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‘’Prefer to make this as invisible as possible’’

How menstruation still remains something to conceal among the

researched social scientific academia

Name: Fátima Rowena Lorena do Rosário

Student number: 10279857

Email:

fdorosario@hotmail.com

Study: Algemene Sociale Wetenschappen, UvA

(Interdisciplinary Social Sciences)

Thesis supervisor: B. Da Roit / D. Gerritsen

Second supervisor: D. Gerritsen / D. Greshof

Course: Bachelorscriptie (Bachelor Thesis)

Date: 01/24/2017

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1Front page sheet of lined paper (excl. content):

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction and problem thesis ... 4

1.1 Introducing menstruation within the context of gender inequality in academia ... 4

1.2 Diagram problem thesis ... 9

1.3 Organization of the thesis ... 10

2. Theoretical framework: social inequality ... 12

2.1 Bourdieu’s relational mechanism of field, capital and habitus ... 13

2.2 Social mobility: gender ... 18

2.3 The body ... 22

2.3.1 The female body ... 23

2.3.2 Menstruation ... 25

2.4 Menstruation in the workplace ... 26

2.5 The body capital ... 27

2.6 Interdisciplinarity... 29

3. Research questions and hypotheses ... 34

3.1 Main question ... 35

3.2 Sub questions and hypotheses ... 36

3.2.1 Sub question 1: female academics ... 37

3.2.2 Sub question 2: male academics ... 39

4. Methodology ... 41

4.1 Epistemology and ontology ... 41

4.2 CSCCS research design... 43

4.3 Population ... 43

4.3.1 Population of interest ... 43

4.3.2 Research process ... 44

4.4 Operationalization ... 46

4.5 Measurement instruments: two better than one ... 48

4.6 Methods data analysis ... 50

4.7 Interdisciplinarity... 51

4.8 Ethical issues ... 52

5. Quantitative results ... 53

5.1 Data preparation ... 53

5.1.1 Factor analysis: male academics ... 53

5.1.2 Factor analysis: female academics ... 54

5.1.3 Statistics ... 56

5.1.4 Female academics only: model, descriptives & normality ... 58

5.2 Main analysis ... 60

5.2.1 Analysis ... 60

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5.2.3 Results model 2: Activities Work ... 63

5.2.4 Results model 3: Strategies (within reach and concealed) ... 64

5.2.5 Regression table ... 66

6. Integration ... 67

6.1 Qualitative and integration analysis process ... 67

6.2 Results ... 68

6.2.1 Introducing female academics, their workplace and menstruation an sich ... 68

6.2.2 Menstruation at work and the issue of talking ... 70

6.2.3 Letting the data ‘’speak:’’ newly arisen themes ... 77

7. Conclusion ... 78

7.1 Conclusion ... 78

7.1.1 Quantitative research question female academics ... 78

7.1.2 Integrated research question ... 82

7.2 Reflection and further research ... 83

8. Bibliography ... 84

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1. Introduction and problem thesis

1.1 Introducing menstruation within the context of gender inequality in academia

The history of women’s gradual participation in the labor market differs from regions and sectors worldwide, with the services sector being their main source of employment in contemporary developed countries (Lincove 2008, p. 45-46; United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2010). Despite women’s participation remaining steady worldwide when taking the last two decades as point of departure, it can be said that over the years, they have climbed up in the hierarchy of job positions: from low paid, low education required jobs to services and even entering highly paid, powerful and influential jobs such as white collar jobs and academia (Lincove 2008, p. 45-47, 64; United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2010).

However, the fulfillment of these highly influential and powerful occupations occurs rarely. Looking at the professions in the educational field during 2007 for example, women worldwide are on the one hand more concentrated in the professions on primary and secondary educational levels and on the other hand, they are far more underrepresented within the tertiary levels (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2010). More specifically, within the university staff there seems to be another division, with women being underrepresented in the senior positions compared to the junior positions (Fotaki 2013) and their male counterparts. Hence, women seem to be

prevented to reach the highest positions in inter alia academia which most likely indicates the presence of a glass ceiling (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 269), i.e. barriers or factors preventing these women to acquire and occupy positions with equal status and power as their male counterparts.

Following from a body of previous research, various (internal, external, individual and

structural) factors such as marital constraints, inadequate social connections and unequal stereotype expectations on negative work performance of female workers (McBrier 2003, p. 1208, 1243) have been confirmed as causes preventing women to reach these high positions. Elaborating on the latter factor, these ideas surrounding the quality of women’s job performance are not the only stereotyped perceptions present, rather perceptions on the female body an sich also play an important part. These are related to both the social aspect of their bodies in the sense of how they present themselves, i.e. whether taking on masculine, though direct behavior within these occupations or preserving their feminine ways

this discrepancy is also known as the double bind (Fotaki 2013, p. 1270)

and to the associations made with their female reproductive functions, i.e. reducing these women to merely bodies (Fotaki 2013, p. 1265-1266). This reduction is a form of ascribed abjected position, which women try to avoid by, in Fotaki’s (2013, p. 1265) words, ‘’hiding their physical body’’ when being present in their workplaces and self-abject themselves.

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functions belonging to women’s reproductive health, is menstruation: a period within the menstrual cycle which all reproductive-aged women usually (that is, with a few exceptions) go through every month. When turning our focus to this natural condition, we find that the intensity of a woman’s period varies from woman to woman, ranging from experiencing little to no hinder in one’s daily life (i.e. in physical terms the amount of pain or blood loss (in Dutch: vloeien) and/or mental and emotional issues) to a heavy variant which is known within the medical field as ‘’Menorrhagia’’, entailing inter alia heavy blood loss and severe pain. Within the USA, Menorrhagia is common and one out of the five women experiences heavy bleeding (CDC, 12 Dec. 2011)2. In the Netherlands, the

Academisch Medisch Centrum3 estimated that one out of six women to one out of ten women

experiences heavy blood loss and seeks treatment (AMC, 14 Feb. 2011)4.

Since the (inconvenience of the) experienced pain and blood loss (is/) are subjective hence making it difficult to measure, this heavy variant serves as an example to show what possible difficulties might occur surrounding this form of women’s reproductive health. For aside from heavy bleeding interfering with a woman’s day-to-day activities in life (such as going to work) thus

restricting one’s quality of life, the severity of the experienced pain (medically known as

‘’Dysmenorrhoea’’) can also affect and interfere with one’s normal activities making some of these activities even unable to perform or unable to attend to (Patient.co.uk, 11 Mar. 2013; Patient.co.uk, 7 May 2013; Patient.co.uk, 24 Jan. 2012)5. Thus, when a woman suffers enormously from her

menstruation to such an extent that it becomes a burden in the course of her life on a day-to-day basis (e.g. at her workplace), this natural condition becomes problematized. The fact that it can be considered a legitimate problem, resonates through the (amount of) ways of treatment, from medication (e.g. hormone therapy to reduce the bleeding, birth control pills to regulate one’s period and reduce the bleeding or Ibuprofen to reduce pain, cramps and bleeding) to surgery (e.g. operative hysteroscopy to manage heavy blood loss) to heavy surgery (e.g. hysterectomy i.e. removing the entire uterus) (AMC, 14 Feb. 2011; CDC, 12 Dec. 2011; Patient.co.uk, 11 Mar. 2013; Patient.co.uk, 24 Jan. 2012). Furthermore, it resonates through the existence of support groups such as ‘’Women’s Health Concern’’ and ‘’Pelvic Pain Support Network’’6. In other words, apparently there is a need for

2http://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/blooddisorders/women/menorrhagia.html, (accessed on: 02/18/2014)

3Academisch Medisch Centrum (English: Academic Medical Centre) or AMC, is internationally acknowledged in

the field of academic medicine and is one of eight university medical centers in the Netherlands, its tasks consisting of inter alia conducting medical scientific research.

4https://www.amc.nl/web/Zorg/Patient/Patienteninformatie/Bloedverlies-hevige-menstruatie.htm, (accessed

on: 02/27/2014)

5http://www.patient.co.uk/pdf/4418.pdf, (accessed on: 02/18/2014)

http://www.patient.co.uk/pdf/4417.pdf, (accessed on: 02/18/2014) http://www.patient.co.uk/pdf/4238.pdf, (accessed on: 02/18/2014)

6http://www.patient.co.uk/pdf/5255.pdf, (accessed on: 02/18/2014)

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medication and organizing into support groups, thus (implicitly) acknowledging heavy menstruation as a problem and hindrance in daily life by inter alia medical workers.

Additionally, as part of reproductive health, menstruation is experienced differently within varying social-cultural contexts, in particular when this seemingly natural process is related to gender and power issues (Hardon 1997, p. 170, 173) so as to result in a possible hindrance for women in for example the workplace.

One of the workspaces women in developed countries find themselves in nowadays is science, or more specifically, academia. People within this field are expected to have at one’s disposal certain knowledge, such as general knowledge on the working of female reproductive functions which has been learned throughout the path to reach college, i.e. during the corresponding secondary educational levels. More importantly, they were long expected to have an open-minded attitude as they occupy these professional positions within the scientific community (Mulkay 1976, p. 637-638, 650). It is therefore expected that especially academics within the social sciences are relatively more reflexive, as it is anticipated that they are open to discussing their own perceptions and on what these perceptions are based, i.e. which social processes brought about their way of viewing the world. This might lead to said social scientists being aware of the possible negative views they might have concerning menstruation, perhaps followed by altering their views to at least not frowning upon issues surrounding menstruation, to the possibility of maybe even acknowledging these issues.

Thus, taking together the inconvenience of (heavy) menstruation within women’s lives – the social context of their workplace in particular – and the acknowledgment on the one hand by certain parties such as medics, and abjection in some cases by others (for example, by colleagues), we arrive at the preliminary general research question: How is menstruation viewed and experienced within

academia as part of social inequality?7 To investigate this matter, the above-mentioned medical

discourse on menstruation (e.g. the different gradations in which it occurs, ways of treatment and its consequences) needs to be set out. This will be done in the theoretical framework.

Furthermore, the notion of social inequality will be further discussed as part of one’s well-being, i.e. it has to do with one’s context dependent positive state of one’s mental, physical and social conditions. As such, this preliminary question encompasses finding out if and how the views and experiences of menstruation within the academic workplace go hand-in-hand with an expected negative well-being of female reproductive-aged academics through a possible lack of

acknowledgement (mental condition), difficulties with menstrual characteristics (physical condition)

7 The main research question excludes at the same time women whom also experience (heavy) menstruation,

but whom either work at home or are not employed, but still experience inconvenience in their daily lives. These other settings could form suggestions for further research.

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and the inconvenience in their daily lives together with negative views by male and female colleagues (social condition). In other words the question comes down to on the one hand finding out if and how female reproductive-aged academics are treated and/or viewed differently when the subject matter is menstruation, despite having the same educational level and position in their academic workplace as their male and female colleagues. And on the other hand finding out if they act differently themselves – i.e. due to viewing their menstruation negatively themselves and as such having for example difficulties with talking about it – when again the topic of discussion amounts to menstruation.

The views of both the male as well as the female colleagues of the female reproductive-aged academics is considered on the one hand, to explore the awareness and (lack of) acknowledgment of the troubles the women in their workplace go through. The latter is supplemented on the other hand through exploring the views and the experiences of the female reproductive-aged academics

themselves8 to ultimately find out to what extent the difficulties surrounding menstruating in the

context of gender body based social inequality within the workplace are acknowledged.

Research done on and theories surrounding menstruation in general can be found in

anthropology, such as Blood Magic: The Anthropology of Menstruation by Buckley & Gottlieb (1988), which, as a bundle of mostly fieldwork research, discusses the cross-culturally and cultural specific variability of menstrual symbolism, tied meanings and other related phenomena; ethnographies included in one article (Inhorn 2006) where menstruation is slightly touched upon as one of the forms of reproductive health women in the United States have certain ways of regarding these bodily functions; and The Politics of Reproduction by Ginnsburg & Rapp (1991), in which short attention is given to examples of menstruation and menstrual rituals contextualized into systems tied to various cultures. Other studies done on (heavy) menstruation restricting one’s quality of life, can be sought within the discipline of medicine, such as Daily Menstrual Blood Loss and Quality of Life in Women

With Heavy Menstrual Bleeding by Lukes et al. (2012) in which the negative impact of heavy

menstrual bleeding on reproductive-aged women’s daily activities and lives is researched. Other certain studies within anthropology also relate to the research topic in this thesis, namely The

Woman in the Body (1992) by the anthropologist Emily Martin in which among other things,

premenstrual syndrome is discussed in relation to the workplace.

Based on the before mentioned literature, we find that what is not touched upon is how in addition to addressing heavy blood loss, the way menstruation is situated within one’s workplace

8 In retrospect, one woman and a few women whom weren’t of reproductive age anymore were also included

in the semi-structured interviews respectively the self-completion questionnaires. Nevertheless, the majority of the respondents and interviewees were women of reproductive age.

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and within social inequality is not restricted to (read: perceived by) women alone, or in our case, not restricted to female reproductive-aged academics alone. In other words, what is aimed in this thesis as contribution to studies on social inequality surrounding the female body, is focusing upon the total package of (heavy) menstruation – i.e. both (heavy) blood loss and (severe) pain, together with other aspects which might arise from the narratives – situated within a particular university, from the perspective of female reproductive-aged academics as well as their colleagues and exploring a possible lack of acknowledgment within this sector.

In short, the research topic combines all the former mentioned studies and moves beyond these elements to investigate the complex nature of menstruation within a workplace’s social inequality context, since it involves interdependent and interactive agents whom form a network (Blad et al., 2013, p. 22-23), namely female reproductive-aged academics and their colleagues. Another issue contributing to the complexity of this topic can be sought in the fact that it is located within the interaction of the body and society, or rather between nature and culture (Blad et al., 2013, p. 25). The research thematic can furthermore be located on the interface of disciplines (Blad et al., 2013, p. 27-28) due to its many aspects involving insights from different disciplines, for example the combination of the before mentioned literature. In other words, this bachelor thesis in general and the main question in particular require an interdisciplinary approach.

The disciplines from where the required insights need to be extracted are for starters

medicine for including the body of knowledge on (heavy) menstruation such as its consequences and treatment, in which these body issues are related to cultural notions. As such, anthropology is also needed, together with sociology and organizational studies where the social context of the

workplace in which these cultural notions are situated, practiced and reflected are explored, resulting in analyzing relevant trends such as women entering the labor force. Last but not least, all the before mentioned aspects have changed through time and developed themselves in relation to one another, which requires an at first slightly historical perspective followed by an integrated perspective for understanding their interrelatedness.

Finally, integration has been sought on different scales (Blad et al., 2013, p. 29-34): firstly, on a theoretical level by including theories on menstruation and theories related to it (all before

mentioned disciplines), on the body (anthropology and sociology) and more specifically on the (female) body in the workplace (organizational studies) together with Bourdieu’s theories on the field, capital and habitus for exploring the field of academia (social sciences). An important thing to note here is that these theories gear into each other so as to form an interdisciplinary framework. And secondly, integration has been sought on a methodological level by implementing both

qualitative and quantitative research methods; and within the analysis and discussion of the results (all before mentioned disciplines).

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1.2 Diagram problem thesis

The problem thesis is summarized in the diagram below to provide the reader with an analytical overview (see also appendix A for the complete version).

Figure 1. Diagram Problem Thesis

Here, we can see at once where menstruation is situated in the whole of social inequality factors together with the experiences of female academics. As part of the female body, it could contribute to prevailing negative views on the work performance of female academics. These attitudes on their turn are part of the more visible or the more well-known factors (in general) preventing these women to reach higher positions.

Social inequality is what this diagram is aimed at capturing, but before turning to the smaller fractions, it is important to define what social inequality entails, which shall be discussed further on.

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1.3 Organization of the thesis

This thesis consists of six parts. First, the complex nature of menstruation within a workplace’s gender inequality context is being introduced through generally presenting the population (female reproductive-aged academics and their male and female colleagues), the setting (academia as the workplace) and the reproductive process of interest (menstruation), which resulted in formulating the preliminary research question. However, merely introducing the elements of this thesis’ topic does not suffice to comprehend the same topic.

As such, the next step consists in presenting the theoretical framework of the research. The core resembles that of a funnel in the sense that we started with broad, abstract theories and worked towards the more specific ones. Concretely speaking we shortly touch upon the forms in which we experience social inequality – one could think of social mobility and the glass ceiling – and possible conditions through which we perceive it, such as differences in income levels. These are being discussed in general as well as in relation to the population of interest, namely regarding female reproductive-aged academics.

We then turn our focus towards the mechanism through which we achieve positions in society, followed by analyzing how especially women have gone through social mobility and

achieving positions. Once we cover how they reach their high positions, we zoom in on how women (especially female academics) maneuver in these high positions and what they might encounter as (socioeconomic) obstacles as they follow the exceptional path of female position-taking – such as a gender gap in earnings and gender segregation in held majors, indicating inequality in income respectively inequality in ranked (academic) positions. Another factor related to (female) position-taking and (gender) inequality is the body, which receives much attention. From there on we reach our main topic of menstruation. The theoretical framework ends with a section on interdisciplinary conceptualization of the used theories. We should also keep in mind that each section within the theoretical framework may formally be separated, however they resonate through each following theory and/or concept in the successive subsections.

As the used body of theories generated interdisciplinary insights, the next logical step following the research phases as described by Blad et al. (2013) was to formulate the final research question. However, as the final research question includes a new concept created through

integrating the various insights from the theoretical framework, it is fairly difficult to mention it here without the background of these integrated insights. What can be said, however, is that the final research question has been split up into multiple sub questions due to the complicated nature of the barely explored topic of situating menstruation within a social context. The theoretical framework namely includes no more than a small section on menstruation (in the workplace) which has to do

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with the fact that there are few theories to be found on taking a social scientific perspective (rather than a biological one) on this topic. One could say that there is a large gap to be filled and with multiple sub questions, investigating this barely explored topic - and with that contributing to slightly filling in said gap - became more manageable.

The methodology picks up where the section on the main- and sub questions has left us, namely with rich detailed explanations of the tools we have used for this research and what has been kept in mind whilst doing it. Describing and analyzing this data together form the logical next steps, and ending this thesis with the conclusion, discussion and reflection all make up the final steps.

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2. Theoretical framework: social inequality

The umbrella of social inequality under which the views and experiences of menstruation in

academia takes shelter, is a phenomenon not to be confused with social differentiation. Whereas the latter presupposes merely differences between groups or individuals which do not say anything about the positions regarding one another - since there is no ranking involved (e.g. the categories male/female) -, it can lead to social stratification: an arrangement of the positions groups or individuals fulfill in the sense of how for instance the inferior is opposed to the superior. What follows then, is social inequality: the differences in well-being between these groups or individuals (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 9-10, 21).

Elaborating further on the notion of social inequality, we find on the one hand the possibility of one’s position changing over time, also known as social mobility (more on this concept further on), and on the other hand, the possibility of one remaining in a certain state of inequality in a certain moment in time. When taking the core population of interest into account – female academics – we find that both forms of social inequality are applicable to their case. On the one hand, women have climbed the social ladder of occupations through the years, whilst on the other hand, they have stagnated from one point on, namely not or barely reaching the highest academic positions within academia due to a glass ceiling, thus remaining on the sticky floor (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 269) of the relatively lower positions. Another possible characteristic of social inequality consists of various conditions through which one could experience inequality, for example through income, gender, education, et cetera. In the case of female academics, we find that they experience a combination of both differences in income levels as well as discrimination on the basis of their gender.

So far, we have discussed the characteristics and forms in which we perceive and experience social inequality, but what about its causes? To research social inequality – be that in its broad, macro form or when considering a more specific aspect – we find the answer in its conditions: in short the way society is ordered, namely through access to the resources of economic capital, occupational prestige and power (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 10, 13) to name just a few. Thus, in understanding social inequality or the hierarchy of positions within a specific field in society, we need to look at what capital entails, locate its related aspects and how they work in relation to one

another. In other words, we shall now turn to Bourdieu’s theory on the relational mechanism of concepts where capital is accompanied by the other two important notions of habitus and field.

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2.1 Bourdieu’s relational mechanism of field, capital and habitus

To study the way society is arranged, it seems more plausible to first discuss the ‘’areas’’ where positions are ordered before focusing upon the means to reach and maintain these positions (i.e. the access to resources which causes the hierarchy).

Bourdieu (1983) dubs these areas as fields, which entail relatively autonomous (not

necessarily geographical) spaces where one needs to abide to certain rules, take on certain roles and acknowledge certain positions so as to function socially within this space. A lecturer for example, needs to acknowledge that a professor has a higher position and therefore the former should take on a relative subordinate role (in the sense that one acknowledges that one has relatively less power and prestige) as opposed to the occupant of the latter function.

The autonomous aspect reflects the fact that each field has a set of specific rules which is not applicable to other fields and the possibility of a distribution of positions which is not generalizable to society at large. More specifically, its boundaries are strong enough to withhold external influences from other fields, i.e. enforcing its own norms (and for those who do not comply, sanctions) on the position-takers within it (Bourdieu 1983, p. 321; Wacquant 2006, p. 8). One could think of academic jargon as a field specific characteristic since it is not applicable to other fields.

However, the second characteristic, namely that of relativity, resonates through the fact that fields are not entirely autonomous; rather they are always connected with other fields. The

interconnectedness between the political, economic and academic field for example, might result into fewer available positions for PhD candidates due to the effects of an economic crisis on state policy, showing thus how the academic field is also affiliated with the political and economic field. More importantly, the specific field of interest which in this case would be the academic field, is situated within the field of power – since academia has a high influential position among occupations (i.e. economic and prestige wise) – which on its turn is encompassed by the field of class relations; hence the field of interest is always to a certain extent affected by the field(s) in which it is situated (Bourdieu 1983, p. 319-320). It is therefore important to situate the field of interest into the broader social context.

Finally, the extent to which one embodies the rules and structures, gives access to certain resources within the field in question, such as beneficial social relations. Returning to our before mentioned example of a lecturer acknowledging the professor, this might lead to including the latter into one’s social network, which ‘’might come in handy’’ in future circumstances. The aspect of embodiment shall be elaborated on when discussing the third component of Bourdieu’s theory, but for now it can be said that this access to certain resources is fairly important, since the social structure within this field is composed of a hierarchy of positions (Bourdieu 1983, p. 322-323, 339-340; Wacquant 2006, p. 10).

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The struggle for scarce resources, through which the positions are obtained as well as maintained, is part and parcel of this hierarchy. More specifically, the constant battle for on the one hand conserving and on the other challenging the distribution of capital follows two courses. The first course consists of established members – whom fulfill dominant positions within a field – aiming for preservation of the existing order through inter alia keeping the external forces at bay. However, since on the other hand challenging the prevailing order of capital leads to a change in the hierarchy of positions, this course follows that of the newer, relatively subordinate members whom strive for overthrowing the distribution, with the probability of not shying away from using external means to achieve their end (Bourdieu 1983, p. 339-340; Wacquant 2006, p. 8). Younger lecturers for example, might lobby for an increased use of smart boards, which affiliates more with a technical – therefore external – branch, to challenge the knowledge the older associate professors have when it comes to giving lectures.

What follows then, is that Bourdieu uses the notion of capital which functions as a source of power to obtain (and/or maintain) one’s position within the field, since the accumulated

(materialized and/or embodied) labor it represents can lead to profit (in the broad, not necessarily economic sense of the word) when appropriately – i.e. according to the requirements of the field in question – deployed, which might also entail converting it when necessary (Bourdieu 1986, p. 46; Wacquant 2006, p. 7). One either maintains or obtains one’s position when having at one’s disposal the ‘’right’’ sources or more specifically the so called field specific sources, namely those which are appreciated within a specific field. The plurality underlying the former sentence implies that there are various forms of capital, which is also the case as Bourdieu applies three main forms in his work, namely economic capital, social capital and cultural capital with a fourth variant known as symbolic capital as an exceptional variant arising from the other three (Bourdieu 1986, p. 47; Wacquant 2006, p. 7).

Economic capital is one of the more straightforward sources: according to Bourdieu, this form encompasses financial and material assets such as money and property rights (Bourdieu 1986, p. 47; Wacquant 2006, p. 7). Attending an academic study for example, requires an amount of money to in the first place pay the tuition fees to the institution in question, but also for material goods such as the required literature and spare money for social events. The last two examples illustrate the interrelatedness of economic capital with other forms of capital. We shall return later to this aspect of interrelatedness, as there is more to say on its relation to the other forms.

Social capital on the other hand, has a less material nature. Beneficial social relations – which has been addressed earlier as a possible result of successfully gaining access to the resources within a field – are what social capital tantamount to. For starters, the beneficial nature of this network resonates through the profits one can obtain by mobilizing other members of the network on the

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basis of the other forms of capital one possesses. However, it is not merely a bed of roses, as if once the relations are established they remain a static given generating benefits. Rather, one needs to invest time in maintaining these relations (Bourdieu, 1986 p. 51-52; Wacquant 2006, p. 7). One could think of after graduating staying in touch within other Alumni and attending certain events such as drinks receptions, or putting up a LinkedIn profile and adding former college students so as to find a job through the networks one has established. Moreover, what is often the case within these networks is that aside from solidarity and exchange, the members also share an amount of cultural capital.

Cultural capital is a more complex notion, for Bourdieu further divides it into three forms – ranging from material to immaterial guises – which are in succession objectified, institutionalized and embodied capital (Bourdieu 1986, p. 47-51; Wacquant 2006, p. 7). Firstly, he distinguishes objectified capital as a form of cultural goods (for example books, such as works from classic academics and thinkers) one possesses which show to what extent one is cultivated.

Institutionalized capital makes up the second form, considered as the information one has that reflects to the outside world that one belongs within a specific field. For example the mere mentioning of the attended university’s name on one’s academic degree can influence one’s

position: ‘’…the cultural capital academically sanctioned by legally guaranteed qualifications, formally independent of the person of their bearer. With the academic qualification, a certificate of cultural competence which confers to its holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed value…’’ (Bourdieu 1986, p. 50). This small bit of information (and depending on the position of the

university’s rank on the international order) proofs that one is part of this academic field. The final form consists of embodied capital, which is also known as unconsciously incorporating the proper – i.e. field specific – ways of behavior, which requires a huge amount of time investment to reach the state where it is linked to the body of the person in question (Bourdieu 1986, p. 48).

In addition to the three major kinds of capital, Bourdieu has also applied symbolic capital, which arises from the successful usage of the before mentioned forms of capital. When certain capital is not treated as capital as such (in Bourdieu’s terms, they are misrecognized) but can be used in the battle of positions as a way for access to resources, namely through the profit it accrues from the other forms, it is therefore eventually functioning as a form of capital (and thus recognized as a fourth form) (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 118, 123-124). One could think of prestige, which might arise from the (different) high academic degrees one possesses and which might give the person in question more leverage in achieving a higher position within the academic field.

Whereas symbolic capital might be interpreted as not self-contained as it accrues from successful use of the before mentioned forms of capital, they are all in a way dependent on or

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earlier mentioned example of economic capital illustrates this point fairly well: the amount of money necessary to pay for an academic study will eventually pay off when (the name of) the academic institution has a high value, hence recalling the value of institutionalized capital (which is a form of cultural capital). The collection of the purchased material goods such as literature from classical thinkers might be displayed on one’s book shelves at the end of one’s study, showing the extent to which one is well-educated, therefore recalling the value of objectified capital (another variant of cultural capital). Furthermore, the economic capital of one’s parents might release one from the necessity of working during college, therefore providing one with more time to invest in for example acquiring the right ways of behavior (as is the case with children from dominant classes (Shilling 1993, p. 133)), thus showing in retrospect the value of embodied capital (the third form of cultural capital). The spare money for social events might result into lasting beneficial social relations which – aside from constant investment – might be consulted for future job applications, hence recalling the value of social capital. Finally, mobilizing the members of this network on the basis of other forms of capital – one could think of using one’s prestige – brings us back to the value of symbolic capital. More importantly, where the visibility of economic capital is undesirable, it is disguised or rather, converted into symbolic capital (i.e. economic based dependent relations covered under moral relations (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 123, 128); one could think of when someone gives to charity there are certain circumstances in which this person can file this action under deducible taxes). The important point to be made, then, is the fact that not only are these forms of capital interrelated, rather the provided examples of their interdependence have also shown that one form is converted into the other when necessary, i.e. as a strategy to survive in the struggle of the field (Bourdieu 1986, p. 54; Wacquant 2006, p. 10) or in Bourdieu’s words: ‘’The convertibility of the different types of capital is the basis of the strategies aimed at ensuring the reproduction of capital (and the position occupied in social space) by means of the conversions…‘’ (Bourdieu 1986, p. 54, emphasis mine). What’s more, converting capital based on what is the most appropriate one (read: field specific source) at a certain moment, shows how capital is interrelated with the field: ‘’…at the cost of a more or less great effort of transformation, which is needed to produce the type of power

effective in the field of question.’’ (Bourdieu 1986, p. 53-54, emphasis mine).

However, as was mentioned before, Bourdieu’s theory on the relational mechanism of capital and the field is accompanied by the third component of habitus. This concept has a long history of meanings, dating back to Aristotle and picked up by classic sociological thinkers such as Weber (Wacquant 2006, p. 6), but the definition which is appropriate in this context is Bourdieu’s version: the system of internalized, embodied dispositions (i.e. practices, behaviors and ideas) through which one perceives and (most of all) practices one’s position within the world. On the one hand, this position helps shape the dispositions one is socialized into, whereas on the other hand, the

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dispositions or structures are to a certain extent independent of the person in question and

therefore shape the (path of the/to the) position (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 52-53; Bourdieu 1983, p. 341; Wacquant 2006, p. 8).

These schemata are unconscious and therefore ‘’…organize practices and representations that can be objectively adapted to their outcomes without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or express mastery of the operations necessary in order to attain them.’’ (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 53). Moreover, they ‘’…are acquired through lasting exposure to particular social conditions and conditionings, via the internalization of external constraints and possibilities.‘’ (Wacquant 2006, p. 8) These two quotes illustrate how habitus makes a connection between the macro and the micro (or between structure and agency (Wacquant 2006, p. 6)), i.e. how one internalizes the macro structures and how this is reflected in the micro of how one thinks and acts.

Furthermore, based on the principles of continuity and discontinuity (Wacquant 2006, p. 7), habitus can be divided into the following degrees: first, there is the primary habitus, which

encompasses the first forms of socialization through for example the parents and during elementary school. The secondary habitus entails those schemata which are obtained through a socialization process further in life or rather, in other fields such as the academic field. In short, habitus is

interrelated with the field, hence it is field specific (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 55-56, 58-60; Bourdieu 1983, p. 343, 345; Wacquant 2006, p. 8). This brings us to another division: on the one hand the collective or group habitus which is the case when one shares the same habitus with another person in the same field, and on the other hand, the deviation of the group habitus or rather, the individual habitus as it is produced by individuals whom have their own unique experiences within the given field specific structures and dispositions (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 58-60). More importantly, these deviations from the group habitus are caused by the hierarchy of positions: whereas people in a specific field have comparable habitus, they occupy different positions and therefore experience the shared habitus differently. Higher positions might indicate a better extent of embodying the rules and structures within a field, therefore acquiring more power, prestige and other forms of capital, better security of one’s position and therefore different ways of viewing the world. This also indicates that habitus and capital are interrelated (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 57; Wacquant 2006, p. 7). Hence, we can see that habitus also puts in a word when understanding social inequality or the hierarchy of positions within (a specific field in) society.

This understanding encompasses the socializiation of people into field specific ways of

thinking and acting depending on the position one occupies (indicating habitus), in which this

position is acquired through access to the necessary resources (indicating capital), which in turn are

converted into the appropriate ones according to the demands of the field (indicating field) and

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capital (indicating habitus). In sum, understanding the hierarchy of positions encompasses understanding the relational workings of the habitus, capital and field (Bourdieu 1983, p. 352; Wacquant 2006, p. 9).

So far, we have spoken of ‘’one’’ or ‘’an academic’’ as though the person in question whom is trying to obtain a position, is genderless. This has been done on purpose, for the sake of bringing one’s maneuvers within a field into line with the opportunities tightly bound to it. However, there is a major difference between the possibilities of and how a female academic achieves and maintains her position in comparison to her male counterpart. In short, gender relations also put in a word in the structuring of the hierarchy of positions within society at large and more specifically, within the academic field, which shall become evident in the following section.

2.2 Social mobility: gender

’’ […] gender … is a ‘’process of social construction, a system of social stratification, and an institution that

structures every aspect of our lives because of its embeddedness in the family, the workplace and the state… ‘’

- (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 260; emphasis mine)

Contrary to what the above mentioned quote implies

namely gender inequality

, women do have similarities with their male counterparts in how they achieve (new) positions. In other words,

Bourdieu’s mechanism (of the field and the three major forms of capital) is also

albeit to a certain extent

applicable to female academics changing their social position within the system of social stratification, indicating their social mobility (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 201-203). By making a grab out of the before mentioned relational concepts, this shall become evident.

For starters, fields

as they are not entirely autonomous

are to a certain extent subject to external influences. As newcomers try to enter a field, they need help from the outside to win their internal struggle within the field (Bourdieu 1983, p. 337). This has been the case for female

academics: despite not being able to enter high positions in the past, as changes in society at large occurred (e.g. feminist activism in the United States (Jacobs 1996, p. 160)), opportunities for women expanded, therefore making it possible for women to enter high(er) positions in general (and one could think of academic positions in particular). Moreover, before the nineties of the twentieth century, the labor market expanded, therefore increasing women’s participation in the workforce. This outcome is known as also being caused by the job queuing process’ (i.e. the process that places those workers in professions previously unavailable to these workers) second property, namely the shape of the queue in which an increase in unfilled jobs led employers to turn to female workers to

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fill the gap (as the ‘’source’’ of male workers was exhausted). Hence, women were able to enter the previously (unavailable to them/) male dominated professions (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 265-266, 269-270), one could perhaps think of academic positions.

On the other hand, fields are also to a certain extent autonomous, enforcing their own norms and as they are historical entities

they arise and grow (Wacquant 2006, p. 8)

they are subject to time, thus they change as does the demanded field specific capital. The ever growing importance of an academic degree as form of cultural (institutionalized) capital provides us with an example. In these times of its growing importance, in the access to higher education in for example the United States, women were doing relatively well as they caught up with men (again by 1990) in average educational attainment (Jacobs 1996, p. 153-154, 175) and also more women seemed to finish a college degree than their male counterparts (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 273). Furthermore, in the Arab Middle East and North Africa, the enrollments of women in the tertiary sector and their educational advancement have increased (Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 514). In general, education on a global scale experienced a closing gender gap (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 264).

However, despite this tremendous progress in these domains in society, trailing behind men in equality is still evident in both income

indicating a gender gap in earnings

and in ranked positions, such as gender segregation in the majors men and women hold (Jacobs 1996, p. 153-154, 160, 175; Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 511; Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 264-266; Kim et al., 2010, p. 454).

Women see fewer returns from education once they’ve graduated from college and enter the workspace, which can be illustrated by the fact that there is a disparity evident between females and males in for example the occupation of college professor: whereas women in the United States in 1994 composed almost half of the academic instructors and lecturers, less than twenty percent

made up the rank of professor (Jacobs 1996, p. 153-154, 171-172, 175; Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 526 Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 264, 267, 273). Furthermore, these findings were also found in a study at a department of a British University by Morrison et al. (2005), where roughly the same division could be made during 2001-2002 among rank and gender (Morrison et al., 2005, p. 152). Moreover, this general decline of the female share from the bottom ranked to the top ranked academic positions

also indicated as the bottom heavy distribution of female faculty (Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 519)

has shown to be the case for other European countries as well as the United States, in short in western universities, as well as in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 516, 525). Women seem to be more centered in jobs where a high concentration of females is already evident, as in this example of women being concentrated in the lower ranks of the academic hierarchy (Karam & Afiouni 2014, p. 519, 525; Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 266).

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In other words, despite having entered occupations which were previously only reserved for men, women couldn’t rise any more in their rank despite their qualifications (i.e. cultural capital), which demonstrates the prevalence of a glass ceiling (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 269). Hence, there seems to be a major difference in the possibilities of female academics and how female academics achieve their positions as opposed to their male colleagues: the otherwise (more or less) guaranteed recognized position or rank

within the relatively autonomous field

based on

educational qualifications as described by Bourdieu (1990 [1980], p. 131), is not sufficiently applicable to women.

What Bourdieu does offer us in understanding the exceptional way of female position-taking, however, is that which women (and men) are subject to, namely masculine domination. This notion encompasses a system of principles in how we perceive the world and order it (i.e. our dispositions), derived from Mediterranean civilization as well as from pre-second feminist gulf western civilization, and is still evident within our mental structures and embodied by both contemporary Western men and women, albeit in a partial, inconsistent and distorted fashion than during the time of its origin. (Bourdieu 1996-1997, p. 192, 193, 195). One of the forms of masculine domination in western societies in previous centuries, is for example the context of economic relations during the Middle Ages, where the socially constructed subordination of women resulted from the need of controlling property (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 262). Moreover, during the times when religions had more leverage, it was preached in some doctrines that women were dangerous, there was a need for controlling them and they were viewed as naturally subordinate to men. Surprisingly, religion and science seemed to agree on this point, as scientists also indicated that women

albeit differently than religion, namely reasoning on the basis of their reproductive functions and through Darwinian reasoning

were naturally inferior to men (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 262-263).

These previous forms of masculine domination were direct of nature, but as society changes (one could think of feminist activism fighting for female equality), this direct state became more difficult to exercise, especially as it became disapproved of. Therefore, the only way for exercising masculine domination, was through it taking on a more disguised nature (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 128). The path that these forms of explicit domination

or objective gendered divisions in Bourdieu’s words

thus followed, was through being inscribed in both the social order of things and in

embodiment ‘’...in the form of dispositions and become subjective principles of vision, cognitive categories through which individuals come to see and construct the world as meaningful, lived reality.’’ (Bourdieu 1996-1997, p. 194-195). As an attentive reader, one might recall a characteristic of one of Bourdieu’s earlier discussed concepts resonating through this quote, namely that of the habitus. Another aspect from the same notion of habitus

namely that due to its unconscious

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nature, the practices and representations could be objectively adapted to their outcomes without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 53)

is related to the above mentioned quote. The latter point namely explains how one in contemporary Western society might practice masculine domination, but mostly in its disguised form as it is deeply embodied and

therefore appears self-evident (Bourdieu 1996-1997, p. 195). The habitus thus plays a role in masculine domination.

However, the mechanism of masculine domination becomes more complex as Bourdieu argues that within its context, the habitus

which has an important role in the set up and

perpetuation of the relations within this mechanism

is interrelated with the field, as the habitus is an effect of the structure of this relatively autonomous space (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 130). This becomes more clear when we recall the process of socialization together with the division of the habitus in the primary habitus and the secondary habitus.

The former entailed the first forms of socialization, as experienced within the fields of the family and elementary school. As these two domains of early life are gendered in themselves (i.e. gender is an institution that is embedded in every aspect of our lives, see introductory quote) and taken together with another characteristic from the habitus

namely that the schemata of dispositions are acquired through inter alia exposure on a long term to certain social conditions (Wacquant 2006, p. 8)

, people come into contact with an early setup of masculine domination. And as the secondary habitus entailed socialized schemata such as in the academic field

which as an institutionalized mechanism and through it being nontransparent forms relations of dominance beyond an individual consciousness’ reach (Bourdieu 1990 [1980], p. 130)

and is taken together with the now fully embodied predispositions from early childhood, masculine domination is

perpetuated through socialization within the structures of these fields (Bourdieu 1996-1997, p. 195-196).

In general, female academics have gone through the same fields as their male counterparts, therefore they have unconsciously encountered the same structures through which they embodied the same schemata of this mode of domination. Moreover, they apply this system of dispositions themselves, which is in itself the point of view of the dominant gender, and therefore they

unconsciously view their domination as natural. This explains why the progress women have made throughout the centuries in the various domains of society, are often met with resistance not only by men, but also by women (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 273). Moreover, the mechanism of masculine domination with its interrelated concepts and processes, provides us with an understanding that gender inequality

albeit indirectly in the disguised state of masculine domination

is still a part of the world we live in as opposed to what Morrison et al. (2005, p. 151, 158, 160-161) labels the

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‘’postfeminist’’ era in which it is viewed as something we have ‘’left behind a long time ago’’ so to speak. Or, in Bourdieu’s words: ‘’The androcentric vision of the world is the commonsense of our world because it is immanent to the system of categories of all agents, including women (and thus

feminist theorists).’’ (Bourdieu 1996-1997, p. 199, emphasis mine).

The added emphasis in the last part of the quote is not made for the grace of it. Rather, Keister & Southgate (2012, p. 262) have stated in their theories on gender inequality that feminists, due to defining females only in relation to males, frequently gloss over the important contribution of female reproductive forces in how society is organized and more specifically, in the context of gender inequality. Thus, these feminists in question view women from an androcentric vision. Moreover, so far mostly socioeconomic factors have been discussed as contributing to female academics’

exceptional ways of obtaining positions. Therefore, we shall turn to the female body and the related reproductive functions in the next section, as it is makes up another factor of gender inequality and masculine dominance.

2.3 The body

’’The body for Bourdieu, … is an unfinished entity which develops in conjunction with various social forces and is integral to the maintenance of social inequalities.’’

- (Shilling 1993, p. 127; emphasis mine)

We now know how society is ordered, namely through the access to resources and on the basis of gender as structured by masculine domination. What hasn’t been touched upon however, is the fact that society is filled with individuals, who are located in material entities called bodies. Obvious as this might seem, the body has long been glossed over by social scientists until recently.

Contrary to what might seem at face value the topic of interest for merely the medical sciences, many theorists from the social sciences have embraced the body as a socially constructed phenomenon. More specifically, they have realized that in understanding how another’s body is perceived, they need to take the perspective that the body and its senses are to a certain extent socially constructed, and they need to include the structures of society through moving beyond the aspect of inter alia health (Synnott & Howes 1992, p. 164). Furthermore, some have recognized that the body is both the embodiment of - and symbolic for - oneself and society as well as it is a mode where society perpetuates itself in (Synnott & Howes 1992, p. 163).

So far, we have covered these structures. We also have looked at the embodiment aspect of the body

such as masculine domination and how it is reproduced through its inscription in our bodies, hence recalling Bourdieu

, however now we shall delve into his theory where the body is

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viewed as a material phenomenon with its symbolic value and its relation to society (Shilling 1993, p. 73-74). The key position in this analysis is the introduction of another form of capital, which is in this case more related to shaping the body. Bourdieu dubs this notion as physical capital: developing and shaping one’s body so as to comply with the image of bodies which possess value in certain fields (Shilling 1993, p. 127-128). As a form of capital it shares the same characteristics as economic, social and cultural capital, in the sense that through its conversion

i.e. translating body participation into the other forms

, it is interrelated with those three major forms and hence field specific. For example the position one has in the field of class relations indicating one’s social class, defines which ways of development of the body

i.e. its performance, form or activity

is required and valued. And as we recall the mechanism of fields, they are subject to time, thus they change as does the physical capital they demand, together with the value they attribute to this capital (Shilling 1993, p. 135, 139). However, as has been the case with the other forms of capital and the field, the

mechanism of physical capital is not exactly the same for women as it is to men. With this form of capital, women also experience fewer opportunities than men (Shilling 1993, p. 147)

In short, the body exercises power and reproduces social inequalities, and through discussing Bourdieu’s notion of physical capital, it is possible to explore what can be viewed as the legitimate body together with its legitimate usage in society (Shilling 1993, p. 128, 144-145). The legitimate uses can be located in inter alia Goffman’s management of the body, more specifically within the interplay between the virtual social identity

i.e. how one views oneself

and the actual social identity

i.e. how others view the person in question (Shilling 1993, p. 74, 85-86). The former tends ‘’…to be governed by a general desire to present ourselves as normal people worthy of playing a full part in society’’ (Shilling 1993, p. 86), hence indicating the wish to practice the legitimate uses of the body. However, when one’s bodily management and appearance do not comply in reality with the desired legitimate uses, and this is ‘’picked up’’ by others in society, the actual social identity one has, is the categorization of being a ‘’failed member’’ within society (Shilling 1993, p. 74, 85-86). This friction between what is considered the legitimate use of the body and its opposite of the illegitimate usage, becomes more clear when considering how women present themselves in high positions, also known as the double bind.

2.3.1 The female body

We have seen before that women tend to be concentrated at the lower ranks within the hierarchy of occupations. Once we move up on the rungs of the social ladder, fewer women can be found fulfilling these positions as opposed to more men the higher one climbs this same ladder.

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professors, they find themselves in previous as well as contemporary rather male dominated domains. As the prevailing habitus within the higher positions are mostly masculine

since the better one embodies the structures and rules of the field where masculine domination is also part and parcel of, the higher the chances of acquiring better access to resources, therefore acquiring a higher position

female academics need to adjust their schemata

i.e. they require a secondary habitus fitted to these higher positions within the field. Their former individual habitus is triggered in innovation as the new social setting where these female academics find themselves in (i.e. their higher position), is discrepant with their previous, lower position and therefore with their former lower position’s related habitus (Wacquant 2006, p. 7). In other words, if they want to be viewed as competent, they have to take on a more masculine characterized demeanor, as this is the rule of the high order (Fotaki 2013, p. 1270; Morrison et al., 2005, p. 153-154), or rather, as this is viewed as the legitimate body within higher positions.

However, despite these female academics possibly aiming at masculine behavior so as to prevent being categorized as a ‘’failed member’’ of the field or rather, preventing to be abjected due to failing in complying with what is viewed as the legitimate body in this field, they are still female and they might also feel compelled to hold on to their femininity (Fotaki 2013, p. 1265-1266;

Morrison et al., 2005, p. 153-154). After all, though finding themselves in a male dominated domain, or perhaps exactly because it is a male dominated domain, the gendered social order of things is

through the predominant masculine domination

relatively stronger. Therefore, the (general) view of the female legitimate body entails predominantly feminine behavior. Hence, women in high positions, such as these female academics, find themselves trapped between these frictions of opposing legitimate uses of the body, constituting the double bind.

What makes this situation even more complex, is the fact that the body is not merely a social construction: rather, it is also an organic phenomena or object. As such, the natural properties of the human body, together with its social properties, make up social relations (Shilling 1993, p. 103, 105). An example of this interrelatedness is that of gender identities, which are based on: on the one hand

suppression of and neglecting the biological similarities between men and women and on the other

hand emphasizing and fabricating the biological differences (which in reality only constitute the reproductive differences) (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 258-259; Shilling 1993, p. 31, 108-109, 111). When recalling the embeddedness of gender together with masculine domination in every aspect of life, we find that male bodies are relatively positively valued compared to female bodies.

As such, the double bind also constitutes the biological aspect of female behavior, i.e. women’s bodily functions. Negative attitudes towards female reproductive functions and their justification for female subordination have been an issue in the past and still are in contemporary

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society. The first American colonizers for example, were prohibited from certain interactions (e.g. sexual intercourse) with women during certain times (e.g. the years when women breastfed their children). Menstruation also played a part, as both a period during which no contact was allowed as well as reason enough for scientists centuries later for viewing women as less fit than their male counterparts (Keister & Southgate 2012, p. 263). These views of women’s bodies being defined as inferior to men’s on the basis of the female reproductive functions, were still prevalent during the end of the twentieth century and still are during the last decade, albeit in covered and indirect ways (Johnston-Robledo & Stubbs 2013, p. 3; Shilling 1993, p. 31).

Hence, female academics whom find themselves in male dominated domains, cannot fully take on a masculine demeanor if they would want to be viewed as competent (since in the female’s case as we have seen, qualifications are not sufficient enough in obtaining high positions), for on their reproductive functions lay negative perceptions, negative perceptions which arise now and then as some women choose to become pregnant during their career for example. Moreover, ‘’covering’’ (Fotaki 2013, p. 1265) the essence of their female body in the hope of following the path of the ‘’legitimate’’ male body becomes more difficult as women in general menstruate every month.

2.3.2 Menstruation

Scientific knowledge on menstruation, as well as on the body, has experienced a slow inclusion of social theories in addition to biological theories. This inclusion is mainly caused by anthropologists and feminists, whom have turned their gaze towards the social context of menstruation (Johnston-Robledo & Stubbs 2013, p. 1; Lahiri-Dutt & Robinson 2008, p. 103).

Menstruation is for example viewed in Anglo-Saxon countries as something which should be hidden (Lahiri-Dutt & Robinson 2008, p. 103); in the United States, their seems to be a silence or communication taboo surrounding the issue around menstruation, which is caused by its conceptualization as a stigmatized condition through which it reflects women’s relatively lower status and is perpetuated by the internalization of this stigmatization (Johnston-Robledo & Stubbs 2013, p. 2, 4). Hence, we find the negative attitudes towards reproductive functions/-health,

together with taking up dimensions from the body and transforming them through social relations in ways ‘’…which can help reproduce positions of dominance and subordination’’ (Shilling 1993, p. 117) resonating in the construction of menstruation.

Moreover, menstruation occurs in different gradations. Whereas some women are barely bothered by it, others experience painful menstruation (i.e. ‘’Dysmenorrhoea’’), as is the case with for example roughly fifteen percent of working Hungarian adult women (László et al., 2008) and roughly eighty percent of hospital nurses in a study conducted in two hospitals in Southern Taiwan

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the prevalence rate of the latter group being self-perceived by the participants (Chiu et al., 2013). Suppressing menstruation

as in eliminating monthly periods through hormonal birth control methods (Johnston-Robledo & Stubbs 2013, p. 5)

or controlling menstruation – as in, treating menstruation through pain reducing medication (Chiu et al., 2013, p. 3132)

might seem obvious solutions, especially when one’s period (in whatever gradation it occurs) limits daily activity or in our case, intervenes with female academics following to a certain extent the path of the ‘’legitimate’’ male body.

2.4 Menstruation in the workplace

Contrary to the amount of research arising from the recognition of the social situatedness of

menstruation, few studies have considered its position within the workplace. László et al. (2008) have slightly touched upon this relation with their research on the relationship between menstruation and psychological factors related to one’s work. However, their study remained at the level of making an association; experiences of menstruation an sich within the workplace is not discussed.

It is exactly this experience which we are interested in, for in certain institutions, namely those where time and space organization makes these institutions not well posted on the subject, it is expected (implicitly by these institutions and probably mostly unconsciously by the women themselves,) that women conceal and manage their bodily functions

i.e. pregnancy, menstruation and menopause

which some women in general follow as they suppress their periods (Johnston-Robledo & Stubbs 2013, p. 5; Shilling 1993, p. 38). Aside from suppression, another form of concealing one’s menstruation within the workplace is menstrual leave. This regulation has so far only been legislated in particular Asian countries

due to the more public discourse on menstruation (as opposed to for example Anglo-Saxon countries)

and in particular organizational contexts where institutions are well posted on the subject (Chiu et al., 2013; Lahiri-Dutt & Robinson 2008).

In two researched hospitals in Southern Taiwan, this regulation is tied to enhancing physical comfort and providing female nurses (with Dysmenorrhoea) with a friendly workplace. Despite the initiative, in practice the majority of the nurses do not make use of this right as their working schedule does not allow it. Moreover, only half of their salary is paid for this leave. In other words, they have to cope with the inconvenience of their condition, which affects among other things their work performance (Chiu et al., 2013, p. 3136). This seems to legitimize the unequal stereotype expectations on negative work performance of female workers based on their reproductive functions, which has been confirmed as one of the causes preventing women to reach higher positions (McBrier 2003, p. 1208, 1243). This has also been the case with pre-menstrual tension in particular, as medical and lay theories made an appeal on nineteenth century ideas where women’s

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