During young adolescence individuals are more susceptible for the influence of upward social comparisons information compared to other developmental stages, because of many biological and social changes (Nelson, Leibenluft. McClure, & Pine, 2005). In the

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midst of the transition from elementary to secondary school, young adolescents use upward social comparisons to set new expectations and standards for their new social environment (Chartrand et al., 2001). Individuals are looking for self-relevant information from their comparison targets (Chartrand et al., 2001). Due to being constantly exposed to upward social comparisons information, young adolescents make more negative self-evaluations which may lead to depressive feelings (Bäzner et al., 2006). This suggests that upward social comparisons in young adolescence can be a vulnerability factor that may lead to higher levels of depressive feelings on the long term, which is in line with previous research (Bäzner et al., 2006; Tesser et al., 1988; Vogel et al., 2014).

Our study builds on previous work by examining the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings, but extends this work by using the levels of self-esteem as a moderating variable. However, in contrast to the expectations, the levels of self-esteem were found to have no effect on the relation between upward social comparisons and

depressive feelings. Levels of self-esteem did not moderate the relation, which means that the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings at the follow-up, does not differ for adolescents with higher or lower levels of self-esteem. To assert, Schmitt, Silvia and Branscombe (2000) suggested that the levels of self-esteem only influences the relation between upward social comparisons and (negative) self-evaluations if the domain is highly self-relevant (Tesser et al., 1988). This prediction is based on the notion that people want to believe that they are competent on self-esteem relevant dimensions (Tesser et al., 1988). Self- esteem relevant dimensions in adolescence are body-image, academic achievement and integration into peer groups (Bearman et al., 2006; Morin et al., 2013; Goresse & Ruggieri, 2013). In current research no distinction was made in self-relevant dimensions for

adolescents in the questions measuring upward social comparisons, but the questions were very general (e.g., “I think frequently about being worse than my peers.”, “I think frequently about doing things worse than my peers”). Considering that the questions were not based on self-esteem relevant dimensions, the levels of self-esteem did not differ for individuals with high or low levels of self-esteem.

Another possible explanation why we did not find a moderation effect could be that instead of levels of self-esteem, type of mindset moderates the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings. Mindset involves growth mindset and fixed mindset. The growth mindset refers to a believe that intelligence and personality traits are changeable, whereas individuals with a fixed mindset believe that intelligence and

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young adolescents are aware of the qualities of their comparisons targets. Perhaps, individuals with growth mindsets can see their comparisons targets as inspiring and can harness the motivation to achieve these new desirable outcomes, because they believe they can improve their qualities. On the other hand, adolescents with fixed mindsets make more self-blaming reproaches and feel helpless and disengage after failures (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Erdley, Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997). These are important risk factors for the development of depressive feelings.

Practical and clinical implications

Many young adolescents suffer from depressive feelings. Depressive feelings have short- and long-term effects, such as gloomy feelings and high suicide risks (Kouros, & Garber, 2014; Thapar et al., 2012). Current study highlighted the influence of upward social comparisons in adolescence and highlighted upward social comparisons as a risk factor for the development of depressive feelings. To prevent depressive feelings in young adolescents, it is important to learn about vulnerability factors such as upward social comparisons.

Upward social comparisons are unavoidable and might play an important role in the

development of depressive feelings. Thereby, screening for depressive feelings in adolescents is important for school programs to prevent depressive feelings developing into depression (Beardslee & Gladstone, 2001). The findings of this research on possible vulnerability factors for depressive feelings could help teach young adolescents to challenge the unrealistic

standards set by their social environment (Krayer, Ingledow, & Iphofen, 2007). Levels of self-esteem can be excluded as a moderator-effect, so upcoming research can look at other possible vulnerability factors.

Strengths, limitations and future research

Strengths of this study include the gender balance and the questionnaire was extensive. In addition, the conducted research was one of the first projects to look at the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings among young adolescents, while seeking for a moderation effect of self-esteem. This is a good starting point for other researchers to investigate this relation further.

However, the findings of my research should be interpreted taking several limitations into account, which should be addressed in future research and may limit the generalizability of the obtained results. First, the study was conducted in a relatively small sample with young adolescents aged 12-13. This implies that the results can’t be generalized for all young

adolescents in the Netherlands. A second limitation of this study is that the sample of adolescents is very homogeneous, consisting mostly of Dutch-European, highly educated

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young adolescents. It’s likely that most of the young adolescents have a high Socioecomic Status (SES). Robins and collogues (2002) found that higher parental SES is related to higher levels of self-esteem. When looking more broadly within a heterogeneous population, the levels of self-esteem could be lower which would lead to different results. A third limitation is that this study was conducted in the Netherlands only. The Netherlands, as a western country, is known to be as an individualistic society. In general, eastern countries are more collectivistic and interdependent (Markus & Kitayama, 1999). These cultural differences may have different outcomes in upward social comparison processes. People from individualistic countries are more focused on their personality traits and feelings, whereas people from collectivistic countries are more focused on feelings and goals of others (Markus & Kitayama, 1999). A study of White and Lehman (2005) showed that individuals from collectivistic countries tend to make more upward social comparisons than those from individualistic countries and especially if they can improve themselves. This means that the results of this study can only apply to individualistic countries. A fourth and final limitation is that this study was based on self-questionnaires. Although the participants knew the data were used anonymously, it could be that the participants gave socially desirable responses. When individuals fill in questionnaires, they rather fill in answers that are the prevailing standard. In case of young adolescents, it has to be taken in account that they worry much about opinions of peers which can lead to socially desirable responses (Luan et al., 2017).

For future research, it is important to take the findings of this research in

consideration. First of all, the effects of self-esteem among young adolescents on the relation between upward social comparisons and depressive feelings should be conducted in research settings with a larger and more heterogenous population. Thereby, a possible predictor that should be controlled for in future research is gender differences. Previous studies showed that girls in adolescence are more likely to have lower levels of self-esteem (Young & Mroczek, 2003), whereas males score higher in self-esteem (Gentile, Grabe, Dolan-Pascoe, Twenge, Wells, & Maitino, 2009). In my current research no distinction was made between boys and girls in levels of self-esteem nor making upward social comparisons. It should be taken into account that girls usually have lower levels of self-esteem and that they compare themselves more often to peers than boys do (Pepitone, 1972). It is also worth considering to look at young adolescents who are over 13 years old. Age 12 and 13 seems the critical point for developing stable levels of self-esteem such as social acceptance (von Soest, Wichstrøm, & Kvalem, 2016). It could be that levels of self-esteem fluctuate during short periods and that

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the levels of self-esteem showed up to be higher on the day of the research. When conducting a longitudinal study, the results can differ.

Conclusion

Adolescents make upward social comparisons on a daily base. Previous studies showed that upward social comparisons can be beneficial by identifying expectations from new environments (Chartrand et al., 2001). However beneficial these upward social

comparisons processes may be, current study showed that upward social comparisons is also a vulnerability factor for depressive feelings among young adolescents. Depressive feelings are very common and stable in young adolescence. Current research revealed that upward social comparisons predicts depressive feelings in early adolescence regardless of

adolescents’ self-esteem. Future research should be conducted with a larger sample size, preferably taking into account potential gender and cultural differences.

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Table 1

Individual and family characteristics of the sample

% M(SD) Educational level VMBO basis 2.1 VMBO kader - VMBO GL - VMBO TL 2.1 HAVO 31.9 VWO athenaeum 36.2 VWO gymnasium 8.5 Other 14.9 Sex of Child Female 68.10

Age (in years) 12.45 (.503)

Country of birth 97.9

Country of birth mother

Netherlands 85.1

Country of birth father

Netherlands 87.2

The participants were asked to fill out their educational level, sex, age, country of birth and country of birth of his or her parents

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Table 2

Summary of Hierarchical Regression analysis for variables predicting depressive feelings at the follow-up

Variable β t R R2 DR2

Step 1 .692 .479** .455

Covariate: depressive .692 4.494

feelings at the baseline.

Step 2 .761 .579* .539

Covariate: depressive feelings .795 5.339 at the baseline.

Upward social comparison -.333 -2.237 Note. N=24 * p < .05. ** p < .001.

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Table 3

Results from a moderation analysis of the effect of upward social comparison (predictor) on depressive feelings at the follow-up (dependent variable), controlling for depressive feelings at the baseline (covariate), by levels of self-esteem (moderator).

CE SE t p 95% CI LL UL

Constant .04 .10 .41 .69 -.171 .253

Upward social comparison (X) -.13 .07 -2.02 .06 -.266 -.005 Self-esteem (W) .00 .15 .01 .99 -.309 -.313

X*W -.10 .12 -.79 .44 -.353 .159

Depressive feelings at baseline () .70* .24 2.94 .01 .202 1.193 R2 = .77, MSE = .06 F (4.19) = 6.76, p < .05

Note. * p < .05. ** p < .001. CE= Coefficient; CI= Confidence Interval; LL= Lower Limit; UL= Upper Limit

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