Young Adults and Transitional
Housing Arrangements
in the City of Amsterdam
David Schelkshorn
11252391
schelkshorn.david@gmail.com
MSc Thesis Project in Urban Geography
Supervisor: Lia Karsten
Second Reader: Richard Ronald
June 2018
Abstract
Based on the ever-growing debate concerning the decreasing affordability and accessibility for young people on Amsterdam’s housing market, this thesis project will focus on alternative transitional housing arrangements to be found in buildings which will get renovated and/or demolished. The following three under researched housing options, which indicate different degrees of tenure security, are investigated: 1) Property guardianship (user-agreements), 2) temporary contracts (anti-vacancy) and 3) a specific sub-form of user-agreement arrangements which constitutes housing in exchange for community work. For the research mixed methods are applied, including interviews with experts, young adults and descriptive statistics. Questions concerning the accessibility of these sectors and the application and possession of non-economic capitals to enter them are addressed. Furthermore, the role of the housing arrangements in the young adults’ housing pathways and the lived experiences and feelings of home of the young adults were examined.
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Lia Karsten for her supervision during the research process of this thesis. Moreover, I would like to extend immense gratitude to my internship advisor at the AFWC Jeroen van der Veer who supported me a lot during my thesis project. He taught me much about the process of professional housing research and had always time left for advices if needed. I also want to thank Egbert de Vries who helped me finding expert interviewees for this research. Furthermore, I want to thank Richard Ronald, not only as a second reader, but for the time and expertise he offered me during the research process and his interest on the topic.
Finally, I must express my very profound gratitude to my parents, Hans and Maria, my brother Simon, and my girlfriend Helena for providing me with unfailing support and continuous encouragement. Without their trust, love and support I would have never accomplished this master.
1. Introduction
61.2 Outline of the Thesis 8
2.
Literature
review
9
2.1 Young adults and housing transitions 9
2.2 Housing and young adults in Amsterdam 10
2.3 Different forms of capital, tactics and strategies 11
2.4 Housing pathways 12
2.5 Tenure security 13
2.6 The concept of home 14
2.7 Alternative housing arrangements and housing sub-sectors in Amsterdam 15 2.7.1 Renting out alternative housing arrangements 17 2.8 Conclusion & Research Sub-questions 18
3.
Methodology 20
3.1 Conceptual model 20 3.2 Operationalisation 21 3.3 Mixed methods 24 3.3.1 Research questions and applied methods 24 3.4 Data Collection and Sampling 25 3.6 Limitations 284.
Amsterdam’s
formal
housing
sectors
30
4.1 Tenure developments 30
4.2 Size and dynamics of sub-sectors 33
5.
Accessibility of alternative housing arrangements
37
5.1 Allocation policies of housing providers 375.2 The young adults’ capitals to enter and stay in the housing sub-sectors 39
5.3 Findings 41
6.
Usage patterns of alternative housing arrangements in the young adults’
housing
pathways
42
6.1 Community work as a first step out of parental home 42
6.2 Living transitorily, constantly or periodically as property guardian and/or temporary tenant 42 6.3 Findings 47
7.
Feelings of home in the investigated housing sub-sectors
48
7.1 Spatial setting & social interaction in the domestic home 48
7.2 Interaction outside dwelling 50
7.3 De jure security of tenure 51
7.4 De facto & perceptual security of tenure 52
7.4.1 Property guardians’ codes of behaviour 52
7.4.2 Property guardians‘ domestic privacy 53 7.4.3 Property guardians‘ feelings of exploitations and (un-) certainty to find housing 55 7.5 Findings 56
8.
Conclusion
57
8.1 Answering the Research question 57 8.2 Adding to existing literature 58 8.3 Future recommendations 599.
Literatur
60
10.
Appendix 64
1. Introduction
In contemporary society, life and housing transitions of young people are often non-linear, complex (Andres & Adamuti-Trache 2008, Boterman 2012) and associated with the interwoven nature of housing and income insecurity (Hoolachan 2017). Around the globe, housing accessibility for young people has decreased in recent decades (Forrest & Yip 2013; Bugeja-Bloch 2013; Mackie 2016). Beside the increasing prices in many prospering cities, reduced investment in social housing, higher income requirements on private rental markets and stricter mortgage lendings are key factors affecting younger age groups’ housing opportunities in various contexts (e.g. Hoolachan et al. 2017; Lennartz et al. 2015; Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014). At the same time, it is argued that a general destabilisation of housing pathways should not only be considered as a consequence of increased constraints on the housing market and labour insecurities, but also as part of a shift towards more flexible lifestyles and prolonged ‘urban’ living before young adults settle down (Hochstenbach & Boterman 2017). The situations and periods these young adults are going through have often been labelled as ‘intermediate’ or ‘transitional’ housing (Ford et al. (2002). In this context, it has been argued that the temporary and often insecure nature of these housing arrangements strongly influence the relation and attachment of individuals to their home (see Hoolachan et al. 2017).
The city of Amsterdam is not excepted from the global trend related to the decreasing housing accessibility for young people. Younger cohorts are struggling with an increasing dependency on the expensive free private rental housing market in which income requirements are generally high (Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014), and which was recently further liberalised in terms of contract periods (Huisman 2016; Wonbund 2018). The related tenancy insecurities and constraints affect the ability for many young individuals to settle down and often lead to (precarious) short-term housing arrangements on the semi-legal free private rental market (Buchholz 2016).
However, there are alternative housing sub-sectors existing in Amsterdam which are primarily offered and/or used by young adults and which will constitute the subject of this thesis. These housing arrangements are to be found in buildings which will get renovated and/or demolished in the near future. In the Netherlands, there are two main forms existing how living spaces in such buildings are offered. The first model constitutes the concept of property guardianship or anti-squatting (Dutch: anti-kraak), which originated in the Netherlands and has already spread across various European cities (Ferreri 2017; Buchholz 2016). This sub-sector constitutes a form of low-cost temporary housing in vacant buildings, primarily used by young, highly educated and ‘unattached’ people (ibid). Property guardians pay a monthly user-agreement, which relates to a rather low degree of tenure security and that can be cancelled by the landlord with a notice period of only four weeks.
Second, housing associations (and private landlords) also rent out their units which are scheduled for demolition and/ or renovation with more secure temporary or anti-vacancy contracts (Dutch: anti-leegstand). These arrangements are
more secure as they guarantee tenancy rights, have a minimum duration of six months and a notice period of three months.
Besides these two main forms how vacant spaces are rented out, the thesis will also investigate another specific sub-form of user-agreement arrangements, namely the concept of living for free in exchange for community work. These offerings exist now for ten years in Amsterdam and make use of the same user-agreements which are used for property guardianship, in buildings owned by housing associations that are waiting for renovation or demolition.
Even though the concept of property guardianship originated in the Netherlands, research on it is scarce, especially, and that is astonishing, in the Amsterdam specific context. The same counts for the other two presented housing arrangements. Questions concerning the accessibility of these sectors and the application and possession of non-economic capitals to enter them are still open and will be addressed. Furthermore, the role of these housing sub-sectors in the young adults’ housing pathways will be examined. The research will also pay attention to the interrelation of the given tenure security and related lived experience and feelings of home the young adults develop. Furthermore, the physical settings and activity patterns which occur within these arrangements and how these factors influence the young adults’ relation to their home will be investigated.
In this sense thesis project contributes to new insights to the housing situation of young adults in Amsterdam and especially focus on the under researched alternative, transitional housing arrangements that are to be found in buildings which are scheduled for renovation or demolition. The thesis project follows therefore Huisman’s (2016) call to analyse temporary housing in the Dutch context.
The following overall research question that will guide this work has been formulated:
“How do young adults, in the context of a high demand housing market in Amsterdam, access, use and experience alternative transitional housing arrangements in buildings scheduled for demolition or renovation?”
Chapters
in the context of a high demand housing
market in Amsterdam 4
access 5
use 6
and experience 7
1.2 Outline of the Thesis
In chapter two, academic debates concerning young adults and housing are introduced. Furthermore, the relevant theoretical framework that will guide the analysis of the findings are incorporated, followed by a brief description of the investigated housing arrangements will be given. The chapter ends by presenting the detailed research sub-questions. In chapter three, the used methodology to conduct this research is presented, including the conceptual model, the operationalisation of the used concepts and applied methods. At the end of chapter three the limitations of the research are presented.
Chapters four to seven present the findings and analysis of the study. Segmenting the overall research question, the chapters cover the topics as follows:
“How do young adults,
alternative transitional housing arrangements in buildings scheduled for demolition or renovation?”
Each results chapter will relate to one of the more detailed research sub-questions presented in chapter 2.8. Chapter five describes the conclusion of the thesis by answering the main research question and presenting contributions being made to the existing literature related to the topic. The end of the chapter provides recommendations for policy and future research.
Used abbreviations in this study: VPS = Vacant Property Service
2. Literature review
This thesis project will investigate the possibilities and constraints of young adults on Amsterdam’s housing market through the lenses of different forms of capital, housing pathways, tenure security, and the concept of home. The following section will present the context and key concepts that will be used for the research.
2.1 Young adults and housing transitions
Over recent decades, typical life-course and housing trajectories of young adults have changed towards a prolonged transitory life course stage (Hochstenbach & Boterman 2017; Mackie 2016). There are different reasons for this trend. Settling down and the associated steps, including marriage and/or child birth, have become increasingly postponed, especially for those young adults who are following or have followed a higher educational trajectory (Andres & Adamuti-Trache 2008). Furthermore, the normalisation of life and work insecurity and the casualisation of the labour market (Ferreri et al. 2017; Morgan 2009) often push young people towards more flexible and precarious life and housing arrangements.
Around the globe, housing accessibility for young people has decreased in recent decades (Forrest & Yip 2013; Bugeja-Bloch 2013; Mackie 2016). Besides the increasing prices in many prospering cities, reduced investment in social housing, higher income requirements on private rental markets and stricter mortgage lendings are key factors affecting younger age groups’ housing opportunities in various contexts (e.g. Hoolachan et al. 2017; Lennartz et al. 2015; Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014). Younger cohorts are generally more vulnerable to these shifts as they are unlikely to have substantial savings and their incomes are often instable and lower compared to mature households (Forrest & Yip 2013). These trends should be recognised as part of a long-term housing- and labour market restructuring (Ronald 2008; Forrest & Hirayama 2015).
The financial crisis in 2007 and 2008 lead to stricter mortgage lendings which made it increasingly difficult for younger cohorts to enter the owner-occupied sector and resulted in a sharp decline of home purchase of younger households (Dolin & Ronald 2010; Lennartz et al. 2015). Both the inability to become a home-owner and the decreased accessibility of the regulated (social) sectors has increased demand on the private rental sector (Hoolachan et al. 2017). Especially in the UK context, the increased dependency of young adults on the private-rental market has been described as the rise of a ‘generation rent’ (McKee 2012; Hoolachan et al. 2017). Events such as the financial crisis may have impacted several population groups, but it is likely that it has had the most substantial effects on the opportunity structures concerning housing and employment of young people (Forrest & Yip 2013; Aassve et al. 2013).
Besides events like the financial crisis, long-term developments play a crucial role in the housing accessibility of vulnerable groups, including younger cohorts. In Europe and other parts of the world, a general trend towards more liberal welfare regimes can be observed which implies further commodification of housing systems (Musterd et al. 2017). The measures related to this shift include the selling off or replacement of social housing by owner-occupied housing and the deregulation of the private rental sector (Kadi & Ronald 2014).
Furthermore, the global connectedness of a city is expected to considerably impact local housing markets (Sassen 1991). An attraction and increase of higher-income groups may impact especially the private rental and owner-occupied sectors. Concerning the former sector, young households with a lower and instable income may be indirectly excluded
as they are not able to bid as affectively as other households on the market or they are excluded by landlords (or their intermediaries) as they are regarded as ‘higher risk’ tenants (Hulse & Milligan 2014).
These events and trends directly impact the accessibility to affordable housing for youngsters. The related tenancy insecurities and constraints affect the ability for many young individuals to settle down and often lead to short-term and sometimes precarious housing arrangements on the informal (semi-legal) market and sub-sectors which offer ‘user allowances’ (Buchholz 2016). Ford et al. (2002) simplify this trend and differentiate between a ‘youth’ housing market that is characterised by temporary, often precarious arrangements and frequent moves which are clearly distinct from accessing and holding housing in an ‘adult’ market. The related situations and periods many young adults are going through have often been labelled as ‘intermediate’ or ‘transitional’ housing (ibid).
Given these general trends, social scientists have investigated young adults and their housing situations from various angles. In a European-wide comparative study Arundel and Lennartz (2017) investigated housing career interruption and returns of young adults to parental homes in the context of welfare regime effects. Some scholars have analysed differences between ethnicities in terms of age and locational preferences of ‘nest leavers’ (Zorlu & van Gaalen 2016). Among others, Hoolachan et al. 2017 emphasised and used the concept of home in the context of the life and housing transitions of young adults. The role of parental support and intra-generational inequalities between young adults concerning their housing transitions has been highlighted by several researchers (e.g. Ford et al. 2002, Druta & Ronald 2016, Hochstenbach & Boterman 2017).
The reasons and effects across different national and urban contexts vary, but there are general trends that may come true for young people in many cities (Clapham et al. 2012): 1) Many young people tend to stay longer in their parent’s house 2) A larger dependency on the private rental sector, 3) They need to spend a larger share of their income on housing when they live independently.
The next section will give some insights of research that has been conducted in the Amsterdam specific context related to (developments of) the housing market in general, and the potential related effects on younger cohorts.
2.2 Housing and young adults in Amsterdam
In the city of Amsterdam many of the above described trends take place in a way. Upgrading processes lead to decreasing affordability of housing inside and outside the Ring (Van Gent 2013). Furthermore, tenure conversion from social and affordable (regulated) private rental housing to owner occupied housing has been part of housing policies for years and increasingly restricts access to affordable rental housing (Boterman and Van Gent 2014, Hochstenbach & Musterd 2018). This trend is not solely in control of and/or driven by the municipality of Amsterdam and the local housing associations, as it relates to broader structural changes and policies on the national level (among others, the quasi privatization of Dutch social housing providers in 1995, and national policies which promote homeownership while diminishing state support for social rental providers (Van Duijne & Ronald 2018). As the waiting time for a social-housing flat is 11 years on average in Amsterdam, this still huge housing stock is not accessible to most young people (Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014).
The financial crisis in 2007/2008 has had a great impact on the housing trajectories of many population groups in Amsterdam too. Institutional reforms and stricter mortgage lending criteria made access to home ownership more uneven (Hochstenbach & Musterd 2018). Consequently, younger cohorts are struggling with an increasing dependency on the private rental housing market.
It is important to note that in Amsterdam, the private rental sector is divided into two separate sectors, namely the free-market and the affordable one (Van Der Veer & Schuiling 2005). The latter sector constituted 15% of the total stock in 2015 (ibid). Economic capital is less important as rents are below the rent cap. In contrast to the social-rental sector, dwellings are not allocated based on waiting times, but the landlords (primarily various small housing institutions) decide how to allocate them. Although the sector is meant to serve different population groups, it is mainly young, highly educated native Dutch who are living in this sector (Dienst Wonen Amsterdam 2008, in: Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014).
In the free rental market the rents in this sector are generally expensive (more than 1000,- EUR/month is common [Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014]), especially in central neighbourhoods, because of the high demand of this sector and its small size (in 2015, 9% of the total stock [OIS 2016]). Even if young adults could afford the monthly rent, the income requirements often restrict them access to this sector (there is large gap between the rent and the required annual income on the free private rental market [Hochstenbach & Boterman 2014]). Additionally, a large student-housing sector exists in Amsterdam. Contracts end six months after the tenant cancels the registrations at the educational institution. Although the student housing sector has been expanded in recent years, also through temporary student container complexes, most students still live outside this sector (ibid).
The existing alternatives on Amsterdam’s housing market which are focus of this research are described in chapter 2.7.
2.3 Different forms of capital, tactics and strategies
The following section will refer to the relation between the possession of different forms of capital and the accessibility of housing. Many scholars who investigated the housing accessibility for certain population groups have looked beyond structuralist views, like supply and demand mechanisms, to analyse mechanisms that provide access to housing. Boterman (2012) applied Bordieu’s and De Certeau’s theories to examine the strategies and tactics which middle-class households (in Amsterdam and Copenhagen) apply to acquire housing. He argues that access to housing is also determined by other factors than the market situation and housing policies. Bordieu’s theory describes different forms of capitals which are not simply related to static class positions. In the context of housing accessibility, the forms of capital are associated in the following way (see Boterman 2012; Hochstenbach & Boterman 2015): Economic capital refers to income, financial assistance, inherited assets and other family resources. Cultural capital is associated with the educational attainment, the knowledge of the housing market and the willingness to violate rules and/or laws (in the context of semi-illegal housing arrangements). Social capital refers to the information and the availability of housing within the social network of an individual. Additionally, Boterman (2012) added waiting time and urgency status in relation to the allocation mechanisms in the social-rental sector (in Amsterdam) as a form of capital.
In Bordieu’s theory all embodied experiences of an individual form the habitus which constitutes a potential source of capital in a specific field. The field is the context in which different forms of capitals are articulated and applied. Therefore, capital is regarded as relational, as it becomes visible or valuable only in a specific field. In this sense the accessibility to housing is influenced by all resources and means that help to access housing, but the usefulness of certain capitals will vary between different (sub-) sectors. Economic capital for example may be less useful in certain housing sub-sectors (e.g. property guardianship sector), whereas social and cultural capital are considered to be crucial in these sectors. It is also important to consider differences between tactics and strategic actions of individuals when applying the concept of different forms of capitals. De Certau (1984, in: Boterman 2012) proposed to distinguish between tactical and strategical behaviour. The former relates to ad-hoc decisions connected with opportunities that occur, whereas the
latter relates to intentional practices. Therefore, the main differences of tactics and strategies are based on the time-scale and the degree of reflexivity of individuals (Boterman 2012). In the context of temporary housing, this distinction is useful when investigating the role of certain sub-sectors in the housing pathways of young adults
2.4 Housing pathways
Clapham defines housing pathways as “patterns of interaction (practices) concerning house and home, over time and
space” (Clapham 2002:62). In contrast to housing careers, the term does not imply that every move is an upward one in
housing and neighbourhood quality and does not assume a linear and stable trajectory, which seems to be true for many young adults. Ford et al. (2002) defined three main factors that may influence the types of housing pathways of young people. The first one constitutes the ability of young people to plan (and control) their living arrangements (including also the first step to live independently). The degree of family support composes another main factor in the formation of housing pathways of young adults. At last, constraints regarding the accessibility of housing defines housing pathways. In their empirical work they found the following four ideal typical housing pathways: 1) The chaotic pathway show an absence of planning and family support, and substantial economic constraints. Chaotic housing pathways according to Ford et al. (2002) are characterised to frequent moves and temporary and precarious housing arrangements, typically on the private rental sector and involve episodes of homelessness. 2) The unplanned pathway indicates frequent moves, often on the private rental sector. Young adults can rely on a greater family support in exceptional circumstances. Returns to the parental home and limited assistance to live independently prevent them of homeless periods. The overall trajectories are characterised of an improvement in housing. 3) The constrained pathway was defined as clearly planned with a significant family support in terms of money and goods in the context of substantial constraints on the housing market. Several subsequent moves within the private rental sector indicate an increase in resources and opportunities. 4) The planned (non-student) pathway refers to young adults who substantially planned their exit of parental home, generally within a context with less constraints and the availability of family assistance. In most cases, the first move related to both the formation of a family and the availability of income. 5) In the student pathway Constraints are manageable due to the provision of student housing. Several returns to the parental home during education, but especially after graduation were observed. The student pathways are characterised by shared living. Some young adults sought to sustain this way of living even after their formal student status had ended.
These five distinct ideal typical pathways should be nevertheless treated with caution for several reasons. First, the research was conducted in England, and implies therefore a quite divergent housing market context. Furthermore, the authors themselves highlighted that “through the theoretical lenses of reflexive modernisation…a far greater emphasis
to attitudinal and choice factors and far less emphasis to issues of real structural constraint” (Ford et al. 2002: 2457)
may be crucial in analysing housing pathways of young adults. Even though such pathways of course still exist, and structural constraints are central in the formation of them, Ford et al. (2002) already noticed in the beginning of the new millennium that housing pathways might be more complex than in previous decades. As the age of their interviewees ranged from 16 to 25 year old youngsters, the shift towards more flexible lifestyles and prolonged ‘urban‘ living before young adults settle down (Hochstenbach & Boterman 2017) stays more or less unnoticed in their research.
Hochstenbach and Boterman (2014) argue that non-linear, chaotic pathways are not solely the result of a lack of resources but can be based on strategical behaviours. In this sense, youngsters might follow practices that are related with the forms of capital the individuals possess and are able to apply within different housing (sub-) sectors.
They defined three different pathways that are identified based on the housing market sectors and types of dwellings that occurred in their pathways, the reasons for the moves, and the types of moves, including possible changing patterns over time (ibid: 264). For their research they simplified the concept and defined three distinct pathways. 1) a linear pathway, that is characterised of relatively few moves, relies on the formal housing market sectors and especially applies for young people with great parental support, 2) a chaotic progressive and 3) a chaotic reproductive pathway. Both chaotic pathways are characterised by frequent moves between informal and temporary housing arrangements. While the progressive chaotic pathway indicates a stronger control of moves, the reproductive one is characterised by frequent involuntary and forced moves.
2.5 Tenure security
Housing pathways are strongly shaped by different dimensions of tenure security. Discussions about security for renters are often reduced to ‘security of tenure’ applying a one-dimensional and property rights perspective, which does not engage with its multi-faceted nature that has stimulated controversial debates about security for renters (Hulse & Milligan 2014). The concept of security of tenure has been widened by van Gelder (2009). In the context of informal settlements in developing countries he differentiates between three types of security of tenure: de jure, de facto and perceptual. Van Gelder proposes this tripartite distinction to discuss legalisation processes of informal settlements and the interrelation of these three dimensions within tenure security.
However, the distinction is also useful when investigating the (rental) housing systems of developed countries (Hulse & Milligan 2014). Hulse and Milligan applied the three-dimensional concept of tenure security in a comparative study between nine European countries and conceptualised a new framework, namely secure occupancy for their investigation. De jure security of tenure has been one of the key-concepts to explain the situation and structure of rental sectors in housing markets. It includes property rights and lease arrangements with tenants of the property (Hulse & Milligan 2014). De facto security refers to the actual control over a property. It is related to the occupation and use of a property. There are many factors that may affect the de facto security of renters. One crucial consideration is the affordability of rent both initially and later during tenancy progress. Other important determinants are the behaviour and motivation of landlords, and the rules connected to the usage rights of the living space (e.g. occupancy level, use of shared areas, decoration and personalisation).
Furthermore, the structural factors such as the local housing market context and rent levels (accessibility and affordability of housing) have to be considered in respect to the de facto security. Besides these aspects, non-housing market related circumstances, like instable incomes or the loss of incomes, but also drastic life events such as family breakdown affect this the actual security of renters.
Perceptual security refers to the sense of security that tenants have over their housing and relates to the ability of feeling at home and safe, and the level of perceived control of one’s environment. Concepts to explain these interrelations can be found in the social psychological literature and have been rarely explored in research on housing (Hulse & Milligan 2014: 642). One important aspect, namely perceived behavioural control (Ajzen & Fishbein 1980), refers to the degree of choice or constraint that individuals feel regarding their decisions. Like Bandura’s concept of self-efficacy, it describes “people’s beliefs about their capabilities to exercise control over their own level of functioning and over events that affect
their lives” (Bandura 1993: 188, in: Hulse & Milligan 2014:642). The concept may help to understand why certain people
in similar circumstances may have divergent levels of perceptual security concerning their housing situation.
used to operationalise the different dimension of security of tenure. The scheme emphasises thinking across different housing sectors (Hulse & Milligan 2014). Considering the accessibility and affordability of different housing sectors is crucial to be able to understand constraints and possibilities of young adults on housing markets and to analyse the role and importance of alternative sub-sectors.
2.6 The concept of home
Home as a particularly meaningful type of place (Easthope 2004) is a contested concept that has been used in various contexts and at different scales. Investigating housing transitions of young adults through the lenses of the concept of home can give important insights into the individuals’ connections with their dwellings and neighbourhoods (see also Hoolachan et al. 2017). Especially in the context of temporary and alternative housing arrangements, the concept is useful for addressing the relationships that young adults develop with their dwelling and their surrounding environment.
Easthope (2004: 136) emphasises the importance of the concept home for housing studies.
The framework is not only useful to investigate connections between individuals’ homes but also to examine their psycho-logical well-being. Moreover, Easthope argues that housing researchers have the capacity to “add a more local
flavour to the literature on ‘place’ and ‘home’ “, which has largely paid attention (but not entirely) to issues at the
regional, national or international scales (2004:137).
In the context of temporary housing arrangements Tuan (1980) made the useful distinction between rootedness and sense of place. The former implies being at home in a rather unreflexive and unconscious way which derives from a long residence and the familiarity of a place. In contrast, a sense of place is the result of a conscious effort and implies a certain distance between the self and the place that allows a greater awareness of the environment. In connection with temporary transitional housing arrangements it can be assumed that a stronger sensation of a dwelling and the neighbourhood in which it is located is felt.
On the lowest scale, Saunders and Williams (1988:83 in: Easthope 2004) define home as the ‘fusion‘ of the physical unit of the house with the social unit of the household. The household constitutes the core domestic unit in contemporary society in which basic social relations are created and reproduced (ibid). In this sense, home is a “physical place that is
lived – a space that is an expression of social meaning and identities” (Wardaugh 1999:95, in: Mallet 2004).
Furthermore, Saunders and Williams (1988) highlight that interactions are formed of the spatial setting of a place. Especially for property guardians, who often find themselves living in unusual settings like former schools or office buildings, common areas and the related daily routines may diverge to ‘ordinary’ living arrangements and influence the relation to their home. The physical dimension of a home, which primarily includes the design (office, residential building etc.), size and condition of a house, enables and constraints patterns of different relationships and patterns of actions (Saunders and Williams 1988, in: Mallet 2004).
Similarily, Van der Klis and Karsten (2008) distinguish three mutually related dimension of a residence that are shaping the sense or meanings of home for individuals: 1) the material dimension, 2) the activity patterns, and 3) the social dimension. The material dimension is related to the physical setting of a dwelling and the personalisation and adoption, which can help to transform a residence into a familiar place. The activity patterns dimension relates to the process of the production of a domestic space (Case, 1996; Rose 2003, in: Van der Klis & Karsten 2008) and relates to the psychological attachment. In this sense, daily activities are a crucial part of an individual’s place identity, as the person’s
experiences of the domestic environment is reflected in them. Similarily, Jackson (1995:148, in: Mallet 2004) argues “home is grounded less in a place and more in the activity that occurs in the place”.
The social dimension describes the social interactions of people inside and outside the household. The outside aspect is especially interesting in connection with the community work and the related social relations that may influence the students’ sense of home.
Furthermore, the interrelation between the concept of tenure security and the concept of home has to be considered. The nature of security of renters has been emphasised in relation to the meaning of home, which highlights the interrelationship between places and people’s identities and psychological well-being (Easthope, 2004). All three dimensions of tenure security (de jure, de facto, perceptual) have an impact on the sense of home that people may develop. In the literature, home is often described as a place where one feels ontologically secure. Dupuis and Thorns (1996) argue that home is a site where people feel most in control of their lives and free from the surveillance. In this sense, home is a secure base that allows individuals and groups to construct identities. Hence, the given degree of security of housing arrangements influence the sense of home. User-agreements often have clauses that affect the property guardians’ privacy (e.g. access of landlord) and their daily life (e.g. restrictions usage, visitors etc.). These factors may affect the individuals’ psychological experience of home. Furthermore, especially the support of VPS and community project organisations to find a new home when they have to move in a short term, is central here, as finding a new place within a few weeks may be hard and affect psychological well-being.
Mallet (2004) emphasis that researchers should be clear about the motivations and purposes when applying the concept of home. Summarised, home for this research is defined as a place that has a social and psychological meaning for individuals and groups which is influenced by various factors such as the physical dimensions, activity patterns and social interactions within and outside a dwelling, and the different dimension of tenure security.
2.7 Alternative housing arrangements and housing sub-sectors in Amsterdam
As mentioned above there are alternative housing arrangements existing in Amsterdam, often specifically used of or offered to young adults. In the following section the three different housing arrangements which are constituting the focus of this research are briefly explained.
Property guardianship (anti-squat or anti-kraak [Dutch])
Property guardianship arrangements have become more popular in recent years (Buchholz 2009; Van der Molen 2011) and constitute a main form of temporary living in the Netherlands (Huisman 2016). Guardians pay a monthly user agreement that is usually lower compared to rents on the private rental sector. The contract can be cancelled by the landlord at any time, generally with a notice period of only a few weeks (Buchholz 2016). These users’ agreements have been criticised by academics (e.g. Huisman 2016; Buchholz 2016) and initiatives (e.g. the Bond precaire Woonvormen [BPW]) as they touch blind spots of the Dutch legal framework and may under certain circumstances violate the sanctity of home and privacy rights. Living spaces are offered in residential buildings that wait for renovation and/or demolition, but also in non-residential properties, including former office buildings, schools or even warehouses (Ferreri et al. 2017).
The concept of property guardianship as a form of low-cost temporary housing in vacant buildings originated in the Netherlands in the 1980s (Buchholz 2016). The emergence of the sub-sector is closely linked to the changes in the housing and anti-squatting policies in response to the widespread squatting-movement of the 1980s (Ferreri & Dawson
2017). The first ‘anti-kraak’ agency was founded in the same year when a new vacancy law (Dutch: Leedstandwet, the Vacant Property Act, 1987) passed, which made squatting more difficult and riskier (ibid). Buchholz conceptualises three stages of the history and the development of anti-squatting (ibid: 186): 1) The pioneering period of Anti-kraak in the 1980s, 2) the period, when property guardianship became an actual business (1990s), 3) The further expansion of the sector due to the ban of squatting in 2010. In the 1990s the PG sector rapidly transformed from a small and rather unknown one to one of many forms of insecure housing (Uitermark 2011). Concerning the third stage, the impact of the financial crisis of 2007 and 2008 has to be considered. The average time of sales, especially for office buildings, increased significantly (NVM 2013 in: Huisman 2016) and lead to a raise of agencies offering such arrangements (Huisman 2016). It is estimated that approximately 70 vacant property services (VPS) exist in the Netherlands (Van Eijck & Naafs 2014 in: Buchholz 2016) that house more than 50,000 (estimations from 2011) property guardians (Buchholz 2011). As we can see various sources indicate that this sector has grown (e.g. Reijmer 2011; Voorn and Heesakkers 2012 in: Huisman 2016) but concrete numbers are still missing.
Ferreri et al.’s work (2017) was the first academic paper dedicated to Property Guardians in the UK, investigating the social composition and motivations of property guardians. Her findings imply that in the UK-context it is especially young professional adults who are living in the sector. The reasons are varied, ranging from financial restrictions and the inaccessibility of other housing sectors to the admiration of living ‘adventurous’. However, in their findings the ‘self-precarisation’ of property guardians was also associated as a marker of a wider housing crisis in London, that may represent a “regime of normalised urban precarity particularly for young adults for whom insecure private renting is the
only available option” (Ferreri & Dawson 2017).
Research on property guardians in the Amsterdam specific context is scarce. Buchholz’s work (2011, 2016) investigated the PG sector in Amsterdam through the lenses of Honneth’s (1995) concept of Struggle for Recognition and Lefebvre’s (1991, 1996) Production of Space and the Right to the City. Questions regarding the everyday geographies of these ‘tenants’, their experiences, motivations and housing pathways are still open.
Temporary tenancies (anti-vacancy, Dutch: anti-leegstand)
Housing associations (and private landlords) also rent dwellings which are scheduled for demolition and/or renovation with more secure temporary or anti-vacancy contracts (Dutch: anti-leegstand). These arrangements are more secure as they guarantee tenancy rights, have a minimum duration of six months and a notice period of three months. The housing associations use these contracts in buildings which are scheduled for development until latest six months before the project realisation. So far, no research has been conducted on the accessibility of these housing arrangements if allocated by the housing associations. As VPS are offering both types of contracts (user-agreements and the described temporary tenancies), these opportunities are closely related to each other. This will be discussed more later in the results chapters.
Community work projects
In cooperation with the housing associations, two non-for-profit organisations offer dwellings for students for which they only have to pay operational costs. In exchange they work for 10 hours as community workers in developing neighbourhoods, usually located outside the Ring. The activities are ranging from homework guidance, creative activities for children to (language) activities for adults. Applicants have to be registered at a recognized university or higher professional education institution in Amsterdam. The living arrangements are based on the same user-agreements which are used for property guardians.
The projects were founded during the financial crisis, at the same time of the above described boom of VPS, when many dwellings of the housing associations stayed vacant longer than expected due to postponed renovations and/or demolitions.
2.7.1 Renting out alternative housing arrangements
Table 1 shows the ways how the described housing opportunities, in buildings which are owned by the housing associations, are offered. Real-estates of private landlords which do not have residential purposes (e.g. offices) are often only rented out with user-agreements until they get demolished and/or transformed. Depending on the project plans of the property, they sometimes get transformed for housing purposes and can be rented out with temporary contracts for a maximum period of ten years. In a few cases these contracts are also used by private landlords if a house or a flat is getting sold and the owner has already moved out.
Housing associations ask 80% of the previous rent for temporary contracts. As mentioned above temporary contracts have a minimum duration of half a year and a notice period of three months which sometimes can be up to half a year. In residential buildings of the housing associations, the contracts are offered as soon as social tenants moved out of their dwellings which will get developed (as they have contracts for an indefinite time, they get offered another dwelling under the same conditions somewhere else). This transitional period can take sometimes several years, depending on the project plan and economic situation (see chapter 4.2). As soon as it is clear when the demolition and/or renovation starts temporary tenants move out and the living spaces are offered to property guardians. This happens latest six months
Temporary contracts (Anti-vacancy contracts [Dutch: anti-leegstand])
User-agreements (anti-squat contracts, Property guardianship [Dutch: anti-kraak])
Notice period minimum 3 months minimum 28 days
Minimum duration 6 months
-Costs 80% of normal rent (housing associations) operational costs + service fee to VPS Residential buildings
From the moment social renters move out, until at latest 6 months before development starts,
Housing associations: in the period 6 months before development starts; Community workers anytime Former elderly care
homes After transformation
When elderly move out and spaces are transformed/adopted, (if building will be demolished user agreements until development)
Rented out by Housing associations and/or VPS VPS Former offices,
school, factories etc. Usually only user-agreements in these buildings Residential buildings Priv at e la nd lo rd
depending on landlord and property (selling, renovating, demolishing)
Ho us in g ass oc ia tio ns Table 1: Contracts, Conditions and Application
before the development starts. (The housing associations never give existing temporary tenants an user-agreement contract for the same living space due to the legal circumstances. Temporary tenants might then gain the same rights as permanent social renters). The exchange of temporary tenants and property guardians is also taking place very quickly and in short time windows. This is related to the kraak gevaaar (‘squatting danger’) which is still present in Amsterdam. As explained above, squatting was banned in 2010, but the squatter community is still very active in Amsterdam.
User agreements have a notice period of 28 days. The living costs are cheaper compared to temporary contracts as only the operational costs and a service fee (price depending on property and agency) to the agency must be payed.
The housing associations collaborate with VPS agencies when living spaces are offered based on user-agreements (in the last periods before the development starts). Temporary tenancies are often still rented out by the associations themselves. However, the policies vary between associations in this regard. Due to the high fluctuation of tenants and the lack of capacity, some associations have also outsourced the allocation of temporary tenancies to specialised agencies.
2.8
Conclusion & Research Sub-questions
The city of Amsterdam has always been creative in dealing with housing constraints for vulnerable groups and is well-known for the efficient and creative use of vacancies. The outlined examples constitute alternative housing opportunities for youngsters in their transitional life-stages. Beside the general lack of knowledge concerning temporary housing in the Dutch context, there is a knowledge gap of the described alternative housing opportunities for young adults. These sub-sectors have different degrees of tenure security, ranging from rather precarious arrangements to more secure ones. The temporality and level of security (and community work) may influence the young adults’ sense of home in different ways. Given these circumstances, residents of these sub-sectors may develop very specific but divergent connections to their homes.
Housing association
VPS
Community work
project
Temporary contract
User-agreement
Property guardian
Community worker
Temporary tenant
Furthermore, there is a knowledge gap concerning the accessibility and the related non-economic capitals that may be needed to enter these alternative housing arrangements. Questions about the role of these transitional arrangements in the young adults’ housing pathways, in connection with strategical and/or tactical decision making, are still open. In this sense, the following sub-questions are formulated to find detailed answers for the research:
1. In which formal housing sectors do young adults tend to find housing in Amsterdam and how has this changed during last decade?
2. How can we explain the accessibility of the investigated housing arrangements through the possession and application of different forms of capital?
3. What role do the these arrangements play in the young adults’ housing pathways, taking into account strategical and tactical behaviours?
4. How do the spatial setting, activity patterns and different dimensions of tenure security related to these housing arrangements affect the young adults sense of home?
3. Methodology
3.1 Conceptual model
Illustration 2 shows the interrelation of the main concepts used applied to the research. According to the above described literature, the model assumes that both the different dimensions of tenure security and forms of capital are shaping the young adults housing pathways.
More specifically, the concept of capitals will help examine the accessibility of the observed housing sub-sectors. It is also assumed that the possession of non-economic capitals has a direct impact on the young adults’ sense of home. These capitals can improve one’s ability to stay in one of the sub-sectors or guarantee (interim) housing solutions within the social network (in case no new temporary housing arrangement is available).
The first dimension of tenure security (de jure) relates to the temporality and duration of contracts of housing arrangements and is therefore directly shaping the young adults housing pathways. Furthermore, it is assumed that the temporary nature and related uncertainties of the housing options influence the relation between the young adults and their homes.
The actual or de facto security of tenure frames the tenancy conditions (other than the temporality) of the examined housing arrangements. It includes the rules that affect daily life, the access of landlords or the support of the housing provider to find a new temporary housing arrangement. These elements may be varied concerning the different housing arrangements and have a direct impact on the young adults’ sense of home.
On a higher level the de facto security of tenure relates to structural factors such as the affordability and accessibility (related to public policies and the housing market) of the existing housing sectors. These factors and the potential related restriction are crucial to consider, as they are highlighting the role and importance of the investigated housing sub-sectors, but also influence the perceived control over young adults’ housing situation.
The perceptual security refers to the degree of choice or constraint that individuals feel regarding their housing situation and decisions. The way someone perceives his or her housing situation (related to the mentioned structural factors as well as tenancy conditions) affects the relation to this person’s home, but also shapes to a degree someone’s housing pathway (e.g. by leaving an arrangement when a ‘tolerance point’ regarding the tenancy conditions is reached). The perceptual security helps to understand why certain respondents in similar circumstances may develop divergent relations to their home.
As the alternative housing arrangements are an integral part of the young adults’ housing pathways, they are directly shaping them. As components of their pathways, these arrangements constitute a certain role during their housing transitions. The role of the arrangements within the pathways can either be related to intentional (strategical) or ad-hoc (tactical) decisions, and therefore relates to the timescale and the degree of reflexivity of the decisions.
Furthermore, specific factors related to the housing arrangements, such as the type and/or the condition of the buildings or the (related) activity patterns and social interaction are considered to influence the young adults sense of home. Concerning the the social interactions and activity patterns both the domestic home as well as the neighbourhoods are considered in researching the young adults‘ sense of home.
The Sense of Home
Housing Pathways Alternative housing
Arrangements Security of Tenure
Forms of Capital
Strategical & Tactical Decision-making - de jure - de facto - perceptual -economic -social -cultural Illustration 2: Conceptual Model
3.2 Operationalisation
The operationalisation of the concept of security of tenure is illustrated in table 2. It has to be mentioned that the types of factors that influence the dimensions of tenure security derived from the framework of secure occupancy coined by Hulse and Milligan (2010) and were adopted for this research. The operationalisation of the other concepts are illustrated in table 3.
Table 2: Operationalisation Security of Tenure
Types of security
Types of
factors
Key Foci
Indicators
De jure security
(temporality) Legal Lease forms Length of rental contract and termination arrangements Repair and payments of utilities, community working in the neighbourhood
Rules concerning: occupancy limits, visits, alteration, leaving property for a longer period (holiday), access of landlords
Informal Tenancy sustainment Assistance to find new temporary housing arrangements
Market Affordability Capacity to obtain properties with affordable rents relative to incomes
& Accesibility Entry requirements of housing sectors, forms of capitals needed to access housing (sub-) sectors
Public policy Rental housing supply and assistance Impact of public policies affecting the supply of rental housing and property turnover; Supply of sub-markets; rental allowances
Individual Perceived control over someone's housing situation
market factors, relation & support of housing provider to obtain new temporary housing arrangements
Perceived control over domestic home
Relation to housing provider, Intention to live in housing sub-sector, domestic privacy, number of visits of landlord
Perceptual security (psycho-social
dimension)
Tenancy conditions and rental property
management
De facto security (actual dimension)
Table 3: Operationalisations: Forms of Capitals, Tactics & Strategies, Housing Pathways, Sense of home
Concepts
Definitions/Dimension
Indicators
Economic Share of the monthly rent relative to income, financial assistance Social Social networks, information on available housing within these networks to access housing (sub-) sectors Cultural Knowledge about the housing market and the existing possobilities (sub-sectors), educational attainment
tactical ad-hoc decision based on opportunities that occur and/or the urgent need for a housing solution strategical intentional decision to enter housing (sub-) sector
Linear Pathway High control of moves, primarily in formal housing sectors Chaotic progressive Freqent moves in informal (semi-illegal) and temporary housing arrangements including user-agreements and
temporary tenancies; greater control of moves Chaotic reproductive
Freqent moves between informal (semi-illegal) and formal temporary housing arrangements, including
user-agreements and temporary tenancies; frequently undesired moves
To be considered for all
types of pathways Timing in housing pathway and life-stage, duration and continuity of investigated housing arrangements Physical dimension &
spatial setting
Domestic home: Type of housing (office, residential etc.), condition, size of living space; Neighbourhood: Character of neighbourhood (location, types of houses [detached family houses, apartment buildings, etc.], Recreational areas
Activity patterns and social interaction
Domestic home: Daily routines, interaction with flatmates, interrelation of physical dimension of domestic home and activity patterns, Neighbourhood: degree of social interaction with neighbours, shopping, cafés de jure security of tenure How temporality affects sense of home
de facto security of tenure Tenancy conditions and rental property management; Tenancy sustainment, (see table 2) Perceptual security of
tenure Perceived control over housing situation, and domestic home (see table 2) Forms of Capital
Sense of home Housing Pathways Search behaviour and
3.3 Mixed methods
To answer the research questions, mixed methods were be applied. While quantitative data analysing ordinarily leads to a better generalisability and objectivity, qualitative approaches help to gain more in-depth insights into particular research units (Lund 2012). The main rationale using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods is that it can give a more complete picture of a phenomenon that cannot be drawn with the data generated by one method alone (Bryman et al. 2008). In other words, combining the two approaches helps to use their respective strengths and escape their weaknesses (Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998, in: Lund 2012). In this sense, the application of mixed methods helps this research to engage with both confirmatory and exploratory questions and is therefore able to answer questions related to causal descriptions (quantitative) and causal explanations (qualitative).
Triangulation, complementarity and expansion are the three main reasons for combining quantitative and qualitative methods for this work.
Triangulation is described as the process of applying and cross-checking findings deriving from both quantitative and qualitative methods (Brymann 2008: 392) and is therefore a basic tool to analyse and evaluate the collected data. More specifically, complementarity seeks to clarify and enhance the results from one method with the results from another (Greene et al., 1989: 259 in: Bryman 2006). The causal explanations derived from the expert interviews helped to analyse and understand the descriptive statistics concerning the number of contracts which are used in the sub-sectors (see Chapter 4.2). Last, descriptive statistics were also applied to expand insights regarding the young adults’ position on the housing market and the related shifts in recent years (see Chapter 4.1) which helped to have an idea about their de facto security of tenure (related to structural factors).
3.3.1 Research questions and applied methods
Table 4 illustrates the key topics and the applied methods per sub-question. Furthermore, the interviewed stakeholders and used data sets are illustrated.
Scheme for Evaluating Research, (Greene et al. 1989 in: Bryman 2006)
1: Triangulation convergence, corroboration, correspondence or results from different methods. 2: Complementarity ‘seeks elaboration, enhancement, illustration, clarification of the results from one method with the results from another’ 3: Expansion ‘seeks to extend the breadth and range of enquiry by using different methods for different inquiry components’ Table 4: Scheme evaluating mixed methods research
3.4 Data Collection and Sampling
The thesis draws on 16 interviews with young people aged between 18 and 31 years. Additionally, seven expert interviews with stakeholders who are involved in the allocation of the investigated housing arrangements and one interview with a member of an initiative that provides legal support for property guardians were conducted.
Within the sample of the young adults, care was taken to collect sufficient information regarding the different housing arrangements. As the housing sub-sector related to property guardianship and/or temporary tenancies is much bigger
Sub-questions and key topics
Applied methods
Data source
Quantitative: WiA, OIS, AFWC (number of contracts) Qualitative: Stakeholders of housing associations VPS RQ 2:
Allocation policies of housing arrangements
Young adults' capitals to enter housing sub-sectors
Semi-structured expert interview
Semi-structured interviews with young
adults Stakeholders of housing associations Project leaders of community projects Operational manager of VPS Young adults RQ 3: Housing pathways
tactical/strategical decision making
Semi-structured interviews with young
adults Young adults
RQ 4:
Sense of Home:
Factors: Spatial setting, Activity
patterns & social interactions, forms of capital, tenure security
Semi-structured interviews with young
adults Young adults
RQ 1:
Tenure development of Amsterdams housing market
Position and trends of younger age-groups on Amsterdam's housing market
Estimation of size and dynamics of the housing sub-sectors
Descriptive statistics Semi-structured expert
interviews
and has a range of different housing providers and/or intermediars, more interviews were conducted with people living in this sub-sector. To achieve a variation of experiences, basic criteria such as the gender, age and duration of living in one of the sub-sectors were considered in the selection process. Furthermore, different gatekeepers and entry points were used to approach interviewees. This helped to reduce potential biases related to snow ball sampling
.
Property guardians were the least accessible group of interviewees as they are not allowed to contact the owners of buildings (housing associations) or giving interviews with journalists. Therefore, this group was first approached via two distinct entry points of the private network. Additionally, the initiative which offers legal support for property guardians provided contacts to interviewees. The interviewed stakeholders of the housing associations and their collaborations with VPS constituted the third entry point to access property guardians but also temporary tenants. Community workers were approached with the help of the interviewed project leaders of the two organisations providing these housing arrangements in Amsterdam.
The sample consists of a diversity of experiences of current and past property guardians and/or temporary tenants and community workers. Within the sample, interviewees had experiences with seven different organisations, including four different VPS, one housing association and (the only) two community work project organisations in Amsterdam. A small number of respondents had also experience with PG outside of Amsterdam in the Netherlands (including one person who was also living as property guardian in London for one year).
The social characteristics of the sample correspond to previous conducted research on this group (for property guardians: Buchholz 2016; Ferreri et al. 2017), the entry requirements (community workers and temporary tenancies, see chapter 5.1), and the limited quantitative data available (see chapter 5.1)
All interviews were conducted individually to allow respondents reflecting on their experiences from a personal perspective, and generally lasted for 30-45 minutes. Topic lists helped to guide the interviews. All interviews were transcribed and coded using Atlas.ti. Interviewees’ names, the housing associations and VPS’ names were fully anonymised.
Gender Male (N=7) Female (N=9)
Age 18-25 (N=6) 25-30 (N=8) >30 (N=2)
Experience with Anti-squat (N=9) Community work (N=5) Temporary tenancy (N=6) Parental home Amsterdam (N=5) Amsterdam Region (N=6) Outside Region (N=5) Education currently Bachelor (5)Bacherlor finished (3) currently Master (6) Master finished (2)
Ethnicity Native Dutch (=16 )
Overview social Characteristics of Respondents (N=16)
Table 7: List of interviewees
Name Gender Age Educational level Types of studies Working/financial support Experience with Parental home Paul m 28 MA Fine arts, teaching part time working PG outside Amsterdam Elia f 30 BA (finished) Social work Social worker
PG inside & outside
Amsterdam outside Amsterdam Saartje f 25 BA Sociology Part-time working PG & TT outside Amsterdam Mira f 25 MA Social work Part-time working
PG inside & outside
Amsterdam outside Amsterdam Alicia f 27 MA (finished) Social science & Anthropology Part-time working
PG inside & outside
Amsterdam Amsterdam Gido m 31 MA History Part-time working PG & TT Amsterdam Jerome m 28 BA (finished) History Part-time working PG outside Amsterdam Thea f 23 BA Medicine Parental support TT Amsterdam or Region
Max m 24 MA Astro Physics Parental support TT Amsterdam
Jan m 22 BA
PPL (Politics, Psychology, Law and
Economics) Parental support Community work Amsterdam Elisa f 27 MA (finished) Social science Part-time working Community work Amsterdam or Region Miriam f 21 BA Medicine Parental support Community work Amsterdam or Region Anna f 24 BA (finished) Anthropology Parental support Community work Amsterdam or Region Matthijs m 26 MA Social work Part-time working PG & TT Amsterdam Flora f 19 BA Beta/Gamma (Natural science Parental support Community work Amsterdam or Region Maarten m 26 MA Social work Part time working PG & TT Amsterdam or Region
Expert interviews (N=8)
Project Advisors housing Associations 4
Project leaders Community work 2
Vacant property service company 1
Initiative which provides legal support for PG 1
Table 8: Expert Interviews
3.6 Limitations
The findings derived from the interviews of this research are not meant to convey universal truths but should instead be understood as an attempt to elucidate the lived experiences of young adults who are or have been living in alternative forms of housing and tenures in Amsterdam.
The initial idea was to just investigate one housing arrangement, namely property guardianship, which would have made the research process and data collection easier and more coherent. During the data collection it turned out that temporary tenancies are closely related to the allocation of housing in this sub-sector. Therefore, this type of housing was included as well. On request of the AFWC the topic was broadened and the housing projects for community workers were included in the research. As housing the arrangements related to community work constitute a rather distinct living form, it affected in a way the uniformity of the sample. Comparing and analysing the experiences of individuals turned out to be difficult, especially concerning the fourth sub-research question.
Furthermore, more expert interviews than planned were conducted (thanks to the connections of the AFWC). These interviews were important to especially gain insights concerning the allocation policies and the collaborations of housing associations and VPS and the structural dynamics of the housing sub-sectors. However, the unexpected high number of expert interviews affected the sample size of the interviewed young adults. Based on the given data collection process, the limitations with regards to the breadth and diversity of experiences documented is acknowledged.
It has to be mentioned that most of the interviews were not conducted in the young adults’ home. Many interviewees wanted to meet during the day on campus, and the interviews were arranged sometimes quite spontaneously. Furthermore, some of the respondents were not living in one of the housing sectors anymore. This limits in a way the insights concerning their lived experiences in connection with the physical settings.
Concerning the quantitative data some limitations must be mentioned. The sample size of the WiA surveys did not allow to make smaller samples of younger age-groups. Therefore, smaller age cohorts, or including variables such as income or the educational level would have led to too small samples sizes (as the minority of young respondents below 35 years in the survey is low educated, the latter does barely influence the informative value when comparing the quantitative data with the sample of the interviewed young adults). Furthermore, changes in the survey slightly influence the comparisons between the different years. In 2015 student housing as a form of tenure was included in the survey, which might influence the share of young adults in the housing stock owned by the housing associations (and potentially also in the private sector).
Even though PG as a form of tenure is included in the survey, the sample is too small (only 16 out of ~19.000 in 2017) to quantitatively generalise social characteristics of property guardians. However, it is the only data available and indicates exactly the profile of property guardians derived of the sample of interviewees and their understanding of guardians’
profiles. The sample size of temporary tenancies in the WiA survey is bigger but also not generalisable, though the social characteristics correspond with the allocation policies of these arrangements and the interviewed young adults (see Chapter 5.1).
The data of (new) user-agreements and temporary tenancies (Chapter 4.2) was provided by the housing associations and does not include social characteristics. It must be emphasised that this data is only related to buildings owned by the housing associations. Therefore, the private sector is not included in the estimation of the sub-sectors and their dynamics. As VPS are highly protective about their data, the total size of the housing sub-sectors will probably not reveal very soon.
