Myanmar's coming out : how SOGIE minorities navigate identitties and space in the globalized world

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Graduate School of Social Sciences

MSc International Development Studies 2016-17

Name : Elisabeth Jacobs

Email : ecjacobs8@gmail.com

Date : 12 December 2016

UvA Student ID : 11228288

Word Count : 25,836

Supervisor : Elizabeth Maber

Second Reader : Esther Miedema

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Acknowledgments

To my participants, thank you for trusting me enough to share your stories about being SOGIE minorities in Myanmar. Without you, I would not have a thesis, plain and simple. Not only that, but your collective and individual resilience, humor, and friendship made my time in the field one of the most memorable periods of my life.

To Aye Aye Nyein, thank you for always being generous with your time. As my local supervisor, you provided me with valuable insights into the local context, connected me with a human rights network, and gave me crucial restaurant recommendations.

To Yasmin, I could not have survived bed bugs without you. Thank you for being there for me on my worst days, sometimes literally picking me up and telling me everything was going to be ok. I could not have asked for a better fieldwork partner and friend.

To Elizabeth (Lizzie) Maber, your unwavering support and guidance made the completion of this thesis possible. Thank you for putting up with me through times of enthusiasm and triumph and times of frustration and tears. You are a pro at constructive criticism, whose incredible gift of patience did not go unnoticed. Seriously, thank you.

To Justine Marshall, thank you for being my amazing and unbelievably supportive partner in life. You know me better than anyone else, so thank you for checking in with me throughout this process. I needed it. Also, thank you for proofreading my terrible first drafts and still seeing something clever in me. You are the best.

To Mariandl Hufford aka Mom, thank you for teaching me empathy and compassion towards others. You and your three master’s degrees are fierce and awe-inspiring. I am most grateful to you, however, for having a comprehension of the English language that I will never possess. Thank you for sharing it with me and my thesis, for the satisfaction of grammar perfectionists everywhere.

To Oma, thank you for always supporting me in all my academic endeavors. I would not be where I am today without you. I am constantly amazed at how intensely and unconditionally you love your family. You are the most generous person I know and I am so thankful that I can always “Dial ‘O’ for Oma.” Dank je wel.

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Acronyms and Abbreviations

CBO : Community Based Organization

LGBT : Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Nat Festival : Taungbyone Nat Festival

NGO : Non-governmental Organization NLD : National League for Democracy

SOGIE minority : Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Gender Expression minority UN : United Nations

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List of Figures

Figures 1 & 2 : Maps showing the geographical locations of my research sites. Figure 3 : Original Conceptual Scheme

Figure 4 : Colors Rainbow statistics table from their From Victims to Agents of Change study.

Figures 5 & 6 : Photographs taken at the Nat Festival depicting people giving flowers and fruit

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Myanmar’s Coming Out:

How SOGIE Minorities Navigate Identities and Space in a Globalized World

It is not possible first to define the ontology of the body and then to refer to the social significations the body assumes, or the social networks that form its conditions for subsistence. Rather, to be a body is to be exposed to social crafting and form; it is to be this very exposure. That is what makes the ontology of the body a social ontology. In other words, the body is exposed to socially and politically articulated forces as well as to claims of sociality—including language, work, and desire—that make possible the body’s persisting flourishing.

(Butler, 2011, p. 382)

1. Introduction

After a long and difficult history of colonial and military rule, Myanmar has slowly

emerged in the global arena through pro-democracy struggles leading to the 2010 elections that ended military rule, and the landslide victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 2015. Myanmar’s enhanced global status continues to grow in the eyes of many countries in the wake of the historic election, with some, such as the United States, lifting economic sanctions and bringing an enormous increase in outside investment ( Obama orders , 2016). Not only has the country opened up politically and economically, but academics and researchers have more access to conduct research than ever before, although these activities remain restricted in some areas. This new ‘openness,’ alongside the democratically elected government, has given hope in the form of promises of more political transparency and increased recognition of human rights for millions of people living in Myanmar.

While on the surface the future looks promising, efforts to increase human rights to certain marginalized groups of people have fallen by the wayside. Fighting between ethnic and religious minority groups and the military persists in remote regions of the country, and the persecution of groups such as the Rohingya, a Muslim minority from Rakhine State, is

extensive. This year, the UN has reported that the Rohingya are currently experiencing “crimes against humanity” ( UN: Rohingya , 2016). Considering non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs) only gained the right to legally organize in 2010, efforts to preserve and protect human rights for marginalized groups in Myanmar have had to navigate a rocky political landscape and risk government backlash (Chua & Gilbert, 2015).

This oppressive political climate contributes to a larger pattern of human rights violations, which has shaped—and continues to shape—the lives of many marginalized communities. One such group that continues to fight for greater recognition, equal rights, and acceptance in Myanmar are sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression (SOGIE) minorities.

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One would assume that with great political transformation, cultural and social shifts would soon follow, but Myanmar is a deeply traditional country that was closed off to much of the world for half a century. While some things seem to be changing rapidly as Myanmar continues to emerge in the global sphere, many other ideas and ways of life are remaining firmly in place, especially those involving SOGIE minorities and the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community.

The political landscape in Myanmar provides an interesting backdrop for SOGIE

minorities and LGBT communities and activism. Years of censorship and punishment for human rights activity have created an environment where people still are afraid to voice their politics and tend to filter their beliefs and identities in public, and even in private. This is especially apparent when concerning issues surrounding SOGIE minorities. Many people do not see LGBT rights as important, with ethnic and religious societal conflicts at the forefront of national and global interests. In fact, SOGIE minorities are criminalized in Myanmar under an old British colonial era law, Section 377 of the Penal Code . The law reads, “Whoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman or animal shall be punished with transportation for life, or with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 10 years and shall be liable to fine” (Colors Rainbow, 2015). The law’s vague wording allows the government and police to target anyone they deem as ‘unnatural’ or non-normative, making it difficult for SOGIE minorities to publically acknowledge and embrace their identity. While people are rarely prosecuted under Section 377, its existence legitimizes the homophobic attitudes that permeate Burmese society.

However, as Myanmar changes, so do perceptions of SOGIE minorities. Navigating different oppressing factors and intersecting inequalities, SOGIE minorities are carving and constructing their own identities and spaces. Tensions between local culture and politics, and outside global forces are the impetus for new ways of thinking, understanding, and expressing identities, sexual or otherwise. With these reimagined identities, SOGIE minorities are able to create and navigate various non-virtual and virtual spaces. Complex and in a constant state of flux, new conceptualizations of identities and spaces mark a specific time and place in

Myanmar’s history and future

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While visibility for SOGIE minorities and LGBT rights are on the rise in much of the world, little research has been done on these groups in the development field, especially in Myanmar. Even when the inclusion of SOGIE minorities and LGBT people is

acknowledged—particularly in some places in the global South where being a SOGIE minority can mean harassment, imprisonment, or even death—it is often in a neo-liberal sense: the reasoning behind including these individuals in social and political life is that it will help

economic development (Badgett, et al., 2014). Therefore it is essential to understand the lived experiences of SOGIE minorities in their varied contexts in order to advance their access to human rights and contribute to positive development for all, not just in the economic sense. By working with and recognizing SOGIE minorities on their terms, SOGIE minority voices will be amplified, leading them to be a relevant, essential, and empowered group of people in modern society.

1.2. Location: Myanmar

Myanmar, officially known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and formerly known as Burma, is a country in Southeast Asia and part of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It borders Thailand, Laos, China, Bangladesh, and India, and the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman sea. While predominantly known as Myanmar, many people inside and outside of the country still refer to it as Burma. The dual names stem from the 1989 change from Burma to Myanmar. This change was implemented by the then-ruling military government; yet, sometimes out of political protest, and sometimes out of convenience, many people choose to refer to the country by its previous name (Bayan, 2013)(Schober, 2006). I will predominately refer to the country as Myanmar, but occasionally may call it Burma when referencing scholars and participants who use that name instead.

1.2.1. Research Sites: Yangon and Mandalay

Throughout my work, I frequently refer to Myanmar as a whole when speaking about larger cultural trends or political attitudes. However, as most of my research took place in the city of Yangon, I can only speak to my specific experiences and those of my participants

residing in Yangon. Although the current capital is Naypyidaw, Yangon is the former capital (also formerly known as Rangoon) and the largest city in Myanmar. It is also one of the largest in

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Southeast Asia in terms of urban sprawl (Morley, 2012). Yangon’s strategic riverside location allows for easy access to the Andaman Sea and has positioned it as the commercial center of the country (Morley, 2012). It is a diverse city that has undergone, and continues to undergo, rapid urban development with high foreign investment, particularly from China, making Yangon the epicenter of global interests and development in Myanmar (Morley, 2012). Therefore, what happens in Yangon tends to have an impact on other parts of the country and may be a predictor of where Myanmar will head in the future.

I also spent some time in Mandalay while on a trip with two of my participants to a celebration of animist-spirits called the Taungbyone Nat Festival, or Nat Festival for short. Although the second largest city in Myanmar, Mandalay is significantly smaller than Yangon. The last royal capital of Myanmar before British colonialism, Mandalay is often considered the cultural center of the country (Morley, 2012; Sanders, 2011). While I was interested in Mandalay because of the festival, I had also heard about a 2013 roundup of transgender women who were repeatedly humiliated and assaulted by the police, which drew international attention and

condemnation (Mosbergen, 2015). It also shed light on the oppression of SOGIE minorities and was further proof of the precariousness of SOGIE minority lives.

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1.3. A Note on Terminology

As previously mentioned, I will predominately use ‘Myanmar’ when referring to the country, although ‘Burma’ may come up when quoting an academic or participant source. However, I use the term ‘Burmese’ to describe something or someone of, from, or related to Myanmar. This is not to be mistaken with the Burmese language or the Bamar/Burman ethnic group in Myanmar.

Regarding sexual and gender minorities, I predominantly use the term ‘SOGIE minorities’ because sexual and gender identities vary widely and are differently experienced depending on a person’s cultural, political, and economic environment. SOGIE minorities as a term is quite inclusive because it describes a group rather than labeling it. However, the most widely used term for SOGIE minority identities is ‘LGBT.’ LGBT is commonly used throughout much of the West and by influential international institutions and organizations like the United Nations (UN), shaping the way SOGIE minorities are often addressed in the development field. There are multiple variations of the acronym LGBT that include other non-normative genders and sexualities, such as LGBTQIA, with the ‘Q’ standing for ‘queer’ or ‘questioning,’ the ‘I’ standing for ‘intersex,’ and the ‘A’ standing for ‘asexual;’ but for the purposes of this thesis, I will use the shorter acronym, LGBT. Although LGBT can be particularly narrow in placing people in specific identity binary boxes as the opposites of heterosexual or cis-gendered people, this thesis sometimes uses labels like LGBT as a means to access spaces and knowledge that work within normative development and activist frameworks like those shaped by the UN. While both SOGIE minorities and LGBT can be limiting in some ways, they are still the most useful terms when discussing non-normative sexual and gender expressions and identities for my research.

1.4. Outline of Thesis

This thesis begins with a discussion of various post-modern theoretical frameworks and concepts used in contextualizing my research and analysis. These frameworks and concepts helped me to arrive at the research questions I planned to answer during my time in the field and shaped the methodological approach I took. Furthermore, in my methodology chapter, I start by describing the historical background of Myanmar as it shaped my qualitative research design significantly; this included ethnographically influenced semi-structured interviews and participant observation. Following the methodology section, my findings are separated in two

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chapters: one that considers language and the intersecting identities of SOGIE minorities, and the other that explores the construction and accessibility of spaces/places for SOGIE minorities in Myanmar. Finally, my conclusion will discuss the answers to my research questions with theoretical reflections and implications for future research.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Theoretical Lens

When I approached my fieldwork, I predominantly drew from Chandra Mohanty’s post-colonial and transnational feminist scholarship, Arturo Escobar’s post-development work on social movements and methodologies, and Raewyn Connell’s exploration of Southern theory, with the support of other development-related scholars for my theoretical framework (1988; 1995; 2007). Research methodology expert, John Creswell, writes that “In theoretically oriented studies, such as ethnographies or critical ethnographies, the literature on a cultural concept or a critical theory is introduced early in the report or proposal as an orienting framework” (2009, p. 26). As my theoretical framework for my thesis proposal functioned mostly as a way of

approaching my fieldwork, rather than a way of explaining it, much of my original theoretical framework remains relevant. However, I have also included some additional theories that align with my research findings. Fitting into a constructivist epistemology, these theories provide a point of entry in exploring various understandings, multiple-participant meaning, social and historical construction, and theory generation (Creswell, 2014). Thus, my ethnographic fieldwork and research findings were and are shaped by this theoretical lens, which is important to

understand when reading my work.

2.1.1. Post-colonial and Post-development Theory

Published in 1988, Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses came at the height of the transnational feminist movement which, in simple terms, looks at questions of intersectionality in the context of global capitalism and its effects on conversations about representations of ‘Third World women.’ Through this momentum, Mohanty wrote Under Western Eyes as a critique of Western feminism and its production and reproduction of negative images and stereotypes of Third World women (1988). Mohanty describes how Western

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feminists position themselves as the ‘norm’ automatically marking Third World women as ‘other.’ She writes about how “this average third-world woman leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and being ‘third world’ (read: ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition-bound, religious, domesticated, family-oriented, victimized, etc.)”

(Mohanty, 1988, p. 65).

These assumptions treat Third World women as a single monolithic group where all Third World women have the same experiences of oppression. Mohanty posits that “It is in this process of discursive homogenization and systematization of the oppression of women in the third world that power is exercised in much of recent western feminist writing, and this power needs to be defined and named” (Mohanty, 1988, p. 63). In my own work, I believe that this “process of discursive homogenization and systematization” of oppression can be applied to any marginalized group of people. As a feminist from the West (although I do not consider myself a ‘Western feminist’), I am not immune to falling into these Western feminist writing traps, as much as I try to avoid them. That being said, I apply Mohanty’s warning not to homogenize identity or oppression, in order to open a space for a conversation on difference and the complexity of varied lived experiences. Expressly through my research of SOGIE minorities and LGBT people, I aimed at uncovering the driving factors of embedded power structures and looked at the

complexities of local versus global constructions and understandings from personal, ethnographic accounts.

Like Mohanty, the anthropologist and post-development theorist Arturo Escobar,

repeatedly emphasizes the power of language in relation to the ‘developing world.’ He points to the labels of “First and Third World, North and South, center and periphery” as tools for

maintaining the boundaries that separate the modern and industrialized countries from the rest of the world (Escobar, 1995, p. 9). These categories enforce the binary of ‘us’ versus ‘them,’ the ‘outsider,’ and the ‘other.’ ‘They,’ the Third World, need ‘our’ help. Escobar claims this ‘othering’ through discourse gives the West justification to intervene in the Third World much like Mohanty argues that Western feminists do this to Third World women as a way of ‘helping’ them without actually taking into consideration their context and personal agency. In my own work, I will, at times, use the terms First/Third World, global North/South, developed/developing, and

Western/non-Western interchangeably, because they hold similar discursive power in naming and dividing the world into two parts. When going into more depth in my data analysis, I will most often use the terms ‘local’ and ‘global.’ ‘Local’ is used in reference to the specific cultural and political context of Myanmar and ‘global’ is used when discussing larger international

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frameworks. While I would rather not use ‘othering’ or separatist language, it is intrinsically part of the development discourse, and I believe that acknowledging the unequal and assumed power behind each of the terms allows for introspection, authentic research, and informed analysis.

In addition to the deconstruction of development language, Escobar calls for alternatives to development beginning with the deconstruction of the current (and failing) development system, and the reconstruction of a space where new conceptualizations of the Third World give voice to those that have often gone unheard (1995). He argues that instead of searching for grand alternative models or strategies “what is needed is the investigation of alternative

representations and practices in concrete local settings, particularly as they exist in contexts of hybridization, collective action, and political mobilization” (Escobar, 1995, p. 19). Escobar claims that through grassroots social movements, in conjunction with local-level ethnography, new ways of thinking and of doing will emerge. Although he makes no claims that creating these alternatives to development will be an easy task, they are a start to a different, and, hopefully, better future (Escobar, 1995).

Issues around language, development, and research are fragile and complex. Mohanty understands this and does not claim that all Western feminist writing is questionable or

problematic, just like I do not believe all development work is problematic and unsuccessful. Mohanty recognizes the informative importance of having such writings in the first place but is aware of the political implications Western f eminist writing has on simplifying the lives of women in the Third World, or in my case SOGIE minorities (Mohanty, 1988). In Mohanty’s follow up piece Under Western Eyes Revisited , she moves towards “building feminist solidarities across the divisions of place, identity, class, work, belief, and so on” (Mohanty, 2003, p. 530). This is precisely the kind of work I intend to do: researching solidarities across sexuality, gender,

ethnicity, and religion through a post-colonial and post-developmental lens. Mohanty’s critique of the homogenizing discourse of Western feminism informs my writing on SOGIE minorities in a Third World context, and helps me challenge my own Western perspective.

Furthermore, while I applaud Escobar’s bold rejection of development, I ultimately do not think it is a realistic approach, but find it useful in exploring the power dynamics of development paradigms. I believe the reflexive work shown by Mohanty and Escobar should be done by anyone who is a creator or promoter of knowledge in whatever forms this may take. Systems of development are too big and powerful to be disposed of altogether, but this does not mean one should not acknowledge their flaws and push for an increased presence of cultural relativism

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and knowledge in order to promote localized and pluralistic grassroots movements through development work.

2.1.2. Homonationalism

Mohanty’s caution of homogenizing Third World women and Escobar’s idea that ‘othering’ language allows the West to intervene in the Third World can also be linked to the idea of homonationalism. Homonationalism in its original form comes from Jasbir Puar’s Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (2007). Puar suggests that post-9/11 nation-states, particularly the United States, claim that their ‘liberal,’ accepting, and so-called equal treatment of SOGIE minorities and/or LGBT people gives them justification to intervene, and sometimes invade, parts of the world where they (Western countries) can liberate the oppressed from backwards ideologies, like institutionalized homophobia (Puar, 2007; Schotten, 2016). He claims that Western countries push a ‘liberating’ agenda that gives SOGIE minorities the right to normative, neoliberal sexual values like marriage and family, which eventually heteronormalizes non-heterosexuals (Puar, 2007).

Puar was mainly referencing the United States’ involvement in the Middle East, ‘the war on terror,’ and hostility towards Islam; however, C. Heike Schotten argues that homonationalism in its current configuration has broadened and evolved from Puar’s original definition to its current conception of a “contemporary variant on an old imperial project, a diagnostic statement that cannot necessarily be mustered to serve as a critique of activist agendas” and is thus less effective (2016, p. 352). She continues:

homonationalism loses its distinctiveness, becoming instead a kind of detailing or contouring of a broader imperial project…[and] by abandoning its founding critique of gay complicity with the state, homonationalism becomes unable to function as a critical evaluation of activist work or progressive politics.

(Schotten, 2016, p. 352) While I understand Schotten’s position, I disagree that the broadening of homonationalism diminishes its significance. I find this updated definition of a general imperialist project more useful when applying it to any country that forcibly exports its so-called superior ideology and I find this to be happening in Myanmar in the form of LGBT identities. While not as grave as US military intervention, pushing a Western or global LGBT-rights related agenda without use of local understandings of SOGIE minorities and terminology can harm marginalized communities.

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2.1.3. Southern Theory

Although I use Mohanty and Escobar as a means of framing my research and findings, and homonationalism to further emphasize the tension between the West and developing world, I also draw from Raewyn Connell’s Southern Theory . Southern Theory uncovers the educated and affluent voice from the global North that has dictated most social science theory, and in response promotes the knowledge and practices from the global South that much of academia has ignored (Connell, 2007). Her collection of ideas from Southern theory, specifically her understandings of globalization and grounded theory approaches, were useful throughout my research and data analysis. I continue to find Southern theory helpful because of my own positioning as a privileged, educated, and relatively affluent researcher in academia where theory from the global North has dominated the majority of my learning and working spaces. Locating myself within these normative frameworks through Connell’s critiques of social science prompted me to look outside the Western paradigms to which I am accustomed leading me to reorient my Western assumptions and be open to various understandings from different contexts. This is also applicable when locating and breaking down concepts of globalization, identities, and social media inside and outside of ‘Northern theory.’

2.1.4. Grounded Theory

Grounded theory is an interactive way of understanding applicable theories during the time of research. This method worked well within my post-colonial and post-development positioning. The theoretical practice is about building change through processes and observing how actors respond to their changing environments as well as the consequences of their actions (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). As Connell explains, to use grounded theory “is to reject the deeply entrenched habit of mind […] by which theory in the social sciences is admired exactly in the degree to which it escapes specific settings and speaks in abstract universals” (Connell, 2007, p. 206). The immediacy of analysis in grounded theory, from the very first piece of data

collected, directs the researcher to the next interview and observation (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). A useful approach, grounded theory’s set of canons and procedures are very specific and, for the purposes of my research, a bit constraining. That being said, although I did not conduct pure grounded theory research, it prompted me to view my research in relation to the context and move away from homogenizing the lived experiences of SOGIE minorities and LGBT people in

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Myanmar. Escaping this “habit of mind” echoes Mohanty and Escobar, and is particularly useful because SOGIE minorities in Myanmar tend to live precarious lives as a culturally marginalized and politically oppressed group.

2.2. Theoretical Concepts

While post-modern theories like Mohanty’s post-colonialism and Escobar’s

post-developmentalism provide the lens in which I view my research, theoretical concepts present more specific theories, ideas, and thoughts for analytical use. The main theoretical concepts that I draw from are globalization, intersectional and hybrid identities, space and place, and social media within emerging technologies. These concepts became themes throughout my research and help shed light on the lived experiences of SOGIE minorities in Myanmar.

2.2.1. Globalization

Globalization is a highly contested topic in the realm of the social sciences, stemming from the multiple definitions it has inhabited in the last half a century. Those definitions have covered everything from the ever-growing spread of information technology, the movement of goods, services, and capital through increasingly fluid national and geo-political boundaries, and the homogenization of food and culture, to name a few (Guttal, 2007). In addition to the various definitions, there is a lot of disagreement on the nature of globalization and whether it is a positive or negative driving force in the world. Some academics reject qualifying globalization as good or bad, but instead argue a middle ground, claiming that the problem is not with

globalization, but with how it has been managed (Stiglitz, 2006). Despite the cornucopia of globalization definitions, most scholars agree that the rapid expansion of technologies and communications has contributed to making globalization possible (Guttal, 2007). I would further add that this is a reciprocal relationship where globalization broadens the scope and use of technologies and communications as well as the movement of people through imagined and real geo-political boundaries.

It is important to note that most of these globalization theories come from scholars in the global North, but as Connell points out, the idea of globalization as a whole does incorporate the global South. She writes:

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Theories of globalisation [...] have a special significance. Globalisation theories name the world-as-a-whole as their object of knowledge. In principle, they include the global

South, and thus offer a way for social theory to overcome its most devastating historic limitation.

(Connell, 2007, p. 50) The historic limitation to which she is referring is the assumption that it is not significant that most theoretical texts in the social sciences are written in the global North. Thus, theories of globalization presents an interesting coupling where even though a majority of academics writing about globalization often come from the global North, the idea itself is not tied to the same space. This dichotomy mirrors my own work in using “universal” and/or transnational theories and texts as a Western student who conducted research in the global South, in some ways an example of globalization in itself. This is also reflected in my use of LGBT as the term for identifying non-normative sexual identities in the global context, which is derived from a Western ideology, but use of the term SOGIE minorities to be more inclusive of different and various understandings of sexualities from the global South, and more specifically, Myanmar.

In line with grounded theory, I realized during my research that the conceptualization of globalization that best fits is the processes and implications of the spread of information technologies and increased communication of ideas across borders, in addition to the movement of people through physical space. These processes are fluid and impact people differently depending on the context. Furthermore, I want to note the overall absence of colonialism in globalization theories from the global North. Connell points this out by stating “[that] the majority world has deep prior experience of subjection to globalising powers is surely known to all the theorists. But this experience of subjection does not surface as a central issue in any of the theories of globalization” (2007, p. 64). Thus, the conceptualization of globalization by which I operate stems from colonialism’s expansion in and exploitation of the global South. I believe that when working in any post-colonial context, it is imperative to explore the impacts of a colonial history on various populations, as I will discuss in later sections when addressing the precarious positioning of SOGIE minorities in Myanmar today.

In this sense, I would argue that globalization, as it is predominantly conceived now, is an extension of colonialism. However, in recognizing the similar patterns to which colonization and globalization ascribe, patterns that are often driven by the pursual of economic gains, we can move the focus from economic development and instead prioritize engagement with the way these global processes impact people, particularly those from the global South. When looking at local-level marginalized populations such as SOGIE minorities in globalization and

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development debates, we can work to deconstruct the impacts of these larger global paradigms and investigate how individuals work within globalization narratives to create their own identities and spaces. My own participants are examples of how reworking globalization into a

post-modern hybridity allows bodies to transcend both homogenization and heterogenization to be a specific body in a particular time and place.

One final note about globalization concerns cosmopolitanism, which is also known as “the cultural habitus of globalization” (Ley, 2004, p.159). Many globalization theories focus on economic or technological movement across borders, but cosmopolitanism’s emphasis on the cultural also brings the focus back to individuals. David Ley asserts that:

Cosmopolitans think globally, aim to exceed their own local specificaties, welcome unfamiliar cultural encounters and express the wish to move toward a true humanity of equality and respect, free of racial, national and other prejudices. To accomplish these worthy universal ideals, cosmopolitanism seeks to destabilize the local and traditional, whether the tribe or the nation state.

(2004, p.159) Like globalization, cosmopolitanism is not necessarily positive or negative, but rather it is

descriptive of processes happening around the world. These processes navigate the local-global divide and suggest how, in an increasingly globalized world, individuals seek to create new ideas, spaces, and identities.

2.2.2. Intersectional and Hybrid Identities

When addressing sexual and gender identities, I borrow from Judith Butler’s conception of them as fluid and discursively constructed in performances, theoretically making labels irrelevant and context essential (1990). That being said, being a SOGIE minority or having an LGBT identity, while complex in and of itself, is influenced by intersections of ethnicity, gender, class, religion, and other categorizing identities that have important impacts on lived

experiences. As most people tend to have multiple identities, it is important to note how certain identities may compete or combine with a non-heterosexual identity and may shape the way other identities are expressed (Wong, 2015). Intersectionality calls on an understanding of socially stratifying categories to interact with one another rather than being a single variable in itself, as this makes a more complete picture of a person’s lived experiences. Hybridity, similarly, includes different categories of identity, but considers how they blend together. Especially in the context of Myanmar where issues surrounding ethnicity and religion have divided much of the

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country, it is important to look into how these intersecting and hybrid identities impact SOGIE minority lives, identities, and spaces. As Sara Humphreys writes, identities are “multiple, relational, always fluid and sometimes contradictory” (2012, pp. 767-768). Various personal identities rarely act independently from one another and are experienced differently by all people depending on the combination of disadvantaged or privileged categorizations placed on them.

Identities can also be particularly useful in serving as a rallying point for political change and social movements. They are a connective element that enable people to cross interpersonal and digital pathways in the pursuit of forming social movements (Bennett & Toft, 2009). In

Escobar’s Territories of Difference , he writes that social movements should be seen as knowledge producers where “knowledge is being produced in dialogue, tension, and

interactions with other groups, and how this knowledge is enacted and networked” (2008, pp. 24-25). Escobar’s conceptualization of social movements is similar to Butler’s work on sexual and gender identities, thus emphasizing the importance of social interactions and environment.

Escobar’s definition of social movements works well within human rights discourses because it leaves it open to interpretation where context is key. As there are many different forms of development and ideas on how to improve human rights, a flexible understanding of identities and social movements creates a space for individuals and communities to organize and demand change in the ways that best fits their causes and needs. It is these various dialogues, tensions, and interactions that SOGIE minority communities have with current social and political structures that will shape how identities and social movements will play out in Myanmar’s future.

2.2.2.1. SOGIE Minorities

In understanding intersectional and hybrid identities for SOGIE minorities, it is important to deconstruct the implications of using SOGIE minorities as the main term of reference for my participants in the Myanmar context. In my terminology section, I explain that SOGIE minorities as a term for non-normative genders and sexualities is more inclusive, as it describes a group rather than labels it. With that in mind, I do not include transgender people in my research, and thus the ‘GIE’ in ‘SOGIE’ does not directly play a role in my research. Although sexual

orientation and gender minorities tend to be grouped together as a community, their differences are multilayered and complex. While there are many intersections between gender and

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sexuality, gender minorities and sexual minorities are perceived quite differently depending on the context. The widespread acknowledgement and, to a certain extent, acceptance of

transgender people in Southeast Asia positions them as being perceived and having lived experiences quite separate from sexual minorities (Sinnott, 2010). When looking more specifically at the Myanmar context, Gillian Fletcher coins the term “cultural queasiness” to explain the unease around non-normative sexual behavior over gender nonconformity (2011, p. 190). This “cultural queasiness” is indicative of the precarious place sexual orientation minorities hold in Burmese society. Sex is such a taboo subject in Myanmar, most discussions related to sex tend to be suppressed, which I will discuss further in Section 4.3. That being said, I will continue using the term ‘SOGIE minorities’ as my way to identify my group of participants in order to stay connected to larger activist and development debates, like those shaped by the ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, for anyone considered non-normative in gender or sexuality.

2.2.3. Space/Place

Spaces are as real as they are imagined. Whether spaces are defined by country borders, the walls of a house, or a website page, spaces, like identities, are what we make of them. In For Space , Doreen Massey’s conceptualization of space as a dimension of the social sphere provides a platform for all people, marginalized or not, to create spaces for themselves to flourish because space is always under construction (2005). She writes “Space does not exist prior to identities/entities and their relations. More generally I would argue that identities/entities, the relations ‘between’ them, and the spatiality which is part of them, are all co-constitutive” (Massey, 2005, p. 10). The co-constitutive nature of space allows identities to serve as a way to access certain spaces, but they can also be used as a means of excluding specific groups and communities from designated spaces as well. Spaces must be named for a particular use or group of people in order to have an objective and, arguably, subjective reality.

Siobhan McEvoy-Levy takes Massey’s conceptualization of space a step further, making the distinction between space as “geographical location” and place as “space plus meaning” (2012, p. 1). While she agrees with Massey in that space is socially constructed, McEvoy-Levy puts the emphasis on place as being more than just physical space in what is called

‘placemaking’ (2012). She refers to this as:

[A] process with an indefinable end. While places have a material reality, their meanings evolve over time and not in wholly predictable or controllable ways. Places are

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constantly reinterpreted and reconstituted, and entail ongoing power struggles and negotiations.

(McEvoy-Levy, 2012, p. 2) Placemaking positions space as transformational where individuals create the space for specific purposes. This can be anything from a school in order to educate people or a ‘gay club’ to offer a safe space for SOGIE minorities to socialize. As advantageous as placemaking can be, the other side to this is the relatively easy manipulation of place. If places are constantly evolving where identities shape space, both can be manipulated in ways that lead to psychological and physical violence and conflict. Now that space has expanded into the cyber-dimension, it is more fluid than ever as users input comments, pictures, and videos to claim their small section of the internet. However, just like the physical world, cyberspace can also be manipulated especially as the number of potential users continues to increase and people become more interconnected.

2.2.4. Social Media within Emerging Technologies

In the last few years, there has been a shift in the fight for the right to information in Myanmar. With a massive increase in Internet usage particularly through social media, Myanmar is more connected than ever (Dolan & Gray, 2014). In using the term “social media,” I will

borrow danah boyd and Nicole Ellison’s definition of social network sites which constitutes them as “web-based services that allow individuals to (1) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and those made by others within the system” (2007, p.2). I will also extend their definition by including social network sites that can be set to private settings and one-on-one communication.

In most parts of the world, social media has changed the landscape of communication between individuals and groups of people, and very recently this has begun to happen in Myanmar. Social networking sites have been used in positive and negative ways in Myanmar, such as the Internet-driven protest against the military regime during the 2007 Saffron

Revolution, and the Buddhist nationalist movement, MaBaTha, which uses social media as a tool for spreading hate speech against Muslims (Chowdhury, 2008; Zaw & Mclaughlin, 2015). For SOGIE minorities, social media can be particularly useful in connecting and organizing even if it may make community members more vulnerable to verbal harassment and physical abuse.

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Social media enables SOGIE minorities and LGBT people to “develop a sense of group membership by means of community surveillance, identity expression, and emotional support” (Mak et al. in Wong, 2015, p. 240). As Myanmar continues to develop, virtual spaces may be able to provide a new platform for SOGIE minorities voices to be heard and acknowledged.

2.3 Research Questions

The theoretical frameworks and concepts discussed above led me to the following questions while researching SOGIE minorities in Myanmar. Although these questions have changed from those in my original proposal, a majority of the concepts remained the same and directed me towards a methodology aimed at answering these questions on the lived

experiences of SOGIE minorities.

Main question:

How are perceptions and the lived experiences of SOGIE minorities shaped, and how do SOGIE minorities navigate these perceptions and lived experiences within an increasingly globalized Myanmar?

Sub-questions:

○ How do intersecting identities influence the lived experiences of SOGIE minorities?

○ How do local and global factors influence the inclusivity and exclusivity of LGBT-friendly spaces for SOGIE minorities?

3. Methodology

3.1. Introduction

In this chapter I will discuss the historical background and methodological choices I made for my research. First, I will describe the research location and outline Myanmar’s colonial history, military-led past, and ongoing conflicts as they have informed my methodology and have significant implications for my research participants and the climate for activism. The second part of this chapter will focus on the qualitative methods research design I used, which includes

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ontology, epistemology, sampling, data-collection, data-analysis, scope of limitations, ethics, and overall reflections of my research.

3.2. Historical Context

In any informed debate, research, or publication, it would be irresponsible to ignore the historical context of the topic at hand. History is not just a collection of events that happened in the past; it has laid the groundwork for the present and the future. We are all a product of our histories. To better understand where and why I conducted my research, this section will discuss historical and current context of Myanmar. The lived experiences of SOGIE minorities and the constructions of non-normative identities stem from Myanmar’s unique history, thereby making it essential to examine it.

3.2.1. British Colonialism: The Foundation of Oppression

For much of Myanmar’s history, it was ruled by various kingdoms. That changed in 1885 when the country came under full British colonial rule and remained under its control until 1948 (Higgins et al., 2016). Myanmar’s British colonial history has had a significant and lasting impact on the country. One consequence of British colonialism was the deliberate favoritism and

disempowerment of certain ethnic and religious groups as a way to divide and control the country. Taking advantage of Myanmar’s incredible diversity, along with the calculated shifting of borders, has contributed to long-lasting civil conflict between various ethnic and religious groups within the country (Higgins et al., 2016).

To research SOGIE minorities and LGBT identities in Myanmar, it is necessary to

consider them within the context of the political and cultural oppression felt by different groups of people in the country. On top of the ethnic and religious tension, SOGIE minorities and

LGBT-identified people often deal with additional discrimination due to the illegality of

non-heterosexual acts, stemming from the British colonial past and perpetuated by a military- dominated government. While not widely applied as a means of arresting and jailing people engaging in non-heterosexual sex acts, colonial era law Section 377 of the Penal Code has driven the perception of SOGIE minorities and LGBT identified people as criminal and ‘other’ (Colors Rainbow, 2015). It has also contributed to the high rates of police harassment, like the 2013 police roundup in Mandalay, thus serving as a major deterrent to being ‘out’ as anything

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non-heterosexual. In addition to this law, SOGIE minorities and LGBT identified people are also targeted under another colonial era relic known as the “darkness law,” which gives the police the authority to arrest anyone who is ‘acting suspiciously’ or is in a ‘suspicious’ place (England, 2016). Once again, although SOGIE minorities and LGBT-identified people face more

harassment than actual arrest under the “darkness law,” these laws create hostile environments for them to openly participate in most political and social spaces.

Interestingly enough, at various times throughout my research, it was mentioned to me that gender and sexual diversity had been more accepted before colonialism. It was the British colonists invading and then naming this difference as illegal and wrong that had a huge impact on the way SOGIE minorities are viewed in Myanmar today. As queer theorist Scott Morgensen states, “Colonists interpreted diverse practices of gender and sexuality as signs of a general primitivity among Native peoples” (2010, p. 106). Seeing themselves as superior, colonial control over sex and sexuality was just another way of dominating indigenous populations. Morgensen calls this a “white national heteronormativity that regulates Indigenous sexuality and gender by supplanting them with the sexual modernity of settler subjects” otherwise known as a “settler sexuality” (2010, p. 106). The irony here is that, once Myanmar gained independence from the British, the government kept many of the more repressive colonial era laws. This paved the way for decades of a military-led state imposing the same fear tactics as the colonists, thus allowing the settler sexuality to continue to exist and shape perceptions of SOGIE minorities.

3.2.2. Military Dictatorship: The Fight Against Fear

Following Myanmar’s independence from the British in 1948, there was a brief democratic period. However, the government was considered weak because of continued fighting and a lack of unification between different in-country ethnic groups (Chowdhury, 2008). In 1962, a military-led coup installed an authoritarian government as a “socialist regime” (Chowdhury, 2008; Chua & Gilbert, 2015). For more than fifty years, the military controlled almost all aspects of public life and were known for their massive human rights violations (Chua and Gilbert, 2015). In 1988, a large student uprising was crushed by the government with an estimated 3,000 protesters killed, leading many people to flee into political exile; those left behind experienced arrests, torture, and political executions (Chowdhury, 2008; Chua & Gilbert, 2015). Following the “8888 Uprising” (as the 1988 uprising was known), there were other smaller and often student-led revolts, but in 2007 mass protests over the spike in price of diesel

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fuel and natural gas garnered criticism of the regime from the international community and also resulted in increased economic sanctions against Myanmar (Chowdhury, 2008; Niksch & Weiss, 2009). Known as the “Saffron Revolution” because of the large number of monks that joined the protests, news of the military’s violent suppression of the protesting monks spread around Myanmar, a deeply Buddhist country, fueling anti-military sentiment and pro-democracy demands (Chowdhury, 2008).

The impact of the military on Myanmar continues to influence Burmese society in many ways. The authoritarian government created an intense climate of fear where people were afraid to speak out in any way that may draw negative attention to them with the wanted effect of curbing in-country activism. If someone was remotely political in a way the government found threatening, they often were jailed, tortured, or killed. During my time in Myanmar, almost

everyone I interacted with knew of someone who had been a political prisoner, if they were not a former political prisoner themselves. For a long time, to be political came with grave risk.

Understandably, this turbulent history makes it difficult to find people willing to speak about sensitive issues ranging from politics to religion to human rights. While there have been massive changes in government and human rights in the last few years, it cannot counter the decades of trauma experienced by the people of Myanmar. Many people learned how to be secretive because their lives and the lives of their families and friends depended on it, something not easily relinquished.

3.2.3. Ongoing Conflict: Ethnic and Religious Tensions

In many ways Myanmar has transformed itself for the better in recent years, but the divisiveness between ethnic and religious groups propelled by the colonists and preserved and compounded by the military government still plagues much of the country today. The

government clashes with opposition groups continue in areas such as Shan and Kachin State, including the recent Ta'ang National Liberation Army attack of military forces in northern Shan State (Wend, 2016). Of the different ethnic groups making up Myanmar, the majority group is Bamar (also known as Burman), and the official language of the country, favoring the Bamar people, is Burmese (Higgins et al., 2016). While the Bamar make up about 68% of the population, 32% consists of other ethnic groups including Shan, Kachin, Karen, and Mon, to name a few (Kapur, 2016). Ongoing conflict between ethnic groups has largely cemented the significance of identity politics, making it difficult for people living in Myanmar to escape being