(Student number 15202570)
From Japantown to Chinatown?
Negotiating place in a multiethnic neighborhood
Supervisor
University College Dublin | Dr. Gerard Boucher
First year examiners
University of Amsterdam | Dr. Sébastien Chauvin
University of Deusto | Dr. Aitor Ibarrola Armendariz
MISOCO
Joint European Master in International Migration and Social Cohesion
University College Dublin | May, 2016
3
Declaration
I declare that this is an original work of scholarship, and that it
contains no material previously published or written by another
person, except when due reference is made.
I also declare that I have been informed of the completion and
assessment rules of the master program within which this thesis is
submitted.
Gabriela Simões Mathias
May 4, 2016
4
Abstract
This research is focused on the ethnic and touristic neighborhood of Liberdade, located
in São Paulo, Brazil. This area was initially an enclave of Japanese immigrants and
went through a process of touristification inspired by North American Chinatowns.
From its foundation as touristic area, Liberdade has been divided between the identity
of a Japanese Neighborhood (Bairro Japonês) and an Oriental Neighborhood (Bairro
Oriental). In the present days, this neighborhood is experiencing a process of entry of
different migrant groups – mainly Chinese and Koreans. This demographic change is
simultaneously changing the local landscape, with the opening of several different
ethnically identified businesses. Taking into consideration the arrival of new waves of
Chinese and Korean migrants and their increased participation in the area, I have sought
to understand what forms of neighborhood interaction are occurring, focusing
particularly in the perception of the established local Nikkei community.
Key words: ethnic succession; ethnic enclaves; touristification; Japanese Brazilians; Nikkei
5
Acknowledgements
To old friends who were far and new friends who were close – thanks for putting up with me. I can repay you in brigadeiros.
To my family – thank you for learning that “how is your thesis going?” is not an acceptable question at ANY given moment. I love you too.
To Pandora and Khan (and rest in peace my dear Rover) – I appreciate the countless playful hours. You have always made my day.
To those who gave their time to talk to me. You made this research possible.
To all of those involved in the MISOCO who took their time to help, discuss, engage, read and comment on not only mine, but all of our work, thank you.
Last, but not least, I would like to thank the EACEA/Erasmus Mundus for the scholarship opportunity. None of this would have been possible without it.
6 Table of Contents Abstract ... 4 Acknowledgements ... 5 List of Tables ... 7 List of Figures ... 8 List of Acronyms ... 9 Small Preface... 10 Introduction ... 11
Chapter One – Migration in context ... 14
Chapter Two – Landscapes of ethnic encounters ... 20
Chapter Three – Methodology ... 34
Chapter Four – Liberdade ... 41
Chapter Five – What makes Liberdade ethnic? ... 54
Chapter Six – Turf wars ... 63
Conclusion ... 71
References... 75
7
List of Tables
Table 1. Participants’ Basic Information ... 38 Table 2. Ethnic identification of buildings ... 50 Table 3. Participants' perceptions on neighborhood interactions between different ethnicities ... 64
8
List of Figures
Figure 1. Lanterns on Américo de Campos Street ... 44 Figure 2. Torii portal on Galvão Bueno Street ... 46 Figure 3. Map of touristic area ... 49
9
List of Acronyms
Association for Fraternization of Shopkeepers in the Liberdade Neighborhood [ACAL]
Cultural and Assistance Association of Liberdade [ACAL]
10
Small Preface
From as far as eleven years ago, maybe a little bit more, Japan, Japanese popular
culture and the Nikkei were always present in my life. These things seldom took a very
central position in my daily activities, but were also not so marginal as to be ignored. Be
as it may, I developed an interest for things related to Japan, which mostly translated
into some Japanese language classes and hours of internet reading on small cultural
everyday life details – how and why to give a business card in the proper way or the
unexplainable amount of different counting systems. One day, during my bachelors, we
had to read a chapter of The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, by Ruth Benedict. I was
thrown off my feet – I could align my “Japan” curiosity with my newly discovered
interest for Anthropology.
Many years later, here I am. “Japan stuff” did not exactly take a more central position in my life than it had before, but now the Nikkei and our own Brazilian version
of a Japantown are part of my academic research. And while in those past years I was
perhaps attracted by what was the most distant and exotic thing I could see from my
reality, I did critically tone down the exoticism and the othering with my engagement in
11
Introduction
This research was born out of an empirical curiosity – it is focused on the ethnic
and touristic neighborhood of Liberdade. Located in the largest Brazilian city, São
Paulo, Liberdade was initially an enclave of Japanese immigrants. In the 1970s, the area
went through a process of touristification inspired by North American Chinatowns.
Idealized as a Japantown, the project was “sold” to city authorities as the construction of
an Oriental Neighborhood (Bairro Oriental). However, due to the influence of history,
and the economic and social domain of the Nikkei1 population, the area was actually
perceived and presented as the Japanese Neighborhood (Bairro Japonês) for a long time.
In the present days, this neighborhood is undergoing several changes, including
a process of entry of different migrant groups – mainly Chinese and Koreans. This
demographic change appeared to be simultaneously changing the local landscape, with
the opening of several different ethnically identified businesses. Therefore, it was part
of my research interests to find out what was the extent of these landscape changes and
how these newly arrived migrants were affecting local social relations.
To understand such changes and the relationships established between these
different ethnic groups, I begun to look for concepts, theoretical models and empirical
researches on touristified ethnic enclaves. At first, I was more concerned with questions
of spatial nature – semiotic landscapes and visible territorialization practices. While the
way these types of landscapes are shaped through use is still part of my interests, it took
a secondary position as I started to concentrate on the ideas of ethnicity, studies of
Chinatowns and other touristified ethnic neighborhoods. During these explorations, I
1 Nikkei (romanization of the Japanese word, it can also appear in the form Nikkeijin) refers to Japanese and their offspring, regardless of generation and location abroad. The term exists and it is often used in opposition to Gaijin (literally “outsider”; a shorter form of Gaikokujin, “a foreigner”). The use of term Nikkei is common in Brazil, coexisting with other terms, as it will be discussed later in the text.
12 stumbled across the ethnic succession model, which seems to be quite useful to begin to
explain the current process of change that is happening in Liberdade.
Ethnic succession, and the different forms it may assume, depends on local
contexts of racial and ethnic identity and relations. The Japanese Brazilians are
economically and socially assimilated into the broader national context, yet they remain
racialized by mainstream society. This differentiation by racialization can be one of the
reasons for a permanence in ethnic identification even in later migrant generations. In
this context, Liberdade still acts as an important historical and symbolic ethnic center.
Moreover, in contemporary Brazilian society Japan and the Nikkei are usually
associated with positive stereotypes. This positive minority status thus leads to
Liberdade, as a Japanese Neighborhood, to be associated with social prestige.
Taking into consideration the arrival of new waves of Chinese and Korean
migrants, I have sought to understand what forms of neighborhood interaction are
occurring. The initial proposal was to understand the relationships between these three
major ethnic communities, taking into account their different perspectives and
interactions in the neighborhood. Nevertheless, time restraints have led me to a more
pragmatic approach, focusing instead on the Japanese Brazilian perspectives on these
changes and also on its resulting practices.
In Chapter One – Migration in context, I present a brief summary of the
international immigration to Brazil in the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, followed
by the Japanese migrants’ history in the country and the first decades of their settlement in Liberdade. The second chapter – Landscapes of ethnic encounters – articulates
different concepts, theories and empirical studies that aid in the understanding of
Liberdade’s interethnic relations. Chapter three – Methodology, discusses access to the field, interview processes and data analysis.
13 The second half of this paper, chapters four to six, works through the results of
the research. Chapter Four – Liberdade, presents the construction of Liberdade as a
touristic area and the current state of affairs on such project. It also shows the extent of
the changes with focus on the visual landscape, by mapping ethnic businesses in the
area. Chapter Five – What makes Liberdade ethnic? deals with participants’ perception
on this neighborhood ethnic character, the characteristics used to support their views,
and their feelings towards local changes. The final section, Chapter Six – Turf Wars, presents participants’ perceptions on the established relationships with the other ethnic groups and some reports on territorialization practices.
14
Chapter One – Migration in context
Large scale migration to Brazil
According to the studies of Patarra and Fernandes (2011) and Nogueira (1984),
in the first decades of the 19th century, Brazil begun to experience an increase in
migration from countries other than Portugal. The Brazilian government had as goal to
occupy under-populated areas, particularly in the South, making these territories
economically active while guaranteeing their possession. For this purpose, immigrants
were settled in what was known as colonial cores (núcleos coloniais). This project was
based on small polyculture properties that attracted Germans, Italians and other
European immigrants. There was a preference for these nationalities, a result of national
racial debates that defended the idea that only (white) European immigrants could
contribute to build a civilized and modern nation.
With the abolition of slavery in 1888 and the concurrent expansion of coffee
production in the state of São Paulo, an immigration policy began, focused on attending
this industry’s needs for workers. The government assumed direct responsibility for the
publicity, recruitment, transportation, reception and distribution of immigrants between
several Brazilian farms (Patarra and Fernandes, 2011).
Japanese migration to Brazil
The year of 1908 traditionally marks the beginning of Japanese migration to
Brazil, when the ship Kasato Maru docked at Santos’ port. According to Sakurai and Kodama (1998, 2008), in the beginning of the 20th century the expansion in coffee
plantations left the country in need of more immigrant workers. Up to that moment, the
coffee production could count on the preferable – according to the mentioned racial
15 On its end, Japan began a modernization process during the Meiji Restoration in
1868. It included a policy of sending workers abroad, mainly for reasons of
demographic growth and lack of access to productive land. As migration to countries
such as the United States and Canada started to suffer from restrictions, Japan needed a
new country to send its workers. For Sakurai (1998), despite prevalent racial discourses
against the presence of Japanese and other “yellow” immigrants in Brazil, the needs of
coffee plantations made the presence of Japanese immigrants justifiable. The political
and economic power held by the coffee farmers meant their interests dictated most
migratory policy in São Paulo (Sakurai, 1998).
Japanese migration to Brazil had the particularity of being subsidized and
stimulated by both governments in different periods2. In its first 15 years, Japanese
immigration was subsidized by São Paulo’s government; in 1923 all funding was cut
down. In the following year, the US prohibited the entrance of Japanese migrants,
leading Japan’s government to invest even further in migration to Brazil. Therefore,
despite Brazilian cuts in subsides, from 1924 to 1934 the number of Japanese migration
to Brazil reached its peak, with 132.121 entries. This was a result of the initiatives of the
Japanese government to continue the flow (Sakurai, 1998).
As Sakurai (1998) demonstrated, the period of 1924 to 1941 was marked by
extensive subsides from the Japanese government, not only to send new workers to
Brazil but also to settle them in the land. This period was characterized by the entrance
of immigrants that were not hired directly by coffee farms, but that were instead
directed to the formation of colonies. In this scheme, the Japanese government bought
land through colonizing companies and the Japanese migrated to become landowners.
2 Sakurai coins this relationship a protected immigration (Imigração Tutelada), because it was guarded from the beginning by the Japanese government and this played a major role in the development of those immigrants in the country.
16 Even those who migrated by contracts with coffee plantations could still acquire the
Japanese government’s lands. The colonizing companies created some local infrastructure, with schools, associations and banks (Sakurai, 1998).
At the same time, anti-Japanese ideas continued. The racial theories present in
national discourse claimed their incapacity of assimilation and believed they posed a
risk to national security. In 1934, at the peak of Japanese entry in Brazil, an immigration
quota system was approved. The debates for the creation of this law involved mainly
Asian and African immigration. Despite more radical ideas, the final text ended up
being “diplomatic”, not naming any particular nationality but limiting new entries to 2% of the total immigrants per nationality in the last 50 years (Geraldo, 2009). Although
these restrictions applied to all nationalities, the main goal was to affect the Japanese
migration. Because it was recent, it had a smaller total number compared to other
nationalities that begun their migration movements earlier in time (Dezem, 2000).
According to Sakurai (1998), with the rise of the Estado Novo3 in 1937, a series
of measures that affected immigrants were instituted. As a result, the Japanese were
suddenly forbidden to speak the Japanese language, their schools, newspapers and
magazines were forcibly closed, the associations whose board was composed of
Japanese only had to be “nationalized”, among other actions.
In short, between 1908 and 1941 approximately 169,000 Japanese migrated to
Brazil. During this period, anti-Japanese discourses were always present, claiming their
incapacity of assimilation and risks to national security. The beginning of Second World
War interrupted immigration to the country. In 1941, Brazil severs relations with Japan.
During this period, even more restrictive measures were directed at Germans, Italians
3 Estado Novo (lit. New State) was a period of Brazilian nationalism that even included the promulgation of a new constitution.
17 and Japanese nationals. This situation had a strong impact on the process of social and
economic ascension of the Japanese population in Brazil (Sakurai, 1998).
After the war, the immigration process restarted, bringing in 50,000 new
Japanese migrants (Lesser, 2003). Nevertheless, in the 1960s, Japan was going through
a phase of rapid economic growth. Brazil, also improving economically, no longer
needed foreign agricultural labor, leading to considerable reduction in these movements.
Many of those Japanese immigrants remained in the country, creating a Nikkei
community.
At present, it can be hard to determine the exact number of Nikkei in the country.
The national census does not collect this information directly, since the Nikkei often
have Brazilian nationality and are thus only recorded as national citizens. The census
works with a category of color/race (the current options are white, black, brown, yellow
or other) but this does not enough to determine someone’s ethnic origins. However, a
study (Beltrão, Sugohara, & Konta, 2008) estimated4, with basis on the national census
of the year 2000, that 0.8% of the total population, or 1,405,685 individuals, were of
Japanese descent. In the state of São Paulo, which had the largest relative number
compared to other states, this figure was of 693,495 people, equivalent to 1.9% of the
state’s population.
Japanese settlement in Liberdade
In the beginning of the 20th century, some of the Japanese immigrants moved
from the countryside to São Paulo City. Of those, many ended up settling in Liberdade.
According to Góes (2012), the Japanese presence in Liberdade started in 1912, on
4 To get to the numbers on the Nikkei population, which are not directly collected by the census, this study considered the homes with at least one individual that declared him/herself “yellow” or that was born in Japan or even that declared a migratory movement from Japan. The individuals that declared to be born in other Asian countries were then excluded.
18 Conde de Sarzedas Street. This street had houses with basements, which made renting
an underground room inexpensive, and its location provided easy access to the central
region. These immigrants started a few commercial activities to attend to their own
needs, forming what was then known as the “Japanese street”.
In 1932, there were 2,000 Japanese in São Paulo and around 600 lived in the
Conde de Sarzedas Street. This initially inexpensive residential area rapidly developed
its local commerce and begun to be known as a Japanese neighborhood (Góes, 2012).
During Second World War, the sanctions forced this local Japanese community to
“disperse”. However, after the war the Nikkei returned to Liberdade, although they ended up settling on nearby streets. Fantin (2015) points out how the increase in rotative
credit associations (tanomoshikou) during this period was essential to (re)consolidate
the commercial presence of the Japanese at Liberdade.
At the time, the business establishments responded to the needs of the Nikkei
community. In 1953, Cine Niterói’s inauguration with a Japanese owner and weekly
exhibitions of Japanese movies was a milestone of the ethnic concentration in Galvão
Bueno Street, which then begins to be the center of the Japanese neighborhood (Goés,
2012). In the following years, several shops appeared on Cine Niterói’s surrounding
areas, including three other movie theaters (Negawa, 2000).
In short, the first decade of the 20th century was marked by the beginning of the
Japanese migration to Brazil, their later settlement in São Paulo and specifically in
Liberdade. The period after the War was marked not only by a shift in the Nikkei’s
streets of concentration, but also by a shift in the structure of the local businesses. They
went from locally focused small business to making the area a leisure center for the
19 Liberdade into a Japantown in the 1970s. As the neighborhood touristification plays an
essential part to my understanding of the current relations in the area, I will turn to it in
20
Chapter Two – Landscapes of ethnic encounters
This chapter articulates the concepts and theories that help in the understanding
of Liberdade and its current situation. It also includes empirical studies about similar
touristified ethnic neighborhoods and areas that went through a process of ethnic
succession. The ideas presented on this chapter are resumed in later chapters when
useful to establish parallels with this study’s results.
Nikkei, Nipo-Brasileiro, Japonês
According to Barth (2010) actors use ethnic identities to categorize themselves
and others for the purpose of interaction. Ethnicity thus establishes a systematic set of
rules and prescriptions governing situations of contact, allowing for articulation in
certain areas of activities, while limiting in others, to prevent cultural confrontation and
modification. It is hard, if not impossible, to define one “Japanese Brazilian” identity; it
is a slippery, situational and heterogeneous expression. In the context of Liberdade,
ethnicity appears to sometimes be an important social organization feature, and other
times it seems not to matter that much. As Lesser (2003, p.2) puts it, ethnicity is
necessarily situational – there are different elements that make up ethnicity and
conditions under which its markers are highlighted or minimized.
The concept of ethnicity as boundary-making seems to solve a difficulty, namely
what ties actually connect Japanese immigrants and descendants in Liberdade and how
to refer to these ties. There are, of course, ties other than ascendency that might connect
individuals in determined situations, such as the formation of neighborhood
communities in themselves. Nevertheless, ethnicity is not (entirely) an emic term. In all
interviews, my respondents hesitated when trying to use a general term to refer to what I
21 speaking of later generations with Brazilian nationality), a culture, a descent, a race and,
only once, an ethnicity. These terms were also used interchangeably by the same person.
Additionally, ethnicity is not always the main or single defining characteristic in the
interpersonal relations in the area. Knowledge and involvement in Japanese culture, for
instance, can take precedence over ethnic identity in determined situations.
Ethnicity as main identifying characteristic can thus be contested because it
creates an artificial boundary around a group of people who do not necessarily define
themselves that way. Linger (2003, p.201) suggests that it can be misleading to refer to
Japanese Brazilians collectively, as a diaspora. According to him, to characterize a
group as a diaspora (even if implicitly) means to draw a boundary around a set of
persons in the basis of certain assumptions. Since it is the biological descent that binds
together native-born Japanese and their descendants dispersed around the world into a
substantial, recognizable collectivity, diasporic approaches tend to reify a theoretical
abstraction. On this topic, the author claims:
To characterize a set of persons as a diaspora is therefore to constitute an ethnic group and impute to it a historical trajectory, moral entitlements, and a collective mental state. This is powerful ideological work. For an anthropologist to accede to a diasporic characterization is to commit herself to a particular group-constitutive story. (Linger, 2003, p.210)
In his research, Linger (2003) determined that in questions of race, ethnicity and
identity, the so called “Japanese Brazilians” do not always agree. Their connection to
ethnicity was not directly related to their migrant generation – for instance, a third
generation participant in the author’s research demonstrated to feel “more Japanese”
and to give ethnicity more importance than a second generation participant. Linger
22 ultimately, a political and personal issue for certain actors – among them Japanese
politicians and Japanese Brazilians themselves.” (p.210).
However, during the development of this study in Liberdade, large contestations
on a Nikkei or Japanese Brazilian identity did not emerge. The participants seemed to
feel, although to different extents and manifest in different forms, part of a “Japanese
Brazilian” identity. This is also visible since the individuals who take part in neighborhood activities and interactions are in some way trying to maintain or recover
parts of a “Japaneseness”. The neighborhood as a symbolic center in itself can be seen
to serve to give this Japaneseness materiality. Nevertheless, I do not intend to speak for
a collective of Japanese Brazilians or Nikkei, imagined or otherwise. I have sought to
use these terms carefully and they should always be considered in relation to a specific
context.
In Brazil, there is an interchangeability of several words to refer to individuals
with Japanese ascendency. In everyday speech, Japonês (lit. Japanese) is a common
way of referring to Japanese Brazilians of all generations. When there is the need to
make a distinction of a Japanese national, the forms "Japonês Japonês" or "Japonês de
verdade" (real Japanese) or even “Japonês do Japão” (Japanese from Japan) are
sometimes used. The term Nikkei and its generations (Issei, Nisei, Sansei, Yonsei – first
to fourth generation, respectively) are also used, perhaps more commonly, by those who
share this ascendency or have some relation to or knowledge of it. Nipo-brasileiro
(formed by the gathering of the words Nippon – Japan in Japanese language – and
brasileiro) is more frequently used in academic scholarship and official contexts, being
23 As the previous discussion and the different terms suggests, a Japanese Brazilian
identity is complex and positional. Not only has the Japanese Brazilian identity changed
over time, but so have the Nikkei relationships and their various positionalities with and
within broader society. There are also differences related to generation, class, gender
and even geographic location. The racialization of Japanese Brazilians based on
phenotypic characteristics is, nevertheless, widespread. The following pages present this
discussion in more detail.
According to Nishida (2009), by the beginning of 1980s, the majority of
Japanese Brazilians in the city of São Paulo had managed to join the middle and
upper-middle classes, rapidly assimilating themselves into Brazilian culture and society. At
that time, Japanese Brazilians had already become more racially heterogeneous. The
author presents data for the years of 1987-8, which demonstrate that while only 6.3
percent of the Nisei (second generation) were racially mixed, 42 percent of the Sansei
(third generation) and 61.6 percent of the Yonsei (fourth generation) were of mixed
races.
With such high numbers of racial mixing and the persistence of ethnicity as
identifying characteristic in many social contexts, one could argue that this case belongs in the category of “symbolic ethnicity”. Symbolic ethnicity was coined by Gans (1979) as a type of ethnicity experienced by younger “migrant” generations. Although it
emerged in the late 1970s, the concept gained force in the 1990s. Symbolic ethnicity
emerged as an attempt to deal with questions of white ethnicities in the US, whose
ethnicity persisted despite theories of assimilation and acculturation (Anagnostou, 2009).
Gans (1979) claimed that there was no ethnic revival between later generations and that
the processes of acculturation and assimilation continued to happen. Therefore, the
24 emphasized identity, “with the feeling of being Jewish or Italian” (Gans, 1979, p.1). As
a new manifestation, symbolic ethnicity was perceived to be voluntary and to resort to
the use of ethnic symbols instead of cultures or organizations.
However, while empirically some practices in Liberdade might appear symbolic
forms of ethnicity, I have to agree with Anagnostou (2009) in his claim that “ethnicity
cannot be solely examined in terms of social visibility – displayed in symbols or
expressed as self-ascription in an ethnographic interview” (p.102). With this method,
we cannot understand the ways in which ethnicity might unconsciously (or socially)
affect an individual.
For that reason, I would argue that although later migrant generations Nikkei
exhibit some characteristics of the so called symbolic ethnicity, such as a strong focus
on celebratory settings – holidays, parades, festivals and even food – other
characteristics such as language, values and principles, and experiences of
visiting/living in Japan are also much valued. Additionally, as it is discussed later on
this section, the Japanese Brazilians’ phenotypic racialization by “mainstream” Brazilian society undermines the idea of ethnicity as a voluntary identification.
Symbolic ethnicity was initially thought of in consideration of white ethnicity; and
while the socio-economic position of the Nikkei granted them a comparable status to
those of white Brazilians, their appearance did not. Considering that racial structures
force upon those with Japanese ascendency an ethnicity based on their appearance,
ethnicity in this case cannot possibly be considered voluntary.
Symbolic ethnicity theory is perhaps why Nishida (2009) claims that Japanese
Brazilians are placed as whites in the local racial structures, an affirmation I cannot
25 racially placed as whites based on their collective socio-economic position as members
of the urban middle class. The idea of a white placement seems at the very least odd.
Although I agree that their socio-economic position might place (some or even most,
but certainly not all) Japanese Brazilians on the same level as whites, it does not mean
that they are “racially placed as white” (p.423). For Nishida (2009), their participation
in whiteness is undermined by racial/ethnic references and such social markers serve to
keep them separate from the general white Brazilian society. I believe Nishida’s
argument tends to a form of colorblindness and I would argue that the Nikkei’s
participation in the elites and in the middle classes is marked by a separation (although
not necessarily an exclusion) based on their racialized ethnicity.
Nonetheless, this discussion is not the focus of this thesis. What is important to
keep in mind is that there is a process of racialization of Japanese Brazilians in national
society. According to Tsuda (2000), the emphasis on racial markers is part of a national
context that stresses racial and ethnic difference based on physiognomy instead of
cultural differences. Therefore, “racial phenotype has become the most fundamental
factor that ethnically identifies them as a "Japanese" minority and clearly distinguishes
them from other Brazilians.” (Tsuda, 2000, p.6).
Nishida (2009) also points out that Japanese Brazilians themselves often
attribute their Japaneseness to their features and not to cultural heritage. At times, this
may indeed be the case, but as it was said before, there is no homogenous identification
of Japanese Brazilians with this or that aspect of their descent and such distinctions are
rather blurred (see Linger, 2003). These questions are thus situational, but it is logical
that individuals involved with cultural and historical aspects of Liberdade, and also with
26 who might have different experiences with their ancestry to focus on different aspects
and have different perspectives.
In a similar fashion to Nishida (2009), Tsuda (2000) acknowledges the influence
of the racial structures in national context to explain the focus on phenotype even
among Japanese Brazilians. This author identifies the tendency among Brazilians (from
other ethnicities and backgrounds) to single out the Nikkei as “Japonês”. In its turn, this
affects their own ethnic perception, for it works as a constant reminder of their descent:
[…] the attention given to the racial phenotype of the Nikkeijin in Brazilian society has a significant impact on their ethnicity since ethnic identity is constituted not only by the experience of an unique cultural heritage, but also by an awareness of common racial descent, which differentiates a certain group from the rest of society. For the Japanese Brazilians, racial phenotype has become the most fundamental factor that ethnically identifies them as a "Japanese" minority and clearly distinguishes them from other Brazilians. (Tsuda, 2000, p.6)
At the same time, the perceptions and stereotypes currently associated with the
Nikkei are generally positive. Tsuda (2000) affirms that “their ‘Japaneseness’ is less of an ethnic stigma to be avoided than a positive asset to be maintained.” (p.7). Additionally, Japan’s emergence as a leading economic power had a positive impact on the collective self-perception of younger generations of Japanese Brazilians in São
Paulo (Nishida, 2009) and this feeling was increased during and after the celebrations of
100 years of Japanese migration in 2008. In fact, some of my interviewees said their
generation (in terms of age, they are in their 20’s) begun to be more interested and involved with Japanese culture and associated events during these celebrations.
27 In this sense, the Nikkei’s experiences of ethnicity in national context can help to explain the symbolic relevance of Liberdade. This positive minority status5 of the
Japanese Brazilian population can lead to an identification towards their “Japaneseness”.
However, the dekasegi6 phenomenon occasioned the contact between Japanese Brazilians and Japanese society. Since in Japan they were not always accepted as equals
and were frequently treated as Brazilians, this often lead to a situation of emphasis on
their “Brazilianness”. Once more, this serves to demonstrate the contingency of Nikkei identities in relation to the social landscape the actors might find themselves into.
As for Liberdade, while the Nikkei population was never limited to that area, its
historical concentration, the development of a local ethnic commerce and the
touristification project were factors that acted as a symbolic core for the Japanese and
the Japanese Brazilians.
Touristified ethnic enclaves
The contemporary city is a space constantly remade by processes of migration.
City-making practices need to be understood alongside ‘hierarchies of power’ – because
migrants are embedded in structures of economic and political power that mark their
placement in the city (Hall, 2015). Likewise, neighborhoods can be characterized as the
linked unit of sociospatial organization between institutions of larger society and
localized routines of individuals in their everyday lives (Martin, 2003). As “[…] both
individual perception and structural processes shape the creation and meaning of
5 The Japanese Americans were also portrayed as a model minority. Some authors propose that this ideology served to discipline the Nikkei while also suggesting that other ethnic groups should emulate their example. On this topic, see the works of Daniels, R. (1995) Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the United States since 1850; Kurashige, S. (2010) Towards a positive minority.
6 Dekasegi (sometimes dekassegui or decasségui in Brazilian Portuguese Romanization) stands for the emigration to Japan of Japanese descendants, mainly from Latin American countries. It literally
translates to “working away from home”. In Brazil, the phenomenon was strong in the 1980s and 1990s, a period in which Japan was growing economically and in need of labor force.
28 neighborhood.” (Martin, 2003, p.365), their meaning and significance are embedded and cannot be analyzed solely by individual action.
Liberdade is a place constructed by a specific immigrant history and their
positionalities in larger structures of power. At the same time, it is constructed by a
specific project of commodification of ethnic identities, which can alter significantly
how its residents and workers relate to the neighborhood. It is also a negotiated and
contested place, considering the current landscape of ethnic relationships that are taking
place in and about the area.
Neighborhoods have material and experiential importance for people’s lives. An
underlying factor that plays a major role in Liberdade’s landscape is the fact that this
ethnic neighborhood went through a process of touristification. Chinatowns across the
globe, particularly in Canada and the United States, have been through similar processes.
I will be looking at this literature to understand the “repackaging” of Liberdade, which
was inspired by North American Chinatowns.
For Li and Li (2011) the emergence of Chinatowns in North America is
connected to a hostile racial environment, in which the Chinese were seen as racially
inferior, hygienically unhealthy and morally questionable. Due to racial exclusion and
fears of persecution, the Chinese sought security in ethnically segregated neighborhoods.
These areas were referred to as “Chinatowns” in the late 19th century and were
associated with negative imagery (Santos & Yan, 2008).
In 1921, in a response for the increasing media attack on Vancouver’s
Chinatown, the Chinese Benevolent Association formed a “Self-Improvement Committee” to counteract its negative public image. Already at that period,
29 The Chinese community started taking measures to improve the image of Chinatown and to reshape it to meet the expectations of a prevailing white ideology. Starting from the 1930s, various Chinese associations made efforts to promote Chinatown as a culturally exotic tourist attraction that offered Oriental cuisine, Chinese artifacts, and folkloric festivities to the public. (Li & Li, 2011, p.12)
After the end of the war and with changes in immigration regulations in the following years, Chinatown’s image had changed. It became a cultural and tourist attraction that offered a glimpse into the exotic history, culture and cuisine of the Orient
(Li & Li, 2011). This process of touristification through which ethnic enclaves come to
be perceived in different ways by the dominant society over time is described by Santos,
Belhassen & Caton (2008). Their study of Chicago Chinatown describes an ideological
shift regarding the perception of ethnic neighborhoods by the national dominant group –
difference is no longer employed to denigrate Chinatown, but to celebrate it.
Touristification is part of an ideological shift that celebrates diversity and
multiculturalism, while also recognizing its marketability. It specifically capitalizes on
the cultural products of a neighborhood, commodifying ethnicity for tourism and leisure
purposes. In a process of touristification, the symbolic and visual aspects of ethnicity
are emphasized and developed to be gazed upon and consumed by visitors (Santos et al.,
2008). This can be exemplified by a case in which Santos & Yan (2008) conducted an
interview with a restaurant owner in a Chinatown in Chicago. When asked if he
represented his culture to tourists, replied “No! I give them what they want. It doesn’t
matter [what] my culture is.” (Santos & Yan, 2008, p.887).
Santos et al. (2008) identified that Chinatowns contain several architectural
features that mark the neighborhood and give its physical space meaning as an ethnic place. Most of US’s ethnic enclaves have established museums dedicated to
30 immigration and settlement in the city – reinforcing the connection between physical
space and specific ethnic traditions. This is also a point made by Krase (2006), who
claims that there is a strong connection in the public mind between places and people,
which is why Little Italy still serves as a powerful symbol for Italian Americans.
Understanding touristification as a process of commodification of ethnic
identities does not imply that Liberdade has no meaning for the Nikkei involved in the
area. The Nikkei in Liberdade are not engaging with culture solely by means of
commodification and the neighborhood is not considered an area for tourists only7.
Liberdade has symbolic meanings and social prestige attached to it – even if its
economic relevance to the Japanese Brazilians in general has diminished considerably.
These considerations on Chinatowns help to understand the “repackaging” that
took place in Liberdade. Further considerations will be made when the history of
touristification of this specific area and its current landscape are discussed in Chapter
Four – Liberdade. The next and final section deals with another important aspect of the
neighborhood, its demographic and (associated) landscape changes.
Ethnic succession & Multiethnic neighborhoods
As stated in the Introduction, Liberdade is undergoing a process of change
through which the Nikkei population is being displaced by the increase in the arrival of
Chinese and Korean populations. This is a result of not only these new arrivals, but also
of a diminishing interest of Japanese Brazilians in keeping businesses in the area, a
7 During this research, even when products were altered to please a Brazilian taste, they were still considered to be part and as well as a representation of Japanese culture. This was the case when one of my interviewees working in the food service described how himself and his mother started to lose customers during the dekasegi wave in the 1980s and 1990s. They decided to invest in plates that were more “the face of Brazilians”, which included changing several times the recipe in the search of something more to the Brazilian taste. This participant still considered, however, it to be a cultural and ethnic product.
31 consequence of socioeconomic ascension. The current situation includes the expansion
of mainly Chinese businesses, such as shops and restaurants, and also of their visibility
through public festivals.
Park and Burgess (1925), sociologists from the University of Chicago developed
the ethnic succession model to address certain issues of city growth and development.
Ethnic succession can contribute to migration studies by the attention it gives to the
process by which one racial or ethnic group displaces another from an established
residential, occupational or political niche (Krase, 2006). However, since groups
succeed each other with periods of cohabitational transition (Truzzi, 2001), their
relations can be more or less harmonious.
Ethnic succession can take different forms depending on historical and social
contexts. A study conducted by Truzzi’s (2001) focused on how interethnic
relationships developed in an immigrant working class neighborhood in São Paulo,
which went through two periods of ethnic succession. His main concerns were if there
was a pattern of conflict or more harmonious relationships and if these were based on
ethnicity or social class. Truzzi’s (2001) analysis concluded that there was a complementary nature of occupations between the first two groups to succeed one
another, the first established Italians and the later coming Jewish population. The
second period of succession was marked by the arrival of Koreans. The generational gap
allowed the Jewish population, who was ascending socially, to pass ahead their shops to
the Korean newcomers. In both cases, the complementarities of either occupation or
generation attenuated the potential for conflicts.
In another study about ethnic succession, Krase (2006) was interested in the
32 inhabitants. He attempted to understand how different ethnic groups affected the
“Italianità” in a Little Italy in New York. The author recognized a change in demography, but paid special attention to “commercial vernacular landscapes” – which
play a major role in defining the ethnic quality of city neighborhoods. Ethnic succession
is thus accomplished not only by superior numbers of people, but also by spatial
semiotics. Changing the appearances of spaces and places consequently changes their
meanings. Therefore, ethnic succession is a phenomenon that can be marked by a
change in ethnic demographic but also in semiotic transition (Krase, 2006).
Another relevant aspect of ethnic succession is that it is not necessarily a smooth
process. Frictions may be hidden under the appearance of cohesion or homogeneity of a
group. Phan and Luk’s (2008) study draws attention to the heterogeneity existent in Chinatown West, in Toronto, which was undergoing ethnic succession. In this case, as
Hong Kong businesses were being replaced by Sino-Vietnamese, the heterogeneity
posed a challenge to group relations. The Chinese and Chinatowns are usually portrayed
as cohesive groups, but the authors draw attention to their internal differences and how
they can influence networks for resource-sharing or exclusion. Their study also
illustrates how groups cross barriers using mechanisms such as shared language, class
or ethnic identity, seeking to maximize economic advantages.
As these examples have showed, some areas experience processes of succession
from one ethnic group to another. Other areas, however, experience situations of
multiethnic cohabitation. Since ethnic succession is not an immediate occurrence, but it
is marked by periods of cohabitation, studies on multiethnic neighborhoods can be of
use. Simon’s (2010) account of Belleville, a multiethnic neighborhood in Paris in the
1990s, analyzed how different social groups constituted a complex network of relations
33 differences, he took into account the entanglement urban, political and symbolic space
and how it was shared between different groups.
An interesting aspect of his study was in relation to material form, such as shops
and overt identity markers. In Belleville, as in Krase’s (2006) Little Italy, shops played
an important role in establishing a community’s territory. The establishments possessed
specific signs that were used as identity markers, making the commerce an important
factor for a community’s visibility (Simon, 2010). Moreover, Belleville had many immigrants that improved their social status and moved out, but still maintained their
ties to the neighborhood. By doing so, it continued to develop its community-oriented
activities, transforming the area into a center of attraction for symbolic and practical
reasons (Simon, 2010). Belleville, however, did not have the characteristic of
established residents opposing the entrance of outsiders, as it can happen in ethnic
succession.
Liberdade circumstances fit into the ethnic succession model, in which one
group is migrating to the area by the time another is leaving due to economic ascension,
although it is particularly marked by somewhat conflictuous relationships. The
departured community maintains a strong symbolic, social, cultural and sometimes
economic association to the place. Therefore, a system of opposition that offers some
resistance to ethnic succession is present in Liberdade. The current situation appears to
be leading to the development of a specific configuration, with different types of
34
Chapter Three – Methodology
Malinowski (1932) starts his groundbreaking work, Argonauts of the Western
Pacific, with an account of how he first arrived in the Trobriand Islands. He describes
being in a tropical beach near a “native” village, looking as the sail that took him there departs and he is left alone. Brazil is not to me as Papua New Guinea was to
Malinowski. I was born in São Paulo and lived there most of my life. I had been to
Liberdade before, mostly for shopping goods and eating. Yet as Malinowski, I would
like to begin this chapter with a tale of getting there.
Shortly before embarking to São Paulo and on my first few days there, in
mid-January 2016, I contacted some acquaintances in the attempt of finding possible
research connections. These were mostly people I had studied Japanese with in previous
years (and a former teacher) and with whom I still had some sort of contact. It also
included two other people that were recommended to me for they worked in the
neighborhood, to whom I had already send e-mails with tentative questions while
elaborating my research design. Unfortunately, none of these contacts successfully led
me to finding local informants or interviewees.
Nonetheless, I was still the proud bearer of a letter of
presentation/recommendation from my supervisor, with a nice big university logo on it.
I was sure I could contact a few associations and then my “access” would be granted – the invisible local gates would open to me and I would be invited in. It was to my
dismay that this proved to be even harder. My magic papers did not open any doors
(how seldom they do). Later, when talking to a Brazilian friend (who is also a much
more experienced researcher), her words went something like this: Oh, but going
through official channels NEVER works. Next time don’t even bother, you need to find other ways, to know people.
35 One day, as I was going through different websites trying to identify people
from these organizations I could contact personally, I recognized someone in a group
photograph. Almost a month after my arrival, she was the bridge to my first interview.
At almost the same time, I participated as a volunteer in the organization of the Chinese
New Year Festival. This was the only festival to take place during the period of my
fieldwork, and I decided it would do no harm to take a look on how it was organized.
There were a few meetings before the actual event, mainly giving general
orientations about the work schedule and the different functions one could occupy.
Contrary to my expectations, the group was very varied ethnically. Few were Chinese
among the voluntaries, who were mostly Nikkei or non-Nikkei Brazilians from other
backgrounds. The participants’ age varied considerably, but there were many young people looking for volunteer work credits for their universities.
During the festival, I worked on the isolation cord for the attractions, which
happened in a structured stage but also going up and down designated streets and in
front of some of the shops. I chose this position because I wanted to have a general view
of the festival, not being limited to a single enclosed location. This was how I met
Naoki8, the person responsible for coordinating the isolation cord, who was later my
second interviewee and became invested in referring others to participate. From here on,
most of my other interviews were arranged by snowball method, which will be
explained in more detail further ahead.
Research Questions
This study is focused on how the recent changes in Liberdade as a Japantown are
being perceived and acted upon by the Nikkei population involved in the area. As I have
36 mentioned before, this was an exploratory research. I had little knowledge of what the
circumstances in the neighborhood were, except for the mentions on news pieces and in
everyday conversations about the increase in the number of Chinese and Koreans in
Liberdade. The few studies available about Liberdade either had an historical approach
or did not bring any useful information to this particular topic of interest. Consequently,
the question that guided this study was broad, leaving several possibilities open: What
are the changes occurring in Liberdade? How are they affecting the local Japanese ethnic community?
To better guide and deepen the understanding of the situation, I have also
determined a set of secondary questions, which are:
o How do the Nikkei interact with the other ethnic communities in the area? o Are there any territorialization strategies in the area?
o Are there resistance strategies and what are they?
o Are the changes affecting the Nikkei’s sense of place? How?
With these questions, I was attempting to shed light on how the community
occupies, negotiates, contests and circumscribes their neighborhood. This also included
questioning whether the different ethnic communities in the area are currently promoting Liberdade’s touristic aspect together or separated and under what terms.
Sampling & Interview Process
To approach these questions, I proposed using a qualitative method of research.
Bernard (2006) divides data in two types: attribute data and cultural data. The first
refers to attributes of individuals in a population, such as age or income. The second
37 process – a situation that is taking place now and in which actors are taking particular
stands and behaviors – this study falls into the second category.
Working with cultural data such as this requires nonprobability samples. It
means choosing cases on purpose, because of individuals’ attributes, knowledge or
experiences, instead of choosing them randomly. A non-probability sample is
appropriate for doing a comprehensive study of a few selected cases (Bernard, 2006).
There are several nonprobability sampling methods. For this research, I worked
with a combination of purposive and snowball samplings. As Bernard (2006) explains,
purposive sampling means you decide the purpose you want participants or
communities to serve and look for individuals who fit that profile. In this case, there is
no general sampling design determining how many of each type you need for the study.
As for snowball sampling, it is a process in which the interviewee recommends others to
participate in the research. The first interviews conducted had the aspect of purposive
sampling. And, while the majority of the following ones were arranged by snowball
process, I did not contact or followed some of the recommendations, since they did not
exactly fit the profile I was looking for (some were not Nikkei, others were only
superficially and occasionally involved with the area).
Therefore, during the months of February and March I have conducted eight
semi-structured interviews with individuals who are differently related to the
neighborhood. The interviews focused on their activities in the area, their views on its
identity and the relationship between the different ethnic groups. I chose to do
semi-structured interviews because, being the sample composed of people from different ages,
migrant generations and ties to the neighborhood, this format allowed for more
38 interview guide (translated to English, since all interviews were conducted in
Portuguese) can be seen in Annex 1.
The participants were owners and workers of shops and restaurants, as well as
residents, and individuals involved in cultural associations or local politics. Interestingly,
all respondents were male, although there were a few recommendations that did not go
through with the process that were female. The interviewees’ ages ranged from 26 to 88
years old and they were from first to fourth migrant generations. Table 1 summarizes
the participants’ basic information by order of interview date.
Table 1. Participants’ Basic Information
Pseudonym Age Generation Connection to the neighborhood
Ichiro 27 Sansei (3rd)
Cultural Association (volunteer in lower leadership
position) Naoki 26 Sansei (3rd) & Yonsei
(4th)
Volunteer (local events and festivals)
Satoru 30 Sansei (3rd) Cultural Association (volunteer) Yousuke 38 Nisei (2nd) Work (local politics)
Gousuke 47 Nisei (2nd) Work (restaurant)
Ryou 38 Nisei (2nd) Work (food industry) & Resident Shigeo 88 Issei (1st) Work (shop owner) & Cultural
Association (leadership position) Haruki 69 Nisei (2nd) Work (restaurant) & Resident
A detailed summary of the participants’ experiences in the neighborhood and
their ties to Liberdade is presented in Annex 2. Although pieces of information will be
offered in text when necessary to make certain connections, it is recommended to go
through this summary in order to fully understand their feelings towards and practices in
the area in relation to their experiences.
Additionally, I have roughly mapped the ethnicity of shops, restaurants, other
39 quantify the extent of ethnic succession in the area, based on visual landscape changes
and not only individual’s discourses and feelings. The mapping process was
accomplished by walking in the area while taking notes on each business, including
name, location (street and number), type of business, and the ethnicity markers
displayed in their signs. The collected data was complemented with Internet searches
when portions of the information were unclear – this was the case, for instance, of some
of the restaurants and bars which only open at night time, making it difficult to identify
them with closed doors.
Generally speaking, the Nikkei community in Liberdade is not composed of a
vulnerable population. Nevertheless, I have ensured that all interviewees have consented
to participate and to have their interviews recorded. In the cases where they did not (two
participants – Shigeo and Haruki), I took notes of the conversation on site and also after. I have ensured the participants’ anonymity by the use of pseudonyms and the omission of easily identifiable information.
Data Analysis
The method used for analysis was based on the notion of grounded theory.
According to Hennink, Hutter and Bailey (2011, p.208), grounded theory is a process of
constructing an empirical theory through careful observation of the social world and the
analysis of the collected data. In Bernard’s words, “The grounded-theory approach is a
set of techniques for: (1) identifying categories and concepts that emerge from text; and (2) linking the concepts into substantive and formal theories.” (Bernard, 2006, p.492). This approach seemed ideal since the questions I was working with were of empirical
40 The analysis of the data collected consisted in a series of operations: (1)
transcription of the interviews; (2) reading through them to identify respondents’ views
on the topics that I was interested in and other possible topics; (3) coding of the
interviews by identifying and organizing the information in themes and subthemes; (4)
comparing recurring and different views on the topics; (5) reflecting on possible
connections between the topics themselves and also between the topics and the theories
from the selected conceptual framework.
In the following three chapters (mainly chapter five and six, but chapter four
includes some information gathered during fieldwork), I reflect how these categories
can be linked together and on the connections and disconnections with the existing
literature. For analytical purposes, the results are roughly divided in the topics of
neighborhood identification and interethnic relations, although these themes are
intertwined in reality.
The limitations of the approach used also result in a limitation in this study’s results. Time constraints made it impossible to focus on the neighborhood interactions
from different (ethnic) perspectives. It also made it the case that other methods of
research, such as participant observation, could not be thoroughly used, as the situations
in which it would have been useful (such as community or association meetings)
depended on having established a longer-term trusting relationship with some of the
41
Chapter Four – Liberdade
This chapter addresses the formation of Liberdade as a touristic area,
highlighting the inconsistencies present from the beginning in its identification and
portrayal. These inconsistencies show how the neighborhood’s ethnic identification is
connected to a dispute for visibility and representation. This chapter also presents
information collected by mapping the ethnic markers of businesses and other buildings.
The data allows us to see the extent of ethnic succession by its landscape representations. It also illustrates the Nikkei’s local economic power, who still own – or at least are represented by (this distinction is presented further ahead) – shops in the
most noble or desirable locations in the neighborhood.
Touristic neighborhood: the origins
Negawa (2000) identifies three events that have set the grounds for the
formation of what he calls Oriental Neighborhood. The first, the opening of Cine
Niterói, in 1953, the first cinema to exhibit Japanese movies. Cine Niterói was followed
by three other Japanese movie theaters in that decade, making Galvão Bueno Street a
leisure zone. The second event identified by Negawa was the foundation of the
Brazilian Center of Japanese Culture Society, in 1964. The center is still in place today,
known as Bunkyo9. Bunkyo is formed by several different commissions and engages in
activities such as the maintenance of the Historical Museum of Japanese Migration to
Brazil, the reception of Japanese authorities in visits to the country, etc. The centrality
of this association to the neighborhood is exemplified by one of my interviewees, who
described Bunkyo as “the mother of all Japanese Brazilian entities in São Paulo” – all
the ramifications, the smaller entities are “the cubs, under Bunkyo’s wings”. Finally, the
third event pointed out by Negawa as foundational to the touristic neighborhood was the
42 inauguration of the Liberdade metro station, in 1975. It made the area, which already
had the benefit of its proximity to the city center, easily and directly accessible by fast
public transportation.
Another important marker of the origins of the touristic neighborhood was the
inauguration of the Osaka Viaduct, in 1968. During the inauguration ceremony, the then
city mayor Paulo Maluf declared a desire that the area would be known as Oriental
Neighborhood (ALIBER & ACAL, n.d). In 1974, a project of the Association for
Fraternization of Shopkeepers in the Liberdade Neighborhood10 (which I will refer to as
ACAL from here on, for simplicity purposes) in conjunction with the municipality
consolidated that image, transforming the neighborhood into a tourist destination (Bocci,
2009; Góes, 2012). Some sources also mention the participation of the journalist
Randolfo Marques Lobato who, together with a commission of Japanese, Chinese and
Korean people from the neighborhood, proposed the urbanistic plan to create a type of
Chinatown, similar to touristic areas in New York, Seattle and San Francisco (Borges,
2015).
The official date of birth of the Oriental Neighborhood is November 9, 1974,
when an inauguration party was held (Negawa, 2000). The literature highlights this
period as the birth of the touristified neighborhood, sometimes referred to as Japanese,
other times as Oriental11. It was then that the streets received Asian style decoration:
some facades were remodeled; more bilingual signs were installed; suzuranto lanterns
were placed in the main streets; and there was also the installation of a torii portal. On
10 Founded 1965, in 1974 it changed names to Cultural and Assistance Association of Liberdade (ACAL -
Associação Cultural e Assistencial da Liberdade). This organization is still active in the neighborhood.
11 In everyday local speech, Oriental and Asian are often used as synonyms (when in fact they are referring to eastern Asia), which is why these terms are used interchangeably throughout the text.
