The factors affecting risk-taking behaviour among middle and late
adolescents: An ecological systems perspective
by
Marizé de Jager
This dissertation is submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree
MAGISTER ARTIUM
(CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY)
in the
FACULTY OF THE HUMANITIES
DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY
at the
UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE
Supervisor: Prof L Naudé
Declaration
I, Marizé de Jager, declare that the dissertation hereby submitted by me for the Magister Artium degree (Clinical Psychology) at the University of the Free State is my own, independent work and has not previously been submitted by me to another university/faculty. I furthermore cede copyright of this dissertation in favour of the University of the Free State.
________________________ ____________________
Proof of Language Editing
Hereby I, Jacob Daniël Theunis De Bruyn STEYL (ID 5702225041082), a professional language practitioner accredited to the South African Translators’ Institute (SATI), confirm that I managed the language and technical editing of this dissertation, The factors affecting risk-taking behaviour among middle and late adolescents: An ecological systems perspective, by Me Marizé de Jager.
J.D.T.D. STEYL PATran (SATI)
Acknowledgements
I would like to convey my appreciation and sincere thanks to the following persons:
First, I would like to give thanks to my Father in heaven for being my foundation and source of strength. He gave me opportunity and talents to be able to write this dissertation.
Prof L Naudé, my research supervisor, for her guidance, patience and unlimited knowledge. Thank you for reading the dissertation numerous times, advising me on the same mistakes countless times, and motivating me when I wanted to give up. Without you I would not have been able to complete my dissertation.
To my family and friends, Mom, Dad, Jaco, Linda, Daleen, Ilana and Jean-Marie for all your support and encouragement throughout this year.
"In everyone's life, at some time, our inner fire goes out. It is then burst into flame by an encounter with another human being. We should all be thankful for those people who rekindle the inner spirit"
– Albert Schweitzer.
My family and friends rekindled my spirit in times when I did not see the light at the end of the tunnel.
Mr Danie Steyl for the professional manner in which you assisted with the language and technical editing of this research document.
The University of the Free State and Department of Psychology for giving me the opportunity to further my academic career.
The Department of Education and all the participants who participated in this research study. Without your voluntary participation, this research would not have been possible.
Table of Contents
Declaration ... i
Supervisor’s Permission to Submit ... ii
Proof of Language Editing ... iii
Acknowledgements ... iv
List of Tables ... viii
List of Figures ... viii
Abstract ... ix
Opsomming ... x
CHAPTER 1: Context of the Study ... 1
1.1 Context and rationale of the research ... 1
1.2 Theoretical perspectives underpinning the study ... 2
1.3 Overview of the research design and methods ... 4
1.4 Delineation of chapters ... 5
1.5 Chapter summary ... 6
CHAPTER 2: Adolescent Risk-taking Behaviour... 7
2.1 Defining adolescence ... 7
2.2 Domains of adolescent development ... 9
2.2.1 Physical development ... 10
2.2.2 Cognitive development ... 11
2.2.3 Personality/identity development ... 12
2.2.4 Social development ... 13
2.3 Defining risk-taking behaviour ... 16
2.4 Types of risk-taking behaviour ... 17
2.4.1 Violence-related behaviour ... 18
2.4.2 Substance-related behaviour ... 19
2.4.3 Risky sexual behaviours ... 21
2.4.4 Other risk-taking behaviours ... 22
2.5 The South African context and adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 23
CHAPTER 3: A Contextual Perspective on Adolescent Risk-taking Behaviour .... 26
3.1 Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological systems theory ... 26
3.1.1 Microsystem ... 28
3.1.2 Mesosystem ... 29
3.1.3 Exosystem ... 29
3.1.4 Macrosystem ... 30
3.1.5 Chronosystem ... 30
3.2 The effect of contextual systems on adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 31
3.2.1 Microsystem and mesosystem influences ... 31
3.2.1.1 The influence of parents on adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 32
a) Parental psychological control ... 32
b) Parental limit setting ... 32
c) Parental monitoring ... 33
3.2.1.2 The influence of peers on adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 34
a) Peer connection ... 34
b) Peer regulation ... 35
c) Peer psychological control ... 35
3.2.1.3 The influence of schools on adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 36
a) Teachers’ concern ... 36
b) School regulation ... 36
3.2.2 Influences of exosystems and macrosystems ... 37
3.2.2.1 The influence of communities in adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 37
a) Community disorganisation ... 37
b) Community psychological control ... 38
3.2.2.2 The influence of culture and religion in adolescent risk-taking behaviour 38 3.2.2.3 The influence of the law on adolescent risk-taking behaviour ... 39
3.2.3 Influences of the chronosystem ... 39
3.3 Chapter summary ... 41
CHAPTER 4: Research Methodology ... 42
4.1 Research rationale, aim, and questions ... 42
4.2 Research design and approach ... 43
4.3 Research participants and sampling procedures ... 46
4.4 Procedures of data collection ... 47
4.4.2 Measurement of risk-taking behaviour ... 48
4.4.3 Measurement of contextual factors ... 51
4.5 Data analysis ... 54
4.6 Ethical considerations ... 55
4.7 Chapter summary ... 56
CHAPTER 5: Results and Discussion ... 57
5.1 Presenting the results ... 57
5.1.1 Descriptive statistics ... 57
5.1.2 Inferential statistics ... 61
5.1.2.1 Results pertaining to the differences between gender groups ... 61
5.1.2.2 Results pertaining to the variance in risk-taking behaviour that can be explained by the various contextual factors ... 63
5.2 Discussion of the results ... 64
5.2.1 Prevalence of risk-taking behaviour ... 64
5.2.2 Gender differences with regard to risk-taking behaviour ... 66
5.2.2.1 Gender differences with regard to violence ... 66
5.2.2.2 Gender differences with regard to substance use ... 67
5.2.2.3 Gender differences with regard to risky sexual behaviour ... 68
5.2.3 The role of contextual factors in explaining the variance in risk-taking behaviour ... 69
5.3 Chapter summary ... 71
CHAPTER 6: Key Findings, Limitations and Recommendations ... 72
6.1 Summary of the most significant findings ... 72
6.2 Limitations of the study ... 73
6.3 Recommendations for future research ... 74
6.4 Chapter summary ... 75
Reference List ... 76
Appendix A: Questionnaire ... 95
Appendix B: Approval Letter from the Department of Education ... 102
List of Tables
Table 1 Distribution of the Sample with Regard to Age and Gender ... 47
Table 2 Subscales of YRBS used in this Study ... 50
Table 3 Reliability of the YRBS ... 51
Table 4 Subscales of the Contextual Factor Questionnaire used in this Study ... 52
Table 5 Reliability of the Contextual Factor Questionnaire used in this Study ... 53
Table 6 Minimum, Maximum, Mean, and Standard Deviation Scores for the Types of Risky Behaviour. ... 58
Table 7 Minimum, Maximum, Mean, and Standard Deviation Scores for the Contextual Factors. ... 60
Table 8 ANOVA Results Regarding the Gender Differences in Various Risk-taking Behaviours ... 62
Table 9 Correlations between the Various Variables ... 63
List of Figures Figure 1. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. ... 28
Abstract
Adolescence is the developmental stage during which individuals engage in reckless, thrill-seeking, and risk-taking behaviour to a greater extent than during any other life period. Risk-taking behaviour is common among South African adolescents (Reddy et al., 2010). Research studies often focus on individual factors or personality predispositions that contribute to risk-taking behaviour, but rarely simultaneously examine social and community factors that contribute to risk-taking behaviour in adolescents. Therefore, the aim of the current study was to investigate the role of various systems (parents, peer group, school, and community) in contributing to risk-taking behaviour (violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour) in middle and late adolescent males and females. An ecological systems perspective was followed.
A non-experimental quantitative research approach was used. By means of non-probability, convenience sampling, a sample of 194 participants was selected from four English-medium high schools in the Mangaung area of central South Africa. A biographic questionnaire, the adapted and shortened version of the Youth Risk Behaviour Survey (YRBS), and a questionnaire compiled by Amoateng and Kalule-Sabiti (2013) were used to collect data. Data were analysed by means of multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVA) and standard multiple regression analysis.
The results obtained from this study indicated that males are more prone to risk-taking behaviour than females are. Furthermore, the study indicates that four contextual factors significantly contribute to the variance in risk-taking behaviour. Significant negative correlations were found between risk-taking behaviour and parental limit-setting and between risk-taking behaviour and parental monitoring. Finally, significant positive correlations were found between risk-taking and parental control and between risk-taking behaviour and peer connection.
Keywords: South African adolescents, risk-taking behaviour, violence, substance use, risky sexual behaviour, parental influence, peer influence, school influence, community influence
Opsomming
Adolessensie is die ontwikkelingstadium waartydens individue tot ʼn groter mate as in enige ander lewenstydperk roekelose, sensasiesoekende en risikonemende gedrag onderneem. Risikonemende gedrag is algemeen onder Suid-Afrikaanse adolessente (Reddy et al., 2010). Navorsingstudies fokus dikwels op individuele faktore of persoonlikheidsvatbaarhede wat tot risikonemende gedrag bydra, maar ondersoek selde sosiale en gemeenskapsfaktore wat tot risikonemende gedrag by adolessente bydra. Die doel van die huidige studie was daarom om die bydraende rol van verskeie stelsels (ouers, portuurgroep, skool en gemeenskap tot risikonemende gedrag (geweld, substansiegebruik en riskante seksuele gedrag) by middel- en laat-adolessente mans en vrouens te ondersoek. ʼn Ekologiese stelsel-perspektief is gevolg.
ʼn Nie-eksperimentele, kwantitatiewe navorsingsbenadering is gebruik. Deur middel van ʼn nie-waarskynlikheid-, gerieflikheidsteekproef is ʼn steekproef van 194 deelnemers uit vier Engelsmediumskole in die Mangaung-area van Sentraal Suid-Afrika geselekteer. ʼn Biografiese vraelys, die aangepaste en verkorte weergawevan die Youth Risk Behaviour Survey (YRBS), en ʼn vraelys saamgestel deur Amoateng en Kalule-Sabiti (2013) is gebruik om data te versamel. Data is deur middel van meerveranderlike variansie-ontledings (“multivariate analyses of variance” – MANOVA) en standaard meervoudige regressie-ontleding ontleed.
Die resultate uit die studie verkry, dui daarop dat mans meer tot risikonemende gedrag geneig is as wat vrouens is. Verder het die studie getoon dat vier kontekstuele faktore beduidend tot die variansie in risikonemende gedrag bydra. Veelseggende negatiewe korrelasies tussen risikonemende gedrag en ouerlike bepaling van perke en tussen risikonemende gedrag en ouerlike monitering is gevind. Laastens is veelseggende positiewe korrelasies tussen risikoneming en ouerlike beheer en tussen risikonemende gedrag en portuurgroep-konneksie gevind.
Sleutelwoorde: Suid-Afrikaanse adolessente, risikonemende gedrag, geweld, substansiegebruik, riskante seksuele gedrag, ouerlike invloed, portuurgroep-invloed, skoolinvloed, gemeenskapsinvloed
CHAPTER 1 Context of the Study
In this chapter, an outline of the current research study, focussing on the context, rationale, and theoretical perspectives applied, is given. Emphasis is placed on the concepts of adolescence, risk-taking behaviours, and Bronfenbrenner’s (1993) bio-ecological systems perspective. An overview of the research design and methodology used in this study is provided, and finally the chapter is concluded with a delineation of the chapters as set out in this study and chapter summary.
1.1 Context and rationale of the research
Adolescence is the developmental stage during which individuals engage in reckless, thrill-seeking and risk-taking behaviour to a greater extent than during any other life period (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005). Many studies have confirmed that adolescents are involved in various types of risk-taking behaviours, which include socially unacceptable behaviours such as, violence, risky sexual behaviours, drug use and abuse, cigarette smoking, alcohol use and abuse, and dangerous driving (Cattelino et al., 2014).
In the Second South African National Youth Risk Behaviour Survey, Reddy et al. (2010) found that black African adolescents show the highest incidence of violence compared to other countries. Furthermore, males in South Africa are more prone to risk-taking behaviour than females are. It was found that, nationally, 37.5% of adolescents stated that they had had sex before. The survey revealed that 12.6% of adolescents had their first sexual encounter before the age of 14 years (Reddy et al., 2010). As seen from the statistics described above, risk-taking behaviour is common among South African adolescents; therefore, research that can aid in understanding the causes and dynamics of risk-taking behaviour is valuable.
Reddy et al. (2010) confirm that the three categories of risk-taking behaviour that require research and intervention in South Africa are violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour. In following this recommendation, the current study included these three types of risk-taking behaviour. In the Second South African National Youth Risk Behaviour Survey
(Reddy et al., 2010), gender differences regarding risk-taking behaviour were noted. Therefore, an investigation into gender differences also formed part of this study.
Research focussing on the aetiological factors of risk-taking behaviour often includes factors such as personality predispositions and environmental predictors (Feldstein & Miller, 2006). However, research studies rarely simultaneously examine social and community factors that contribute to risk-taking behaviour in adolescents (Amoateng & Kalule-Sabiti, 2013). Due to this, it is evident that there is a lack of South African research that focuses on risk-taking behaviour and the contextual factors affecting these behaviours (Amoateng & Kalule-Sabiti, 2013). This study intended to address this by investigating the prevalence of risk-taking behaviour in adolescents living in Mangaung (Free State, South Africa). The aim was to investigate the role of various systems (parents, peers, school, and community) in explaining to the incidence of risk-taking behaviour (violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour) among middle and late adolescent males and females. An ecological systems perspective was followed. The following research questions were investigated:
1. Are there significant differences in the risk-taking behaviour (violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour) of adolescent males and females?
2. Can a significant amount of variance in risk-taking behaviour be explained by parental, peer, school, and community systems?
1.2 Theoretical perspectives underpinning the study
In this study, adolescence was considered from a developmental perspective. Adolescence is the stage of life between childhood and adulthood, the bridge between being a child and an adult (Whitmire, 2000). The term adolescence is difficult to define, as it is multifaceted. Chronological age and physical (e.g. puberty) and social markers (e.g. social and emotional independence) are considered when defining this developmental period. Adolescence is a developmental stage between the ages of 10 years and the early twenties. Adolescence begins with the onset of puberty and is accompanied by various changes in the physical, social, and emotional domains (APA, 2002; Whitmire, 2000).
Risk-taking behaviour is defined as behaviour in which individuals engage that can have potentially harmful consequences. Some consequences include severe injury or loss related to self and others, legal implications, or long-term effects (Boyer, 2006). According to Gardner and Steinberg (2005), adolescence is one of the stages in life during which individuals engage in reckless, thrill-seeking, and risk-taking behaviour to a greater extent than during any other life period. Thus, adolescents engage in these behaviours more than adults do (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005).
In this study, violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour were considered as forms of risk-taking behaviour. Violence as a form of risk-taking behaviour can be defined as “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation” (The World Health Organisation, 2002, p. 4.). Substance use, when considered as risk-taking behaviour (substance abuse), refers to patterns of intoxication, as well as the excessive use of a substance that causes marked distress and interferes with a person's social, occupational or academic functioning (Barlow & Durand, 2009). Finally, risky sexual behaviour is defined as the engagement in sexual encounters at a young age, no or inconsistent use of contraceptives, and/or engaging in sexual encounters with multiple partners (Irwin, Igra, Eyre, & Millstein, 2005).
Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1993) formed the theoretical basis for this research. Bronfenbrenner (1993) explains that an individual’s environment interacts with the individual and the individual with the environment, while various environments influence one another concurrently (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Leonard, 2011). Bronfenbrenner’s basic assumption is that humans cannot be understood in isolation, but must be regarded in their context of relationships with the environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1976).
Bronfenbrenner proposed five layers of systems that aid and direct human development (Guhn & Goelman, 2011). The microsystem is explained as individuals’ inner circles, which are settings with which individuals have direct, face-to-face relations with important persons (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Leonard, 2011). In the microsystem, the focus is on individuals’ families, friends, neighbourhoods, and religious groups (Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011). The mesosystem refers to the connections and continuous interactions between microsystems (Leonard, 2011). These connections include relationships that exist between individuals’
families and schools, families and peers, and families and neighbour relationships (Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011). The exosystem represents the larger social system that is external (Johnson, 2008; Leonard, 2011). Exosystems consist of the networks or systems that indirectly influence individuals, such as neighbourhoods, individuals’ larger community, health care systems, school structures and the mass media (Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011). The macrosystem is the outmost layer of the bio-ecological systems theory and comprises the overarching pattern of values, belief systems, lifestyles, opportunities, customs, and resources embedded in the various systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011). The final layer of this model, the chronosystem, broadens the environment into a third dimension and represents a time-based dimension that affects the operation of all levels of the ecological systems (Leonard, 2011).
Adolescents’ micro- and mesosystems include their interpersonal relationships and social groupings or networks (including parental, peer and school systems) with which adolescents have a continuing personal and social relationship (Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011; Leonard, 2011). Adolescents’ exosystems include their communities, religions, cultures and the laws governing their countries (Johnson, 2008). The exosystems and macrosystems are the most distal influences on adolescent development (Hersen, Thomas, & Ammerman, 2006). The chronosystem includes international trends and general changes in South Africa that affect adolescent risk-taking behaviour.
1.3 Overview of the research design and methods
For the purpose of this research study, a quantitative approach was used to explore the factors affecting risk-taking behaviour in middle and late adolescent males and females from a bio-ecological systems perspective. Furthermore, a non-experimental research approach that was descriptive in nature was followed. Correlational and criterion group designs were followed (Price, 2012; Sousa, Driessnack, & Mendes, 2007).
This research focussed on black middle and late adolescents in the Mangaung area in the Free State Province of central South Africa. Participants were recruited from four English-medium high schools. In this study, various ethnic groups such as Sesotho, Setswana and isiXhosa were included. The study included male and female participants who met the specific criteria set for this study. The non-probability, convenience sampling method was employed in this study.
Data were collected using a self-report battery that included a biographic questionnaire, an adapted and shortened version of the Youth Risk Behaviour Survey (YRBS) (to measure violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour), and a questionnaire compiled by Amoateng and Kalule-Sabiti (2013) (to measure contextual factors, namely parental, peer, school, and community systems).
The reliability of the measures for this particular sample was determined by using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. Gender differences were analysed by using multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVAs), followed by one-way analyses of variance (ANOVAs). Standard multiple regression analysis (Aron, Aron, & Coups, 2009) was implemented to determine the amount of variance in risk-taking behaviour (including violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour) that can be explained by the various contextual factors (namely parents, peers, school, and community).
To conduct his research, ethical principles were adhered to. Permission was obtained from the various parties involved in the research, namely the Department of Education, the Faculty of the Humanities of the University of the Free State, and principals of the participating schools, to conduct the research. Other ethical considerations taken into account during the research were justice, voluntary and informed consent, confidentiality, anonymity, non-maleficence, and the competence of the researcher.
1.4 Delineation of chapters
Chapter 1: The aim of this chapter is to provide an outline of the entire research study. In this chapter, the necessity for conducting research on risk-taking behaviour during adolescence and contextual factors influencing it is highlighted. Emphasis is placed on the concepts of adolescence, risk-taking behaviour, and Bronfenbrenner’s (1993) ecological systems perspective. The chapter includes an overview of the research design and methods employed in the study.
Chapter 2: In this chapter, a review of existing literature relating to risk-taking behaviour during adolescence is provided. The constructs adolescence and risk-taking behaviour are defined, explored, and discussed in the context of South Africa. The prevalence and types of risk-taking behaviour are also discussed and detailed.
Chapter 3: Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological systems theory is discussed in this chapter, as it is the theoretical underpinning of the current study. The theory is described from its original development, followed by an in-depth explanation of the five layers (micro-, meso-, macro-, exo-, and chronosystem). The influence of each of these systems on adolescents’ development is emphasised.
Chapter 4: The aim of this chapter is to give an accurate description of the methodology used in performing the research. The chapter focuses on the research design, sampling, data collection, data analysis, and ethical considerations of the study.
Chapter 5: In this chapter, the results obtained in the study are provided. Following the results, is a discussion of the results with possible explanations of the findings as they relate to the two research questions.
Chapter 6: The aim of this chapter is to provide a conclusion of the research study. This chapter focuses on the significant contributions and limitations of the study, as well as recommendations for further research.
1.5 Chapter summary
In this chapter, the aim was to provide an outline of the entire research study. The context, rationale, and theoretical underpinning of the study were presented. A discussion of the research design and methods applied in the study was included. Finally, the chapter contained a description of the delineation of the chapters as set out in this study and chapter summary.
CHAPTER 2
Adolescent Risk-taking Behaviour
Adolescence is regarded as an important and critical developmental period during a person’s life. Risk-taking behaviour often characterises this developmental period. The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of adolescent risk-taking behaviour. In the chapter, adolescence is defined, and the stages, domains, and tasks of development during adolescence are explained. Next, risk-taking behaviour is defined, and the types of risk-taking behaviour are discussed. The chapter contains an explanation of adolescent risk-taking behaviour in the South Africa context and concludes with a chapter summary.
2.1 Defining adolescence
Adolescence is the life phase between childhood and adulthood, described as the bridge between being a child and an adult (Whitmire, 2000). The term adolescence is difficult to define because it is multifaceted and numerous definitions exist for this life phase. The difficulty is intensified by the fact that individuals experience this period differently, depending on their unique physical, emotional, and cognitive development (Hardman et al., 2012). Furthermore, a variety of factors, such as legal criteria, chronological age, and physical or social markers, is considered when defining this development period.
The laws that set out the minimum age of participation in certain activities reserved for adults, such as voting, marriage, property ownership, and alcohol consumption, differ from country to country. Most countries would regard people who are allowed to participate in these activities as adults; therefore, the legal age limit for adolescence is set accordingly (UNICEF, 2011). In South Africa, the law regards anyone above 18 years as an adult. Individuals above the age of 18 years can participate in the activities mentioned above and accept their social responsibility regarding these (Children's Act No. 38 of 2005).
Adolescence can also be defined in terms of chronological age. The World Health Organisation (WHO) (2015) describes adolescence as the life stage of development that occurs following childhood and before adulthood between the ages of 10 and 19 years. Santrock (2009) refers to the ages of adolescence as starting at more or less 10 to 12 years of age and ending at 18 to 21
years of age. Newman and Newman (2011) argue that adolescence ranges from 12 to 24 years, with an early adolescent stage (12 to 18 years) and a late adolescent stage (18 to 24 years). When defining adolescence in terms of chronological age, one similarity exists between the various definitions above, and that is that adolescence is linked to the second decade of a person’s life (Hardman et al., 2012).
Adolescence can be defined in terms of biological and social markers. Louw, Louw and Ferns (2007) define adolescence as a life stage that starts with the beginning of puberty and ends when an individual accepts the social tasks of being an adult. Various definitions of adolescence emphasise biological maturity that begins with puberty. These definitions are also in line with the origin of the term adolescence, in Latin “adolescere”, meaning to grow or mature (Paludi, 2002). According to Santrock (2009), adolescence is a developmental period that starts with the onset of puberty, which is initiated by rapid physical changes (including increases in height and weight) and followed by the development of secondary sex characteristics and growth of body hair (Morgan & Huebner, 2009; Santrock, 2009). During adolescence, there is also cognitive maturation (Shaffer, 2001), personality development (formation of identity) (Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Serafini, & Meeus, 2013) and social changes (emphasis on peer relationships, movement away from parents) (Santrock, 2009) that co-occur during this life stage.
Adolescence can be divided into three substages: early adolescence (ages 10 to 14 years), middle adolescence (ages 15 to 17 years) and late adolescence (from 18 years to early twenties) (Blum, Astone, Decker, & Mouli, 2014; Perkins, 2001)
During early adolescence, identity starts to develop. Adolescents begin to strive for independence and they will start to show more preference for friends and less affection towards parents (Ozretich & Bowman, 2001). Rapid physical changes (e.g. the development of secondary sex characteristics) are noticeable during this stage (Morgan & Huebner, 2009). Early adolescents often start experimenting with their sexuality and bodies (e.g. masturbation) (Ozretich & Bowman, 2001; Perkins, 2001). During early adolescence, there is also an increase in experimentation with drugs and alcohol, and adolescents show an increase in risk-taking behaviour (Spano, 2004).
During middle adolescence, adolescents become more involved with friends while withdrawing from their parents. During middle adolescence, adolescents strive for independence (Ozretich & Bowman, 2001; Perkins, 2001). They are extremely focussed on their appearance, and concerns in this regard may arise. During this stage, adolescents who associate with deviant peers will start showing more antisocial behaviour (Ozretich & Bowman, 2001). Physical changes and growth for females slow down during middle adolescence while males show continued height and weight gain (Perkins, 2001). During middle adolescence, sexuality and sexual orientation become more prominent than in early adolescence, and adolescents can show passion and love although most relationships are brief in nature (Spano, 2004).
During late adolescence, most adolescents’ identities have been stabilised and they are physically fully developed, although males may continue to grow in height and weight. During late adolescence, relationships become more serious than before, and adolescents develop the capacity for tender and sensual love, most likely because their sexual identities have been formed (Spano, 2004). Risk-taking behaviour declines towards the end of late adolescence when individuals can assess the consequences of their risk-taking behaviour more competently (Bhandarkan, 2006; Perkins, 2001).
From the discussion above, it is clear that the following aspects are important to consider when defining adolescence: It is a developmental stage between the ages of 10 years and the early twenties. It starts with the onset of puberty and is accompanied by various changes in the physical, social and emotional domains (APA, 2002; Whitmire, 2000). These domains of adolescent development are discussed next.
2.2 Domains of adolescent development
Adolescence is a critical life stage during which adolescents undergo various rapid changes and have to master various tasks. The development that takes place includes physical development, cognitive development, personal/identity development, and social development (Dunn & Craig, 2013; Santrock, 2009).
2.2.1 Physical development
Adolescence is a life period during which individuals experience remarkable physical growth and physiological changes. These biological changes and growth that occur during adolescence are universal, although the exact timing and psychological effects are different across cultures and historical periods (Hardman et al., 2012)
During early adolescence, growth spurts occur as individuals experience rapid physical growth. During this time, males and females also mature sexually (related to puberty) (Santrock, 2009). During this growth spurt, there is a dramatic increase in height and weight for both males and females (Morgan & Huebner, 2009; Santrock, 2009). This increase occurs about two years earlier in females than in males (Santrock, 2009). Weight gain in males is mostly due to increases in muscle development, and in females, it is due to increases in body fat (Morgan & Huebner, 2009).
Secondary sex characteristics also appear and develop during adolescence, mostly due to hormonal changes (Santrock, 2009). Secondary sex characteristics include the growth of pubic and underarm hair in males and females. Females develop breasts and their menstrual cycle starts. Males have penis growth and enlargement of the testicles and scrotum, as well as the growth of facial hair (Mannheim, 2013). Both males and females experience an increase in production of oil and sweat that can lead to acne or skin problems (Morgan & Huebner, 2009).
This rapid physical and sexual maturation is initiated by the secretion of growth hormones (somatotrophins) and sex hormones (gonadotrophins). These hormones stimulates the gonads to secrete male or female hormones (Santrock, 2009). The hormones oestrogen in females and testosterone in males, in collaboration with androgens, are responsible for the development of primary sex characteristics (sex organs needed for reproduction) and secondary sex characteristics (unique male and female characteristics) (Louw et al., 2007). It is important to note that oestrogen and testosterone are both present in males and females. Testosterone dominates in male pubertal developmental and oestrogen dominates in female pubertal development (Richmond & Rogol, 2007).
The physical changes occurring in adolescents affect adolescents psychologically. Body image and perception is some of the psychological effects of physical changes. Girls often have more negative self-images than boys have. Usually, females who perceive their body appearance as more positive engage in less risk-taking behaviour (Santrock, 2009).
Together with the physical changes that occur during adolescence, the brain also develops and grows (Dunn & Craig, 2013). Giedd (2004) found that the brain of an adolescent is not fully developed and that it continues to grow and develop into a person’s early 20s. The most import structural part of the brain that changes during adolescence is the prefrontal cortex. The prefrontal cortex is responsible for advanced thinking processes such as planning, emotional regulation, and impulse control. During adolescence, the brain undergoes various structural changes. Brain maturation tends to happen from the back to the front; therefore, the pre-frontal cortex of the brain is only fully developed around the early to middle 20s (Winters & McLellan, 2004). Concurrently, with the brain development and growth, adolescents start developing their way of thinking and experience various cognitive changes (Louw et al., 2007).
2.2.2 Cognitive development
According to Piaget (1952), adolescents are in the formal operational stage of cognitive development, starting from approximately 11 years of age. This formal operational stage continues into adulthood. During this phase, adolescents move from thinking only about concrete and real occurrences to more abstract and scientific thinking (Piaget, 1952; Santrock, 2009).
One of the main characteristics of the formal operational period is that adolescents begin using hypothetical-deductive reasoning, meaning they develop their ability to reason from the general to the specific (Shaffer, 2001). Adolescents can begin to solve problems by not depending solely on previously learned facts, but also by generating hypotheses. They develop their propositional thinking ability, which means they begin to reason about propositions without referring to real-life circumstances (Hardman et al., 2012).
Furthermore, for the first time, adolescents gain awareness of their ability to think about thinking, referred to as metacognition. Idealism and possibilities often complement
metacognition. This emerging ability makes it viable for adolescents to compare themselves with others (Santrock, 2009).
Elkind (1967) extended Piaget’s theory by using two components to describe egocentrism (the increased self-consciousness experienced during adolescence). The first is the imaginary audience, which is the perception adolescents have that others are as fascinated by them as they are with themselves. Adolescents think they are constantly being watched or are “on stage” and act in specific ways to get attention (Santrock, 2009). The second component, the personal fable, represents the sense of uniqueness and indestructibility of adolescents’ experience. Adolescents frequently believe that bad things cannot happen to them and that others do not understand them (Dunn & Craig, 2013). Owing to adolescents’ cognitive development, they might engage in risk-taking behaviour such as having sexual intercourse without any protection or using of drugs without truly realising the risk associated with such behaviour (Santrock, 2009).
From a cognitive perspective, it is assumed that adolescents are not sufficiently able to assess the risks, advantages, and disadvantages of engaging in risk-taking behaviour. Although adolescents are maturing cognitively, some individuals still struggle with social-cognitive immaturity (Alberts, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2006). Furthermore, an understanding of egocentrism can also explain adolescents’ vulnerability to risk-taking behaviour. Elkind (1967) suggests that the personal fable leads to a sense of invulnerability with a greater tendency for engagement in risk-taking behaviour. Adolescents think that nothing ‘bad’ can or will happen to them.
2.2.3 Personality/identity development
Many scholars describe adolescence as a time of intense emotions and roller-coaster ups and downs, marked with conflict (Arnett, 2000; Crocetti, Scrignaro, Sica, & Magrin, 2012; Op de Beeck, 2009). Because adolescents develop physically and cognitively, they have to start considering adulthood roles. To make decisions regarding who they want to be, adolescents have to develop a sense of identity (Shaffer, 2001). Various researchers agree that the formation of an identity is one of the main psychological tasks during adolescence (Crocetti et al., 2013; Erikson, 1986; Meeus, Van de Schoot, Keijsers, & Branje, 2012).
Various researchers have explained personality development during adolescence. For instance, Erikson (1986) states that adolescents are in a stage of identity versus role confusion (De Jong, 2003). According to Erikson, identity formation involves three major tasks, namely career choice, sexual identity, and the development of beliefs and values (Hardman et al., 2012). He explained that adolescents thus experiment, investigate, and question as part of their normal development. He named this period the psychosocial moratorium, where society allows the adolescents to explore and experiment (Erikson, 1986). Erikson explains that adolescents can go through a period of identity confusion, where they struggle to integrate various roles in order to reach the ego-synthesis of fidelity (Erikson, 1986; (Louw et al., 2007; Santrock, 2009).
Marcia (1966) expanded on Erikson’s idea of identity development and introduced four statuses of identity development (Crocetti et al., 2012). Identity diffusion is characterised by a lack of exploration and a lack of commitment towards an identity. Identity foreclosure is characterised by a formal commitment towards an identity without adequate exploration. Identity moratorium is characterised by exploration with different types of identity without any formal commitments. The final stage, identity achievement, is characterised by exploration that is followed by a formal commitment. In other words, the adolescent has explored and then made a commitment (Meeus et al., 2012).
The motivation behind adolescents’ involvement in risk-taking behaviour is understood better when focussing on the idea of identity development as described by Erikson (1986) and Marcia (1966). Often, identity exploration is associated with an increase in experimentation and risk-taking. Through experimentation, adolescents develop a sense of identity. When adolescents successfully develop their sense of identity about their careers, sexual identities, and values, they are more likely to avoid major risk-taking. Individuals who do not have a fully developed state of identity (diffused state of identity / role confusion), may be more prone to association with drug use and other risk-taking behaviour (National Research Council [U.S.] and Institute of Medicine [U.S.], 2011).
2.2.4 Social development
Social development is another domain of adolescents’ development that must be considered in relation to physical, cognitive, and identity development. Social development is significant since all other developmental processes occur within individuals while the individuals are
engaging in their social environments (Santrock, 2009). Parents and peer groups play a major role in adolescent development (Geldard & Geldard, 2010; Santrock, 2009; Wang et al., 2014b)
Conflict between adolescents and parents increase as individuals reach puberty (Shaffer, 2001). Conflict between adolescents and parents is considered a normal developmental result of a combination of physical changes (hormonal influences), cognitive changes that lead to more questioning, social changes occurring, and changing family dynamics (Geldard & Geldard, 2010).
Conflict with parents can be considered constructive, as the negotiation and disputes enable adolescents to move away from being dependent on their parents, towards becoming autonomous adults (Shaffer, 2001). However, when adolescents challenge to obtain more autonomy, parents exert more control, which may lead to more defiant behaviour during adolescence (Santrock, 2009).
Friendships and peer groups also influence adolescents’ development (Louw et al., 2007; Santrock, 2009; Shaffer, 2001; Wang et al., 2014b). During adolescence, individuals have an intense need for belonging to a peer group (Cheng & Furnham, 2002). Sullivan (1953) regards friendship as significant. He alleges that adolescents move towards their friends and place more importance on them. Sullivan argues that adolescents have basic social needs, such as the need for care, social acceptance, intimacy, and sexual relations. The fulfilment of all these needs has an influence on the adolescents’ well-being (Sullivan, 1953).
Friendships during adolescents become more intimate and directed towards shared psychological attributes such as shared interests, values and beliefs (Cheng & Furnham, 2002). Adolescents’ friendships contribute to their development by protecting them against stressors they experience. Friendships ensure that adolescents do not experience isolation, increase self-awareness, and promote empathy (Louw et al., 2007).
The development of romantic relationships and dating is another important social developmental task during adolescence (Collins, 2003; Furman, 1999; Roisman, Booth-LaForce, Cauffman, & Spieker, 2009). Adolescents spend much time with the opposite gender. This strengthens adolescents’ sense of independence, allows for company, and increases communication and social skills (Santrock, 2009).
The need for acceptance and belonging can be a trigger for risk-taking behaviour during adolescence (Cheng & Furnham, 2002). Adolescents have a strong need for affiliation and acceptance in a group, which makes them vulnerable to peer influence. The rising conflict between parents and adolescents as adolescents strive for autonomy is another factor that contributes to risk-taking behaviour (National Research Council [U.S.] & Institute of Medicine [U.S.], 2011). The more adolescents and parents disagree, the more adolescents find acceptance with peers. The more adolescents associate with deviant peers, the higher the chances of involvement in risk-taking behaviour are.
The school environment has another strong influence on individual development. The school environment contributes to development, as adolescents spend most of their time there. The school setting contributes to social development, as it includes connections to peers and teachers, and adolescents’ perceptions about education are also shaped and adapted in this environment (Negru & Baban, 2009). Schools are essential for academic purposes, as they stimulate intellectual and cognitive development. In the school environment learners can develop social, psychological, and physical well-being (Govender et al., 2013). Positive perceptions about the school environment have been linked with less risk-taking behaviour (Klein, Cornell, & Konold, 2012). McNeely, Nonnemaker, and Blum (2002) found that adolescents who experience a sense of connectedness to adults at schools are less likely to use substances, suffer from emotional pain, attempt suicide, and become involved in socially unacceptable and risk-taking behaviour.
The community or neighbourhood to which individuals belong is an important social context that affects family functioning and,, therefore, individual functioning and development (Amoateng & Kalule-Sabiti, 2013; Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2009). Liechty (2008) conducted a study that explored the influence of community upon the development of self. The finding of this study showed that communities shape individual development through shared and common values. Furthermore, communities also influenced development through providing a larger context in which families and family roles were rooted (Liechty, 2008). Disadvantaged communities are a risk factor for involvement in risk-taking behaviour. The term disadvantaged communities is used for neighbourhoods with a high level of poverty, unemployment, and crime (Swahn & Bossarte, 2009). The more resources a community has (for example, activities for
children, and good role models), the lower the risk-taking in that community is (Youngblade, Curry, Novak, Vogel, & Shenkman, 2006).
From the above-mentioned, it is evident that adolescent development is influenced by various social factors, including parents, peers, school, and community (Wang et al., 2014b). In Chapter 3, the influence of these is discussed in more detail.
2.3 Defining risk-taking behaviour
Risk-taking behaviour is defined as behaviour in which individuals engage in that can have potentially harmful consequences. Some consequences include severe injury or loss related to self and others, legal implications, or negative long-term effects (Boyer, 2006). Risk-taking behaviour can have undesirable consequences for the overall development and well-being of an individual, or might hinder individuals from attaining successes and optimal development. Risk-taking behaviour includes behaviour that will cause instant physical injury (e.g. fighting) and behaviour with long-term or indirect adverse effects (e.g., substance use and smoking) (De Guzman & Pohlmeier, 2014).
Moore and Gullone (1996) define adolescent risk-taking behaviour as behaviour that has potentially adverse consequences but that is performed because of perceived rewards. When the positive outcomes are more than the possible negative outcomes, the behaviour is not considered risky. However, if the possible negative outcomes are far more than the positive outcomes, the behaviour can be considered dangerous or risky (Gullone, Moore, Moss, & Boyd, 2000).
Risk-taking behaviour is common during adolescence. According to Gardner and Steinberg (2005), adolescence is a stage in life characterised by individuals’ engagement in reckless, thrill-seeking, and risk-taking behaviour. Such behaviour occurs to a greater degree during adolescence than during any other life period. Thus, adolescents engage in these behaviours more than adults do (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005). Risk-taking behaviour performed by adolescents can disrupt their normal development or prevent them from engaging in usual activities for their age group. For example, teen pregnancy can prevent adolescents from experiencing usual adolescent events, such as matriculating or developing close friendships with peers (De Guzman & Pohlmeier, 2014).
Risk-taking cannot be interpreted and studied apart from an individual’s developmental context. Behaviour that is considered harmful during early adolescence may be less harmful during later adolescence (Parsons, Siegel, & Cousins, 1997). From a developmental perspective, risk-taking can be regarded as normative and adaptive for healthy psychological development (Baumrind, 1987; Özmen, 2006). Baumrind (1987) notes that there are two types of risk-taking behaviour in adolescence: adaptive and pathological risk-taking. Adaptive risk-taking behaviour is exploratory and experimental in nature and can lead to increased self-esteem and stress tolerance. The motivation behind adaptive risk-taking behaviour is usually secondary gain, in that individuals perceive some interpersonal benefit or gain. An example of adaptive risk-taking behaviour during adolescents would be the use of a substance to gain social status among peers. Pathological risk-taking behaviour is habit forming and destructive and mostly does not have any secondary gain, also referred to as secondary handicap. Thus pathological risk-taking behaviour often affect individuals’ interpersonal spheres negatively (Baumrind, 1987).
2.4 Types of risk-taking behaviour
Several types of risk-taking behaviours have been of particular interest to professionals and researchers and have been studied extensively due to their high prevalence during adolescence and negative effect on society (De Guzman & Pohlmeier, 2014). Although there are no universally accepted categories for risk-taking behaviour, various researchers have attempted to structure or categorise the various types of risk-taking behaviour. Lavery, Siegel, Cousins, and Rubovits (1993) group 23 types of risky behaviours into five categories, namely illegal (e.g., theft, drunk driving, vandalism), vehicle (e.g., driving with strangers, not wearing a seat belt, travelling with a drunk driver), health (e.g., having unprotected sex, bingeing/purging, crash dieting), status (e.g., running away from home, cheating during tests, fights with peers, skipping school), and drug use (e.g., drinking alcohol, using other legal/illegal substances) (Gullone et al., 2000). In the Youth Risk Behaviour Survey, six categories of risk-taking behaviour are considered: (1) behaviour that contributes to unintentional injuries and violence, (2) tobacco use, (3) alcohol and other drug use, (4) sexual behaviour that contributes to unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases, (5) unhealthy dietary behaviour, (6) physical inactivity, including obesity and asthma (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014; Coleman, Wileyto, Lenhart, & Patterson, 2014).
For the purpose of this study, the three categories of risk-taking behaviour included for further discussion are violence, substance use, and risky sexual behaviour. Inclusion of these categories is based on confirmation by Reddy et al. (2010) that these are the most prominent categories of risk-taking behaviour that require further research and intervention in South Africa.
2.4.1 Violence-related behaviour
Definitions of violence found in the literature are diverse. Often, the terms violence and aggression are used interchangeably. Aggression is a broad term that includes firm, invasive, or confronting behaviour, and violence is regarded as a subcategory of aggression (Van der Merwe & Dawes, 2007). The World Health Organisation (2002, p. 4.) defines violence as “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, a group, or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation.” Violence includes a broad range of behaviour, including child abuse, gang-related fights, hate crimes, spouse battering, sexual assault, suicide, and terrorism (Fraser, 1996).
Violence is considered second to vehicle accidents as the primary cause of death among people of 15 to 34 years of age (De Guzman & Pohlmeier, 2014). In the United States (US), 8.1% of learners have been involved in physical fights in a twelve-month period, with fighting showing a higher incidence among males than among females. Furthermore, 10.3% of learners have been hit, slammed into something, or injured with an object on purpose by someone they were dating. The prevalence of dating violence was higher among females than among males (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b).
Various factors can lead to violent behaviour during adolescence. Individual factors that have been found to correlate with violence are hyperactivity, impulsivity, and poor academic performance (Herrenkohl et al., 2000; Massetti et al., 2011). Furthermore, the early onset of violence and aggression during childhood is often a predictor of violence during adolescence. Individuals with little guilt or remorse, a history of substance abuse, and attitudes supporting drug abuse and violence are more likely than the general population to become violent (Van der Merwe & Dawes, 2007). According to Massetti et al. (2011), adolescents who affiliate with deviant peers and gang members are more likely to engage in violent behaviour themselves.
The family also plays a role in violent behaviour of adolescents. Violent parents, family conflict, and harsh or inconsistent parenting (including severe punishment) can be predictors of violent behaviour during adolescence (Herrenkohl et al., 2000; Massetti et al., 2011; Van der Merwe & Dawes, 2007). Emotional abuse, poor limit setting, and parental monitoring have also been identified in the aetiology of violence (Massetti et al., 2011). On a community level, risk factors for violent behaviour during adolescence include community violence, poverty, availability of drugs, alcohol and firearms, as well as high crime rates in the neighbourhood (Massetti et al., 2011; Van der Merwe & Dawes, 2007).
According to McAra and McVie (2010), there is a gender difference in engagement in violent activities. Males and females engage in violence for different reasons. Research by McAra and McVie (2010) showed that females who were sexually active at a young age were more likely to be violent. Furthermore, family turbulence and deprivation at the familial level significantly contributed to violent behaviour by females. In males, violence was linked to aspects of risk such as impulsivity, association with violent peers, poor parental monitoring, and previous victimisation by adults (McAra & McVie, 2010).
Violent behaviour can also be explained by examining the theory of learned behaviour, which provides another explanation for the causes of violent behaviour. Behaviour can be learned through observation, imitation, direct experience, or rehearsal. Adolescents who see their friends, parents, or other individuals in their communities engaging in violence, are more likely to imitate their behaviour, or use violence as a coping mechanism (Herrenkohl et al., 2000).
2.4.2 Substance-related behaviour
Substance-related behaviour (including use of cigarettes, alcohol, and other drugs) is defined as the intake of psychoactive substances. The use of substances in restrained quantities that does not extensively impede with social, educational, or occupational functioning could be regarded as normal, and is usually not regarded as risk-taking behaviour (Sadock, Kaplan, & Sadock, 2007). Examples of normal substance use include the consumption of a cup of coffee in the morning before work, smoking a cigarette, and enjoying a drink with a friend. Substance use also includes the irregular and restrained intake of illegal drugs like dagga, cocaine, amphetamines, or barbiturates (Barlow & Durand, 2009).
Substance abuse refers to patterns of intoxication and the excessive use of a substance that causes marked distress and interferes with a person's social, occupational, or academic functioning (Barlow & Durand, 2009). The interference can include fights with family on the misuse of substances, legal problems such as arrests for driving under the influence, and issues concerning a person's work or school performance (Sadock et al., 2007). The risk involved in substance use is that it often spirals into substance abuse – especially with adolescents. Furthermore, activities in which adolescents engage while under the influence of substances, such as having unprotected sex or driving under the influence of alcohol, pose a threat that can lead to injury or even death.
According to the Youth Risk Behaviour Survey (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b), 41.1% of learners in the US have tried cigarette smoking. Among the learners who smoke cigarettes, 8.6% smoke more than ten cigarettes per day, with smoking among males being more prevalent than among females (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b). In the US, 66.2% of learners have had at least one drink of alcohol during their life, and 18.6% of these learners had drunk alcohol for the first time before the age of 13 years. A noteworthy amount of 6.1% of learners also drank more than ten drinks in a couple of hours in a 30-day period, with the prevalence higher among males than among females. Use of marijuana is also common, as 24.4% of learners reported the use of marijuana during a 30-day period (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b). Various international statistics indicate that males reported higher levels of substance use than females did (Johnston, O’Mallaey, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2010; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2010).
Factors that make adolescents more vulnerable to substance use include genetic predispositions, stressful life events, socio-economic status, and peers (Nash, McQueen, & Bray, 2005; National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2014; Shane, Diamond, Mensinger, Shera, & Wintersteen, 2006; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000). Adolescents with a history of physical and/or sexual abuse, are more prone to substance use disorders (Shane et al., 2006).
Various other risk factors play a noteworthy part in the development of substance use and related behaviour. Prenatal experience with alcohol or other drugs, absence of parental supervision or monitoring and relationship with drug-using peers can contribute to substance use (Nash, McQueen, & Bray, 2005; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2012). Peer acceptance also contributes to substance use. Adolescents may be more prone to substance
use if they perceive from their peers or parents that it is normal and acceptable to use substances (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000). Other reasons why adolescents engage in substance use are to cope with their emotional pain, to feel better, and as part of normal experimentation (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2014).
Mass media is another factor that encourages substance use, as the media often portrays substance use as a normal activity and thus promotes it in adolescents (Escobedo, Reddy, & DuRant, 1997). Other contributing factors include personal beliefs about substances, lower social economic status, lack of parental support, accessibility and availability of substances, low self-esteem, and low levels of academic performance (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000, 2012).
2.4.3 Risky sexual behaviour
Risky sexual behaviour is defined as the engagement in sexual encounters at a young age, no or inconsistent use of contraceptives, and/or engaging in sexual encounters with multiple partners (Irwin et al., 2005). These types of sexual behaviour can be regarded as risky behaviour, as they pose various health and mental threats to the individual engaging in such behaviours. Some of these health threats include contracting a sexually transmitted disease, unwanted pregnancies, financial strains due to having a baby, and socio-emotional problems (Nel, 1995).
In the US, 46.8% of learners have had sexual intercourse at some time during their lives, with 5.6% before the age of 13 years. Fifteen percent of learners have had sex with four or more persons during their life. Of the currently sexually active learners, 13.7% of learners have not used any form of contraceptive to prevent pregnancy. More females than males fail to use contraceptives (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b).
Factors that contribute to risky sexual behaviour are substance use, violent home experiences, history of sexual/or physical abuse, poor parental control, lower education, and poverty. Substance use is a strong predictor of involvement in risky sexual behaviour. Adolescents who abuse drugs are more likely to find themselves in situations where they may engage in risky sexual behaviour or become victims of sexual crimes (Hall, Holmqvist, & Sherry, 2004). Witnessing domestic violence or being raised in a home where adolescents continuously
experience violence increases their risk to engage in risky sexual behaviour about threefold (Cole, 2002).
According to Lang et al., (2003) a history of sexual abuse or assault is another risk factor for involvement in risky sexual behaviour and substance use. Furthermore, peer pressure and the way in which the media portrays sex increase adolescents’ vulnerability towards risky sexual behaviour (Louw et al., 2007).
From a developmental perspective, adolescents’ rapid physical development, including the development of sex characteristics and secretion of sex hormones, together with increased interest in the opposite sex, leads to exploration of identities and relationships. Downing and Bellis (2009) indicate that early physical maturation is associated frequently with early sexual activity and unplanned pregnancies.
2.4.4 Other risk-taking behaviour
Other categories of risk-taking behaviour include behaviour that contributes to unintentional injuries, unhealthy dietary behaviour, and physical inactivity (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b; Reddy et al., 2010).
Behaviour that contributes to unintentional injuries among adolescents includes injuries resulting from not taking safety measures, and reckless driving. An example is failure to wear a helmet on a bicycle, not wearing a seatbelt, driving with a drunken driver, and texting while driving (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b). Unhealthy dietary behaviour refers to behaviour related to an unhealthy diet. A healthy diet provides adequate levels of vitamins, minerals, proteins, carbohydrates, and healthy fats from a variety of foods (Renee, 2014). Physical inactivity refers to not engaging in regular exercise. Regular physical activity in childhood and adolescence improves strength and stamina, aids in forming healthy bones and muscles, helps control weight, reduces anxiety and stress, increases self-esteem, and may improve blood pressure and cholesterol levels (Reddy et al., 2010).
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2010) report that, in the 2010 Youth Risk Behaviour Survey, 56% of adolescents who died in vehicle accidents were not wearing seatbelts (De Guzman & Pohlmeier, 2014). In the US, 13.7% of learners do not eat breakfast regularly,
6.6% of learners do not eat vegetables regularly, and 5% of learners do not eat fruit regularly. A recommendation is that adolescents should engage in at least 60 minutes of physical activity daily. In the 2013 Youth Risk Behaviour Survey of the US, it was found that only 27.1% of high school learners engaged in 60 minutes of exercise daily, and that 15.2% of learners do not participate in any physical activity (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013b).
Some factors are considered risk factors for the above-mentioned risk-taking behaviours. The family environment and parents’ attitudes towards safety and health are important contributors to adolescent dietary behaviour and use of safety precautions. Peer influence can be considered important determinants in adolescents selecting and eating acceptable food, as well as taking safety precautions (e.g. driving below or above the speed limit) (Baker, Little, & Brownell, 2003).
The media also influence eating habits, as they often portray a thin image as the norm, leading to body dissatisfaction and eating disorders in women. Concern about body image and the sociocultural and economic context will also affect dietary behaviour and exercise (Mallick, Ray, & Mukhopadhyay, 2014).
2.5 The South African context and adolescent risk-taking behaviour
The estimated youth population in South Africa is 9 747 000, of which 70% are between the ages of 16 and 20 years of age (Reddy et al., 2010). This population of adolescents in South Africa frequently take part in various high-risk activities.
Researchers found that South African adolescents use substances such as tobacco, alcohol, and drugs, have unprotected sex, have unhealthy eating habits, and are both offenders and victims of violence (Amoateng, Barber, & Erickson, 2006; Amoateng & Kalule-Sabiti, 2013; Flisher, Reddy, Muller, & Lombard, 2003; Madu & Matla, 2003; Reddy et al., 2010; Sharp & Dellis, 2010).
In many respects, risk-taking behaviour among South African adolescents is comparable to that reported in other countries throughout the world (Darroch, Singh, & Frost, 2001). The Second South African Youth Risk Behaviour study (Reddy et al., 2010) provides a variety of South African statistics regarding risk-taking behaviour among adolescents. According to this study,
the prevalence of violence was higher in South Africa than it was in the US. A total number of 31.3% of learners in South Africa were involved in one or more physical fights in a six-month period, with a higher prevalence among males than among females.
In the six months before the survey, 15.1% of learners reported having been hit, smacked (slapped), or physically hurt by their boyfriend/girlfriend. There was no significant variation in partner violence between males and females (Reddy et al., 2010). In Cape Town, South Africa, Kaminer, Du Plessis, Hardy, and Benjamin (2013) performed a study that assessed direct and indirect exposure to domestic, school, neighbourhood, and sexual violence among adolescents. Their results showed that 98.9% of learners had witnessed community violence, while 76.9% of learners had witnessed domestic violence. In this study, it was found that 58.6% of participants had been abused directly at their homes, and 75.8% reported exposure to violence at school.
When comparing substance use in South Africa to that of the US, South Africa has a lower prevalence rate. Almost one in three learners (29.5%) in South Africa has smoked cigarettes in his or her lifetime, with 5.8% of learners being frequent smokers. One in two learners in South Africa (49.6%) has drunk at least one drink of alcohol in his or her lifetime, and 28.5% have engaged in binge drinking on one or more days during a 30-day period. Males have higher rates for alcohol use than females have. A total of 9.7% of learners use dagga on one or more days in a period of 30 days (Reddy et al., 2010). In the Gauteng and Limpopo provinces, it was found that 50% of learners reported current alcohol use, with males having a higher prevalence than females (Weir-Smith, 2001).
With regard to risky sexual behaviour, 37.5%, South African learners have had sex during their lifetime, with 12.6% of learners having had sexual intercourse before the age of 14 years (Reddy et al., 2010). In a recent study by Amoateng, Kalule-Sabiti, and Arkaah (2014) in the North West province of South Africa, 47% of adolescent male participants reported that they had had sex before in their life, and 23% of females reported that they had had sex.
Although risk-taking behaviour in South Africa seems comparable to other countries, there are unique factors in the South African context that should be considered. Two factors that has been mentioned by Sharp and Dellis (2010) is transitional changes in South Africa and the collectivistic culture. These two factors will be discussed.
