The intersection of agriculture and mining: A study on strategies of negotiating, gaining and maintaining access to resources on the fringes of land in the Atewa District of Ghana

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The Intersection of Agriculture and

Mining

A study on strategies of negotiating, gaining and maintaining access to resources on the fringes of land in the Atewa District of Ghana

Jenny Middendorp - s1528904 Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology MSc Master Thesis Leiden University

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Acknowledgements

I am very thankful that I have been given the opportunity to conduct my research in Ghana. The past year has been an intense period where I have learned a lot about myself and the world around me. This fieldwork would not have been possible without the love and support of the welcoming people in the Kibi area. It was with heavy heart that I said goodbye to the friends and family that have given me more wisdom than I could have imagined when I first embarked on this adventure.

I would like to thank Dr. Sabine Luning for her unwavering support over the past year. We have had countless conversations in order to find a path in the chaos that is ethnographic fieldwork. Her support and knowledge have allowed me to make this research project not just a success but an absolute joy to conduct. Secondly, I would like to thank the Rainforest Alliance and UTZ,

specifically Henk Gilhuis and Albertine de Lange, who have given me the freedom to develop a project in both my interest and theirs. Their knowledge of the situation on the ground has allowed me to go to Ghana prepared and well informed.

Furthermore, Dr. Samuel Ntewusu and Dr. Jan Jansen have supported me by accompanying me to my research area and have given me the best start possible. I would also like to thank my research assistant Naomi without whom it would have been a much more difficult time in Ghana. Her translations and positive support have proven invaluable to my research and my understanding of people. And last but not least, my parents Esther Middendorp-de Wit and Eef Middendorp. Their unwavering support throughout my life have led me to discover my passions and allowed me to venture off the familiar path. Their strength and encouragements gave me the push I needed in many parts of my life and allowed me to grab every opportunity with both hands.

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1

Introduction

Cocoa has a longstanding history in Ghana. It is understood that cocoa beans were smuggled to Ghana by Tetteh-Quarshie from what is now known as Equatorial Guinea in 1870. As international demand grew bigger, cocoa farms grew and became more and more visible in Ghanaian landscape. Currently, cocoa is grown in southern parts of Ghana. Regions include the Eastern region, the Central region, the Ashanti region, the Brong-Ahafo region and the Western region. Cocoa

production in Ghana is considered to be the main catalyst for the increase of cocoa production and export in West Africa (Boateng et al. 2014: 90). Cocoa farming is not an isolated activity and

although products made from cocoa beans are among the top exported products of Ghana, it is still beat by the export of gold.

Historically, gold mining practices have taken place for over 1500 years in West-Africa; it is only since the early 1900s gold became a source of income in areas dominated by agriculture (Gewald 2010: 150). During the seasons where agricultural work was low, often farmers

supplemented their income with gold mining (Ibid.). Various forms of goldmining occur; ranging from large-scale gold mining to artisanal and small-scale gold mining in informal and formal modes. Demand for gold has grown since the global financial crisis of 2008; investments in gold-backed reserves were the incentive to find new ways of gold extraction (Hausermann & Ferring 2018: 1010). Although artisanal and small-scale mining practices are reserved for Ghanaian citizens, it was

through foreign investment in technology in the goldmining sector extraction of gold became upscaled (Hilson & Potter 2005: 108). By providing technical support in digging, dredging and waste removal processes goldmining activities were intensified and the definition of small-scale became contested. This upscaling of small-scale mining practices causes disputes over land as artisanal and small-scale goldmining practices and agriculture farming practices occur not only alongside but also in competition with each other.

It is in these interests I have developed my research, questioning how artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices affect the production of cocoa, and if so if these practices are

problematic. In order to do so I ask the question “How are agriculture practices and artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices embedded in structures of access and property and how are these practices affected by the upscaling of artisanal and small-scale gold mining activities?”. During a three-month period stretching from January until April I have conducted research in Kibi area. Due

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2 to the climate and geographical location of the area it was very suited for both agricultural and goldmining activities. I will further discuss the area and its relevant characteristics in chapter two.

During my time in the field I have focussed on the experiences of cocoa farmers. Artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices are often viewed as having a negative effect on the cultivation of cocoa. Frequently mentioned are the loss in crop yield and income when land is taken from farmers by force (Boateng et al. 2014: 96). The technical support provided by investors in the form of excavators or bulldozers are often thought to be the culprit (Ibid.). However, these technological investments would be futile without the cooperation of different actors within the social sphere. I question in what way these activities are organised in the landscape and who has and claims the authority to allow these activities to occur. How is access to resources politically and socially constructed and how is authority taken and granted?

Agriculture practices and artisanal and small-scale goldmining practices are impacted by each other only because they share a common space. I have chosen to analyse access to resources as a bundle of power relationships in order to take a closer look at the conflicts that occur over land and property (Ribot & Peluso 2003: 173). This allowed me to take a closer look at how individuals can benefit from land and resources. Rather than viewing space as a geographical location owned by individuals, I have chosen to analyse the social dynamics that occur. The theoretical framework by which I have conducted my research is outlined in chapter three.

During my time in the field I have made specific methodological choices that gave me an understanding of the changing landscape. The social nature of my research required me to reconsider my own view of the world and negotiate access to information. This has resulted in relationships in where I gained trust and was able to make use of a variety of visual methodologies that allowed me to have a different insight in the field. In chapter four I elaborate on the choices I have made and how these have influenced my research results.

In doing so I could focus on what type of activities cocoa farmers engage in, including the variety of activities not usually identified as agriculture practices. Cocoa farmers do not only engage in one set of activities but take on multiple activities in order maintain their livelihoods. it is

important to look at cocoa farming as a set of practices; it does not only require maintaining and harvesting cocoa trees. The diversification of income is necessary within the economic climate farmers live in. The set of practices farmers engage in and why is discussed in chapter five.

Artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices are reported to have a major impact on land and land-use as well as on the environment. Pre-defined characteristics such as legal and illegal fall

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3 short in the description of mining sites; these categorizations and definitions are produced and thus susceptible to change (Van Oevelen 2017). By giving an extensive description of geographical locations and practices of mining sites I emphasise the heterogeneity of the artisanal and small-scale mining sector (Heipon 2016). In order to perform artisanal and small-scale mining practices

individuals must gain access to resources; it is interesting to see how access is negotiated, gained and maintained by different actors in the field. In chapter six I discuss what role artisanal and small-scale mining practices have in the land debate and what the landscape looks like now in its post mining state.

Transformations of space happen in time; it is important to look at how time and space show the complexities of plural temporalities (Luning 2018: 285). Land is often described and treated as only a geographical location, yet, temporal processes must be taken into account when looking at the transformations of physical spaces (D’angelo & Pijpers 2018). Individuals engage with temporal rhythms such as seasonality, rhythms and cycles (Ibid.). In order to maintain access to resources individuals employ different strategies contingent on the situation. Processes of

conversion of land are not necessarily forceful, individuals negotiate in order to cohabitate alongside each other (Luning & Pijpers 2017). The landscapes in which mining and agriculture occurs are occupied with social relations, histories and expectations; changes to space happens within temporal sphere and are constructed and negotiated (D’Angelo & Pijpers 2018: 215). Actors are influenced by expectations of resource extraction; this anticipation allows for new strategies of negotiation

(Weszkalnys 2014, 2016). In chapter seven I will show how individuals can use this temporality as a strategy in order to cohabitate on the fringes. It is more beneficial to find new strategies to be able to maintain access to the land, even when this is temporary than to not use the land for anything at all.

Finally, the renegotiation of practical norms are triggered within ‘open moments’ (Ansoms et al. 2014). Land grabs, transactions and conversions are performed by multiple actors within space and time. Actors present use a variety of strategies in order to cope with the changing space (Li 2011). It would be too simple to assume the individuals ‘pushed’ off land do so passively (Ibid.). The commercialization of land give way to new situations that must be carefully examined (Ansoms et al. 2014). The social nature in which land rights, property and access is situated allows for the denial of ‘property’ for farmers (Peters 2013a). This is highly problematic and allows for specific powerful actors to capture the momentum within the ‘open moments’ (Ansoms et al. 2014). Careful consideration of how individuals practice agency within this field allows an understanding of the

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4 present power relationships. In chapter eight I discuss how actors value land and how they make choices in order to cope with a changing situation.

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5

Introduction of the research area

Akan Peoples

Throughout my fieldwork period I resided in the East Akim Municipal district. This district is located in the Eastern region of Ghana. Most of the people residing in the area identify themselves as part of the Akim group, a subgroup of the Akan peoples; peoples who live predominantly in the southern parts of Ghana and can be recognised by intimately related languages (Wiredu 1990: 243). Although English is the official language in Ghana, Twi is spoken more frequently in the area. The integration within this group has determined the social and political structure that bind certain rights and obligations (Ibid.: 247). These structures should be taken into account as it influences what kind of decisions individuals make to shape their surroundings and lives.

Authority is found through decentralised power structures such as chieftaincy; this is the political construct in which a person is installed (enstooled) as a chief and is in collaboration with the council of elders the ruling local party (Ibid.: 250). The chief is considered to be the spiritual link between the people and the spirits. This is often expressed by the rituals only allowed to be

performed by chiefs such as pouring libation with clear alcohol as an offer to the god or spirits. The chief is chosen by way of lineage but has by no means an ultimate decisive power (Ibid.). This seems like a straightforward process; however, the rules are flexible and the chosen subject must be agreed upon by multiple parties. It was explained to me that an educated chief is preferred, and so often individuals from that lineage that have studied and worked abroad are chosen. As there are more and more individuals in the same lineage that are able to enjoy education, this often leads to conflicts that take years to resolve. What follows is a complex social and political discussion where people are careful in picking sides. Throughout my stay in Ghana I have been to several towns. While some had chiefs, some had chiefs and queen mothers, but many did not have a chief or the chief resided elsewhere. The towns did all have a council of elders and a linguist who performed on behalf of the chief and the council.

The chief performs as a symbol unity as well as political and is burdened with performing on behalf of the council (Ibid.). Traditionally land titling was determined in traditional authority known as customary law and were negotiable according to local social practices (Bymolt et al. 2018: 92). Bymolt et al. identify three kinds of land law rights: allodial title, customary freehold and leasehold (Ibid.). Chiefs are believed to be of great influence in determining the activities on land. Although the Akan believe that by virtue of lineage principle any member had the right to use land the sale of

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6 land is no longer prohibited; the land was to be used by the whole lineage, taking past, present and future in mind (Wiredu 1990: 253). As the prohibition on the sale of land ended it is believed the influence of chiefs has shifted (Ibid.: 254). When I asked people of the importance of the chief in their day to day decisions, I was told that there is only an issue if there is a dispute, in lack of a chief one would go to the council. The only issue individuals would run into is about where one was allowed to build their house. When asked about how people used the land they owned, they simply answered that it was their land and they can do what they want it. If they want to sell the land, they would sell the land and if they would want to use it for agriculture, they would simply use it for agriculture.

Even though the role of the chiefs is seen as a spiritual one coming from customary law, that was unwritten, it was through statutory law introduced by colonization that shifted authority over land rights and claims from state level to local levels (Boone 2003: 376). Through state interference in land law rights and claims it is argued that traditional and customary institutions and authorities have changed, and authority over land rights and claims is disturbed (Bymolt et al. 2018: 93). This has resulted in conflict between traditional authorities and governments (Ibid.). Converting land for farming or gold mining purposes largely goes unregulated. This leads to issues of encroachment and land rights being given multiple times to different actors.

These ideas of authority and power regarding land rights and claims are contradictory. Although some claim the chief only has a spiritual role in current affairs, others claim that through colonial rule the chief’s spiritual role over peoples shifted towards decision making power over land. I will not claim either to be true or false in particular, I do point out that the role of chiefs is far more complicated than the either or. Models of landholding in Africa are flexible and can be used to facilitate and manipulate the situation, western static legal notions of landholding do not suffice (Peters 2013a: 544). Who has a claim to land or resources and who has the power and authority to judge on the matter is dynamic and contingent on the situation. Transfers of property have its own set of rules locally.

Possession are transferred through the matrilineal-matrilocal line in customary law (Van der Geest 1998: 341). Individuals within these matrilineal traditions are members of the matrilineal line often referred to as the abusua; in this line the man is the outsider marrying into the family of the woman (Ibid.). Traditionally, the membership to this kinship group is more important than the marriage bond (Ibid). Inheritance of property such as houses or land rights are considered to run through the female lineage, but not necessarily to the females in this group; an heir to the male

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7 authority can be the son of his sister rather than the sister (Peters 2010: 182). Property can also pass from a man, not to his own children but to the children of his sister (Van der Geest: 1998: 342).

In my own experience these types of lineage relations and tenure agreements are far more complex. Some families choose to adhere to a virilocal arrangement where the woman chooses to live with the man and others choose to adhere to a uxorilocal arrangement where the man moves into the house or village of the woman. Although matrilineal tenure arrangements traditionally uphold through the female lineage, many women indicate having taken over land rights from the husband or inheriting land rights from their father. These land tenure arrangements are thus flexible due to their social political nature (Hausermann et al. 2018: 106). The space and time in which gender related tenure systems are shaped are subject to change in the social sphere in which they take place; traditions and customs are impacted by new land policies (Peters 2010).

In my research area there were a significant amount of female farmer. Juliet was

approximately 40 years old and was divorced from her husband whom now resided in Accra. She was born and raised in Sagyimase and took care of her own three children and four grandchildren. She provided for them by cultivating cocoa and a variety of subsistence crops. The cultivation of cocoa was hard work according to her, and she often could not do it alone but had to hire people to help her. As the land she inherited was quite large she opted to share with her sister, whom could not find other work and needed to provide for her own family as well. This story is one of many and a variety of situations occur. Some have inherited land from their father, some from their husbands and some from their mother. The value of the lineage is highly ambiguous, and relatives may choose to stick to the customary rules or select a patrilineal or a bilateral interpretation (Van der Geest 1998: 342). Common in Sagyimase is that land rights are often passed on to women rather than the men. I have encountered a lot of man engaging in sharecropping arrangements in order to gain access while women often cultivate the plots of land they have inherited.

These types of arrangements are contingent on local practices and cannot be defined as unilinear throughout the region. This is reflected in several bodies of work; Carr indicated that female headed households often have a difficulty in gaining access to land and are thus more likely to engage in rental agreements in order to gain access to land (2008: 910). In other areas land that was inherited by women were often used by their husbands (Peters 2010: 187).

The importance of taking into account the local rights and customs regarding land tenure systems and how women are positioned in these areas can give ideas on where authority is and how people are influenced by it. The idea that women’s rights are fragile and non-existent can be

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8 countered and is rather shaped in customary law. The traditions and customs are impacted by new land policies shaped through patrilineal-patrilocal ideas that do not benefit women and can even be detrimental to their existing rights in matrilineal-matrilocal areas (Ibid.). The risk of not taking into account local arrangements of gendered land tenure systems can have a negative impact on land holding rights for women (Ibid.).

The Area

Figure 1 Kibi area - Source: Google Maps

Upon my arrival I resided in Kibi, the capital of the district and well known as the hometown of the current president of Ghana Nana Akufo-Addo. Kibi is a relatively large town approximately 80 kilometres from Accra and is home to approximately 9000 residents1_{. The town is well connected by} a paved road running through the town connecting to the main Accra-Kumasi road. The town is home to many farmers who work in the area and is in close proximity to the Birim river. Due to its

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9 close proximity to the river, gold-mining operations were present close to the town. As the larger town in the area Kibi functioned as the main town for supplies. The standard of living was

considered better as the town was home to a water treatment plant directly connected to the Birim river. As such there were proficient running water and sewage facilities. As the town was quite large, I found it difficult to connect to people more intimately and felt the need to move to a smaller town.

After a month in my research area I decided to move to Sagyimase, a small town nine kilometres north of Kibi., connected to the main tar road coming from Kibi and was easy to reach by car. The town did not have a chief but was managed by the council. Sagyimase is predominantly a farming community, and individuals rely on cash crops such as cocoa for their livelihoods. This was immediately visible upon entering the town as cocoa trees were growing alongside the houses. Almost every house had drying facilities for cocoa beans and palm nuts. Although cocoa trees were the main cash crop, farmers opted to have a variety of crops on their fields; cocoa, palm, coconut, cocoyam, water yam, yam, cabbage, cassava, corn, papaya, pepper and garden eggs were often cultivated alongside each other, a few farmers were indicating an interest in the new cultivation of cashew trees. This diversity of crops allows farmers to engage in several post-harvest processing activities, such as the production of palm oil.

Unlike Kibi, the town was further away from the river Birim and land used for goldmining was mostly found further from the town itself. As such the fields used for cocoa were considerably closer to the town and easier to reach for the locals. It became increasingly clear that although people cluster to small towns, the reach of cocoa and goldmining stretched over the area connected to the main tar road. Farmers had multiple plots scattered over a large area. As such I decided to consider the area with a circumference of approximately 30 kilometres as my research area. This area includes Kibi, Amanfrom, Akyem Adukrom, Sagyimase and Ajepomaa (see Figure 1).

I choose to visit Ajepomaa several different times as it was located further away from the tar road and could only be reached by motorbike via a dirt road coming from Akyem Adukrom.

Ajepomaa is a small town with considerably less resources than the other four towns. Unlike Sagyimase, Ajepomaa had both a chief and a queen mother. The chief was my main contact in the village and was able to identify several difficulties he and other people in the village faced on a daily basis. Due to the poor infrastructure leading to the town often supplies would not arrive and

individuals were mainly reliant on the locally cultivated crops. Although the town was geographically located far away from the river bodies, two goldmining sites were found there. This allowed me to

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10 look at several methods of extracting gold from the land carefully taking into account the

geographical position of the towns.

The Atewa Forest Reserve

Figure 2 spatial policies and zones in the landscape (Meijer et al. 2018: 8).

The region is home to the Atewa Forest Reserve which is situated on the west side of the towns (See Figure 1). The Atewa range consists of a protected area and a buffer zone and is home to a wide range of plants and animals, some of which are endemic to the Atewa Forest Reserve (Meijer et al. 2018: 14). Kibi, Amanfrom, Akyem Adukrom, Sagyimase and Ajepomaa are all located in the buffer zone (see Figure 2). All the activities I have researched are undertaken in this buffer zone as well. The Atewa Forest Reserve is important due to several factors.

The Atewa range is the source of three major rivers: the Densu, the Birim and the Ayensu river. The Densu river feeds into the Densu basin and flows through the greater Accra Metropolitan Area into the Weija water reservoir. The Densu basin is the main supply for the greater Accra

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11 Metropolitan area and the Weija water reservoir is used for irrigation and one of two major sources of portable water for the area (Meijer et al. 2018: 15). This means that aside from the local peoples that rely on water from the river, over 5 million people additionally rely on this source of water (Meijer et al 2018: 15).

The Birim river has its source in the Atewa range and flows down to the towns located in the Kibi Area. The river feeds directly into the water treatment facilities in Kibi and is considered the main source of water for the towns in the area. Furthermore, the Birim river feeds into the Pra river that flows through the western region and enters the Gulf of Guinea east of Takoradi. The Atewa Forest Reserve is an important link in the wellbeing of individuals living in these areas and therefore threats to the reserve must be taken into account.

The protected status of the Atewa Forest Reserve has not stopped the forest area from further degradation; several reasons have been identified for this degradation (Meijer et al. 208: 15). Meijer et al. point out that population growth, urban expansion, expanding agricultural area, illegal timber harvesting, non-timber harvesting, erosion and sedimentation, seasonal droughts, floods, small-scale gold mining (unregulated and regulated) encroachment and potential large-scale bauxite exploration all play a role in the degradation of protected forest area (Ibid.). Due to land scarcity the conversion of fertile virgin forest land to agriculture land leads to more fragmentation and forest loss (Bymolt et al. 2018: 95). I will be focussing on two of these threats in this thesis; expanding agricultural area and small-scale gold mining activities are exacerbated for several reasons.

Over two years ago the Ghanaian government announced a ban on all artisanal and small-scale gold mining activities. In January 2017 the ban was implemented and to be lifted when sector targets were met. The ban lasted a little under 2 years and was lifted the 17th_{of December 2018.} During this time a special forces operation was created named “Operation Vanguard” to ensure the proper implementation of the ban and arrest individuals who continued to mine. The punishment for mining practices during this time was three years in jail. Due to the high significance of the area the ban was enforced strictly. Individuals started to mine in places where they could not be easily caught.

In the Atewa Forest Reserve there were several artisanal and small-scale mining sites. These were located approximately three hours hiking from the border of the reserve. Mining activities were especially dangerous and damaging due to the specific practices used here. Often, miners would dig in and around the roots of large trees, eventually causing the trees to fall over (see Figure 3). Often, these trees were very old and invaluable for the wildlife present in the area.

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Figure 3 Mining in the Atewa Forest Reserve – Source: picture by research participant

The scarcity of land in the area caused farmers to look for new places to grow their crop. As land in and around the Atewa reserve has been previously unused for agricultural purposes the land is perceived to be especially fertile. The small rivers running through the area are clear compared to the large river Birim. Water from these small rivers could still be used for agriculture. More and more farmers opt to start their farms closer to the Atewa Forest Reserve. These farms are located in close proximity to the border that is indicated on the map (see Figure 2). However, these borders are not always clear on the ground and encroachment on the Atewa Forest Reserve is intensified. Farmers even opt to start small farms within the Atewa Forest Reserve, even though they know this is not allowed and they can be persecuted for doing so.

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Theoretical Framework

The following chapter will provide a framework in which I have collected ethnographic data during my fieldwork period. I elaborate on the theoretical debates and concepts by which I have analysed this data. Firstly, I will outline how authority over land is produced and maintained and identify the different levels by which actors do so. It will discuss how political structures function by way of hybrid governance. Although one can gain ownership of land, there is a difference between ownership and access. In order to analyse how people exercise agency over land I will lay a

foundation on how people are able to benefit from land by notions of access and property. This will outline the role of sharecropping arrangements in gaining access, the role of technology in artisanal and small-scale gold mining activities and how this became problematic in various ways.

Furthermore, I will discuss how land disputes are situated in a web of complex social relationships that can overlap by unpacking how agency is performed in land conversion strategies.

Constructing authority over land rights, claims and regimes.

Ownership over land can only be achieved by legitimising the claim to land. Legitimization is the process in which a variety of competing actors and institutions are present (Sikor & Lund 2009: 7). Claims to ownership or access of land are legitimised through authority (Ibid.). Who, or what can authorise claims of ownership is negotiated through a variety of processes.

In Ghana through colonial rule the power that chiefs had was restructured from decision making power over people to a decision-making power over a geographical location (Berry 2003: 31). The traditional authority that chiefs had was incorporated to contemporary governance (Ibid.). Rather than having a central state authority over land, local authority in the form of customary land regimes were implemented. Customary land regimes can be observed in stool lands in three main forms: the allodial title, the customary freehold and leasehold (Bymolt et al. 2018: 92-93).

The allodial title is vested in stools and/or families managing land for community members; this title can only be held by indigenes of the area (Ibid.: 92). Rather than having ownership of land for individuals what happens to the land is managed by local authorities such as chiefs. A customary freehold happens when an allodial title holder allows a subgroup or individual to manage the land (Ibid.). Although decisions are made by the subgroup or individuals, they must recognise that ownership still lays with the stool; authority is reallocated but not given away (Ibid.: 93). Lastly, the

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14 leasehold is a formal agreement by which individuals gain access to land and may be done with other Ghanaians for up to 99 years while foreigners can leasehold for up to 50 years (Ibid.).

Through decentralization of the state local authorities could make decisions regarding the use of land, however, the sale of land was widely seen as illegitimate (Boone 2014: 66). Central state authority can be observed when the state itself exerts control over land rights (Ibid.). This would suggest that when central state authority is implemented, local regimes and customs are abolished. In the field this separation of authority is not clear, one should take into account that local customs and regimes are connected to centralised administrative institutions and are always intertwined (Boone 2003: 376).

By analysing how public and private, local, national and international actors interact when governing, it is possible to gain an understanding of how legitimate authority is produced (Geenen 2016: 49). Governments, companies, chiefs and local assemblies interact and have a variety of responsibilities; in performing these responsibilities each take a different place in governing the community (Ibid.: 50). Legitimate authority is produced on different levels, by different actors that are not separated in the field; hybrid governance is the result of these collaborative processes (Ibid.: 49). This understanding is important as it is vital to understanding how agreements of land are shaped.

Land rights, access and claims require support by political and social institutions that exercise authority (Sikor & Lund 2009). How individuals can benefit from land and its resources is directly influenced by the institutions or individuals that exercise authority over the geographical location (Ibid.: 8). Rather than being pre-determined categories rights, access and claims are created by these political and social institutions within hybrid governance and thus contingent on local processes.

Negotiating Access

Both goldmining and agriculture practices require the use of land. Although people can make use of land for both purposes, there is a big difference between owning the land and being able to cultivate the land. Gaining access to land and its resources can be acquired through different strategies. It is important to have a clear understanding of the processes in which these negations take place in order to understand the social space in which they take place.

Notions of access and property can be defined as “… the ability to benefit from things- including material objects, persons, institutions, and symbols.” (Ribot & Peluso 2003: 153). Understanding claims of land in access rather than rights brings a new dimension to social

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15 relationships (Ibid.: 154). Although people can cultivate land by farming for years, the socially acknowledged holders of this land have the power to reclaim this land for a different purpose (Ibid.: 156). This understanding of difference between land right and access to resources of land moves the debate away from the material concept of land and allows a space in which land rights and access can be looked at as a complex web of social relationships that may overlap (Ibid.: 158).

The political-economic understanding can be divided into modes of social actions: access control, access maintenance and gaining access (Ibid.: 158-159). Access control is a mode in which action is directed and regulated by power while access maintenance is the appropriation of assets in order to keep access to resources available (Ibid.). The more general mode in which people establish access is understood as gaining access (Ibid.: 159). How access to land is negotiated and produced encompasses ideas of political structures of legal claims but also the social, in which the notion of hybrid governance come into play (Ibid.: 170).

Sharecropping Arrangements

Access to resources is negotiated in a different way. Often individuals engage in sharecropping arrangements in order to gain access. Two main types of share contracts can be identified in Ghana, although the exact arrangement can vary locally. The first type is called Nhwesoo meaning caretaking, Takane describes this arrangement as follows: “…tenants manage already-established cocoa farms and in return get a share of the profit derived from the cocoa harvest (Case 1). Tenants are

responsible for the weeding, spraying, and harvesting of cocoa. If the tenants employ farm laborers for these tasks, it is the responsibility of the tenant to pay for the labourers. If the farm owner asks the tenant to do farm tasks other than the aforementioned ones (such as establishing new farms), the tenant is remunerated for the additional work” (2000: 382-383). The cocoa farm already established by the owner is taken care of by another party, while decisions regarding the sale of cocoa are taken by the owner of the cocoa plot (Ibid.: 383).

A second type of share contract is referred to as Yemayenkye meaning do and let us share: “…tenants are responsible for all the farm tasks (clearing land, establishing cocoa farms, weeding, spraying, and harvesting), and in return receive a half share of the cocoa harvest” (Ibid.). The difference between the two share arrangements is defined by how the cocoa farm was established, while Nnhwesoo is agreed upon while the cocoa farm was established by the plot owner, Yemayenkye is agreed upon when the cocoa farm still needs to be established by the tenant (Ibid.). How resources are divided between owners is referred to as Abusu or Abunu (Ibid.). Abusa is known as the division

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16 of three; any resources made from the cocoa farm is divided into three, where two parts usually go to the plot owner and one third to the tenant (Ibid.: 382). Abunu is known as the division of two; the resources made from the farm is divided into two and shared (Ibid.: 383). There is no fixed pattern of sharing, Abunu can also refer to the sharing of land which can be later divided into two plots and allows access to land without buying it for a substantial amount of money (Bymolt et al. 2018: 102).

These share contracts are agreed upon for various reasons, although some farmers may own land but are too physically weak to perform upkeep on the farm others simply live far away from the plot of land, or choose to leave the plot of land to the tenant while still benefiting from it. Land scarcity plays a role in how and why people engage in sharecropping arrangements (Ruf 2010: 10). Due to land scarcity individuals encounter uncertainty and tension alongside the indigene-stranger division (Boone & Duku 2012: 681). Individuals not considered indigenous to the area are more inclined to engage in these types of arrangements fixed in customary law. It is in the dynamic of land scarcity and share contract arrangements with migrants we can see the reaffirmation of the authority of the chief (Ibid.: 682). When local authority backed up by national-level authority finds land is underused or wrongly used, the stool in which the land is vested in can reclaim that land.

Although these sharecropping arrangements are primarily used in arrangements with

agriculture, I emphasise that Abunu and Abusa arrangements are centred in the access to resources or generation of revenue rather than the specific activities performed within the sphere. Sharecropping arrangements have a longstanding history in Ghana as a way of mediating the movement of

resources between households (Peterson 1987: 271). Rather than confining sharecropping to exclusively fit with agriculture practices I purpose to view sharecropping as a way of negotiating access to resources. This allows for a broader understanding of the social relationships that individuals engage in in order to expand their economic activities and find new ways of wealth creation.

Technology

Access to resources can be negotiated in multiple ways; small-scale land access entails a diverse set of practices including but not limited to official licensing, intimidation, dispossession, transfer and lease (Hausermann & Ferring 2018: 1018). Historically, gold small-scale and artisanal gold mining is reserved for Ghanaian citizens, yet foreign parties partake in the sector as registered mine support service companies (Ibid.). Although legally foreigners cannot partake in artisanal and small-scale mining operations, they could do so by providing support to Ghanaian citizens in the form of

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17 technology such as bulldozers, engines and trommels. This allowed foreign investors to benefit from the resources without directly owning land or gold mining concessions.

The role of technical support companies has grown to a point where they now fully operate the gold mining concessions and control the profits from the land (Hausermann & Ferring 2018: 1019). High prices for licensing procedures prevent most Ghanaian citizens to engage in legal forms of mining, a way for Ghanaians to engage in goldmining is by working together with foreign

investors. Through sector led development policies control over resources shifted from government bodies to private companies (Boateng et al. 2014: 90). Through collaboration with foreign investors who supply technology new ways of artisanal and small-scale gold mining occurred (Hausermann & Ferring 2018: 1010). These new ways of artisanal and small-scale gold mining were becoming more and more problematic; through technological investments gold was extracted in a vastly quicker manner than before. This caused for artisanal and small-scale mining practices to be upscaled and the concept of small-scale to become contested.

Artisanal and small-scale mining practices and agriculture practices have happened alongside each other for a long time; small-scale mining practices have a history of approximately 2500 years in Ghana and have been a source of income in agriculture dominated areas since 1900 (Gewald 2010: 1500. Since 1989 gold-mining practices have been in resurgence and since the financial crisis in 2008 the demand for gold has grown; investments in gold-backed reserves demanded new ways of

acquiring gold (Hauserman & Ferring 2018: 1010). As gold mining practices and agriculture practices both require land, it is at the point of the expansion of activities where conflict occurred. It is only when one activity takes place in the same space and encroaches to a point where one activity cannot be performed anymore issues arise. But what happens in the spaces in between, the spaces that are not yet anything in particular?

Space and Time

The shift from one activity to another on the same land is not necessarily a forceful process. Access does not have to be granted by political bodies but can be negotiated between two individuals or two private parties. Often artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices occur alongside other uses of land, such as agricultural practices. Spatially these activities can be intertwined, and access is negotiated between individuals in a voluntary manner (Luning & Pijpers 2017: 759). The notion of cohabitation, although used between large-scale and small-scale mining concessions can be

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18 agriculture practices also participate in artisanal and small-scale gold mining practices or other activities (Hilson & Garforth 2013). It is necessarily to see the activities as intertwined, not just in the landscape but also in the social, political and economic sphere. Individuals do not just engage in one activity at a time but are diversify their activities and perform them within the same space.

It is useful to analyse the social dynamics in which spatial arrangements are shaped in order to grasp how individuals can impact the way landscapes are constructed (D’Angelo & Pijpers 2018: 216). Spatial transformations of land and extraction of resources are contingent on temporal notions (Ibid.: 218). Gold-mining activities exacerbated after the 2008 financial crisis. Due to the rising demand for gold in western markets investors choose to engage in the supply of technology and finances in order to upscale the extraction of gold. This gave incentive for individuals to start mining to earn money. When prices fluctuate in agriculture a farmer will choose one crop over the other, or when a farmer needs to quickly harvest, he or she chooses to plant quick cash crops rather than cocoa trees. The fluctuation of markets, seasonal dynamics embedded in temporal rhythms affect how individuals engage in the extraction of resources (Ibid.).

D’angelo and Pijpers emphasise “…different actors do not only engage with these

temporalities of resource extraction, they also appropriate, construct, draw upon or try to manipulate perceptions of time and temporality in order to position themselves advantageously in a field of different, often conflicting, interests.” (2018: 221). Individuals use temporal strategies in order to make and transform the world around them. The commodities produced in this space and time do not appear out of nowhere but are rather part of an arena of cultural production (Tsing 2005: 51). Furthermore, the interplay of time-related processes and space can prove valuable for the analysis of spaces that are considered ‘not yet’; considering the importance of dynamics of belonging in heritage and the promise of futures in land claims (Luning 2018: 282). Spaces of ‘not yet’ are considered to not have reached their full potential, encountered in ideas of virgin lands during my research (ibid.).

Weszkalnys shows that anticipation of things yet to come affects the choices actors make (2014, 2016). The anticipation of oil exploration created anxieties about possible future disasters; Weszkalnys defines this as “… the “not yet” of disaster – a temporality in which future disaster has effects in the present.” (2014: 211). In other words, promises of future resource extraction creates possibilities or concerns by which people react presently. People thus respond presently to what they think the future will hold, forming strategies in order to cope and position themselves positively.

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Land Grabs, Land Transactions and Land Conversion

In the analysis of land transformation there is often a discrepancy in the terms that are used. When there is a boost of economic outcome the term land transaction is often used in order to note a positive outcome (Boamah 2014: 327). Critics often prefer to use the term land grabbing; this term already implicated a negative narrative of taking something that does not necessarily belong to you (ibid.). While land grabbing narratives portray negative impacts on livelihoods and food security, and emphasise foreign domination of land, the narrative of land transaction emphasise potentially positive outcomes when procedures are followed (ibid.: 328). Both of these terms are mostly used in large-scale acquisitions of land, but due to the impact of operations considered small-scale, one cannot dismiss the importance of small-scale operations (Hausermann & Ferring 2018: 1012). Large-scale goldmining land deals are often organised by making use of licensing by the state for a long term and covers a large plot of land small-scale land access is constructed through multiple processes (ibid.: 1013). Small-scale land grabbing processes include but are not limited to official licensing, intimidation, dispossession, transfer and lease (Ibid.: 1013).

Land transactions suggests an authority coming in and selling the land for a different use while land grabbing suggests that an outside force comes in and just takes the land. This does not take into account the agency of farmers present on the land. Renegotiation of practical norms are triggered in ‘open moments’ (Ansoms et al. 2014). These open moments occur in rearrangements of land and are instrumentalised by key actors (ibid.: 247). Just because farmers are pushed off land does not mean they do so passively, actors continue to make claims and develop strategies in order to cope with the changing space (Li 2011: 296). Often reallocation processes are talked about in consideration with actors coming in and changing the landscape, forgetting about the actors already present.

Land ownership is authorised in customary land tenure agreements, the social nature of these agreements block the simple commodification of land (Peters 2013b: 562). Land is not property but land use and access to resources is granted by political bodies. The ‘denial’ of property can be highly problematic for farmers as they have no claim outside of the social arrangements (Peters 2013a). Individuals thus construct and renegotiate their strategies in order to cope with the changing situation and gain as much benefit from it as possible. The commercialisation of land must be analysed in regard to the new mechanisms and strategies (Ansoms et al 2014).

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Methodology

Negotiating Identities

Before continuing to ethnographic data, I will have a word on the process of conducting this study and methodological decisions that were vital to shaping the research. When I first travelled to my fieldwork site I was accompanied by a teacher from the University of Ghana, a teacher from the University of Leiden, and a research assistant named Naomi that was hired for me. Through a student from the University of Ghana I came into contact with a local cocoa farmer named George. Together we searched for an ideal place to stay and conduct my research. Although the farm owned by George was close by Akyem Adukrom, he resided in Kibi.

The Kibi area was comprised of several towns, the largest of which was Kibi. I found a small room to rent in a compound walking distance from the Kibi town centre and close to the paved road which hosted the taxis going back in forth through the area. Naomi resided with me in the room. Although I arrived with quite a few people, I have always presented myself as a student that was collaborating with an organisation in order to conduct research. I have opted to keep the specifics of the purpose of the organisation and my research somewhat open, although I did make it very clear that I was interested in cocoa farming and goldmining. The first being my primary interest; in researching cocoa I found that many farmers were open and willing to show me their activities.

For the first month I resided in Kibi, rather isolated from individual farmers. Working closely with Naomi, who was very capable of interacting with locals and translating for me, I actively sought out farmers close by and interacted with George and his family whenever he had the time. Over the first two weeks of closely interacting mainly with Naomi, it became clear she was

becoming an invaluable asset to my research. Often the use of interpreters in the field is given little attention, yet the impact of an interpreter can influence the research greatly (Borchgrevink 2003). Naomi was with me for two weeks in the beginning of my research and returned every other week continuing my research. Due to our close living quarters and social natures we were able to bond quickly, she was not just my interpreter but also my close friend.

She patiently taught me how to behave properly in the field and what the Ghanaian understandings were of my positions and different identities. In turn I was able to teach her my understandings of the concepts, what my research was about and what I wanted to know. Although translation was not always necessary as the main language in Ghana is considered English, often the older generation farmers were unable to speak English or understand the way I spoke English. The

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21 main language spoken in the area was Twi, although Naomi spoke several other local languages as well. Consequently, Naomi was able to translate my questions in a way that made sense for farmers, becoming the irreplaceable link between researcher and research participant. As an anthropologist my research is based on the evidence I find in the field, yet this evidence is based in the social relationships I build with individuals and groups in the field (Mosse 2006: 951).

The second and third month I opted to move to Sagyimase, a vastly smaller town where coming into contact with locals was much easier. It is here that my own identity became an inward struggle. Especially during the times Naomi was not staying with me I felt isolated and burdened. Although I was always very honest about who I was, where I came from, what my religion or marital status was, it became increasingly clear that whatever I would do, I could not be a fully accepted member of the group. Traditionally, in anthropology the stranger would be a white female or male studying peoples of colour, creating a colonial imagery of the white researcher (Johnson 2007: 90). This image is exacerbated locally by journalists, researchers and politicians coming to the area, extracting knowledge or resources and never coming back. My identity as a young, white and female student from the Netherlands played a crucial role in what type of relationships I was able to build in the field (Ibid.: 91). This understanding of my appearance was present in many of the people in my research field, I was often thought to be a journalist, or that I came to specifically improve the quality of life. By children I was often seen as scary or rare and people often opted to touch my skin, it is safe to say that I stood out of the crowd. This is not necessarily negative or positive, however, it did have an impact on how people engaged or choose to avoid me.

The presence of Naomi and her friendship with me made it possible for me to engage with individuals in a more inclusive manner; something I would not have been able to do without her. Through this medium I was not only able to communicate with words but also with intentions: who I was and what I came here to do. Fieldwork is often perceived as a rite de passage; a period of time in a specific place in which the researcher undergoes a transformation and proves him or herself (Sluka & Robben 2007: 1). How fieldwork is conducted and interpreted hinges on the contradictory understandings of the subjective insider and the objective outsider (Ibid.: 2). I was simultaneously taking part in the research while also observing it from an outsider perspective. In other words the research I have conducted and how I have experienced this, the relationships I have built in the field is done through my anthropological lens, I was able to do things in a certain way that others would not be able to. This led to a number of methodological choices that allowed me to understand the

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22 division, partition, layout of land, the social dynamics that shaped it and transition over a period of time in a particular manner.

Visualisation of Landscapes

From the outset I have been interested in utilising a form of geographical information systems (GIS) in my research. Geographical information systems can be used in a variety of manners. This is formed in building a conceptual model of the landscape inscribed by your own interpretation of the features present (Burrough & McDonnell 1998: 19). Geographical information systems encompass a wide variety of methods to build this conceptual model and can be used for many purposes. In anthropology participatory mapping techniques have often been used in collaboration with

indigenous peoples to have a tangible claim to land (Chapin et al. 2005: 620). Others have opted to use these types of systems to measure degradation of land or other destructive ecological processes (Aldenderfer & Maschner 1996). This is especially effective when you want to grasp what a

geographical location looks like over a period of time. Without the input of stories from location individuals these images are open for interpretation. It is vital to connect these stories to images rather than forming that interpretation of data from one point of view.

I have opted to make use of geographical information systems to enrich my own

understanding of the landscape and the features of the space. During my research I quickly came to the understanding that there are numerous cocoa farms spread over a large area. I soon started documenting the places I stayed, talked to people, specific features of farms and gold mines by using my GPS location. Although I was aware of my location on the ground I generally measured where things were by how long it took me to walk there. After each adventure I uploaded my GPS location to Google Earth Pro and this created a new dimension by which I viewed the space. The birds eye view of my research area gave me a representation of the geographical area. I could combine this representation with the information I got from observation and interviews. I would like to demonstrate this by giving two short examples.

Firstly, by walking through land that was used for goldmining between 2008 and 2017 and before that for agriculture, informants told me of the changes in the landscape. According to them gold-mining activities had occurred close by the Birim river running through the area, close to the town. Over a span of nine years these activities had moved the river from its original place and caused the river to be vastly reduced in size. Although I was able to imagine these activities, this was all I was able to do. Since the ban in 2017 large mining operations had stopped and all I could now

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23 observe was what the landscape looked like now, yet it was important to understand what changed geographically over time to understand how this land was used now. By viewing this landscape through satellite images over time I started to understand the impact of mining on the area and the change in shape and volume of the important waterbody located near the town. In the figures below (Figures 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9) you can see a visualisation of the landscape over a period of twelve years (2006-2018). The blue line signifies the position of the river in 2018 as can be observed in Figure 4.

Figure 4– Source: Google Earth Pro Figure 5– Source: Google Earth Pro

This process allowed me to visualise the changing landscape and understand people who have lived through these times a lot better. It is important to note that without the stories,

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24 testimonies and descriptions of local people these images are merely images and have no specific meaning. By combining methodologies, the changes in the images gained meaning and purpose. Secondly, stories arose from farmers that through gold mining activities in the area a lot of land that was previously used for agriculture was now reclamation land. Many farmers told me they were farming land close to the town and rivers but sold their claim to the land to gold miners during the booming gold mining times. When the ban on gold mining was implemented in 2017 much of these lands became abandoned mining pits and as a result became unusable for farmers. This caused farmers to look for plots of land in areas further away from their homes, often these lands were considered virgin lands before the farmers got there. Meaning, a land that is considered to be in its natural state and has not been changed by people. These plantations require several hours of hiking up the mountain, by documenting where these plantations are, I was able to grasp the geographical positioning of these farms and their proximity to other resources. Figure 10 shows the distance of a cocoa plantation from the town Kibi, in a straight line this is approximately four kilometres, but due to the height elevations in the landscape the hike there was much longer.

Figure 10 Cocoa plantation in the hills - Source: Google Earth Pro

During my stay I often walked around with research participants, who told me stories about the landscape. In doing so I was able to ask questions regarding the processes, rules and regulations that the landscape was situated in. By mapping specific spots with GPS coordinates I was able to

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25 gain a different view of the area. One of these routes can be seen in Figure 11. On this route I was able to ask questions regarding the processes of land transformation. On the pepper and cabbage farm a farmer told me he was forced to take water from abandoned mining pits in the area in order to water his farm. The farm was positioned too far away from the river and the abandoned mining pits were a viable option. Due to the nature of the landscape I was unable to locate the Birim river physically but was able to locate the river utilising satellite images.

Figure 11 Route with George - Source: Google Earth Pro

Furthermore, gathering GPS data helped me explore how locality and temporality influences agriculture practices. By mapping out the geographical location of the activities of people combined with their own stories it gave me a broader perspective that I would not have gotten without this methodology. Consequently, giving me a different perspective to situations on the ground and allowing me to look at the landscape through time; something that would have been impossible without the use of current technology.

Photography

During my research period I have made a lot of pictures of processes, locations and people. These photographs were used for multiple purposes. Photography employed by ethnographers from its earliest stages, in different ways and for different purposes (Robben 2007: 385). Firstly, I would like

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26 to discuss how my own photography has affected my own research and understanding. Secondly, I will discuss how photography as a method was able to aid me in gaining a better understanding of spaces I was not able to reach.

Beginning my research, I planned on doing a series of photo-elicitation interviews. In these interviews I wanted to present individuals with photographs that I hoped would evoke memories and emotions that would not be evoked through interviews alone (Harper 2002: 23). I had hoped of working with drone images made of the area and talk about these images with local individuals. However, this was not possible due to rules, regulations and the project I had hoped to collaborate with was not yet employing drones to make these images. Later, I planned on making photographs of the locations I observed and talk about these photographs with people. Local individuals were very aware of how the area has changed and what role activities such as goldmining have played. Presenting these images to them seemed futile compared to them guiding me to specific places and talking about these places while standing there.

By making photographs of the area I was able to document the area for myself. Images can be a great source of memorialisation (Edwards 2012: 230). Photographs can be understood as a sensory medium that is constituted through social relations; positioning of the objects on these photographs and the memories they evoke are constituted through my own experiences (Edwards 2012: 228). Looking through my photographs played a major role in having a visual component to supplement my written data. By analysing these photographs at my research location and at the time of writing I was able to remember what places exactly looked like, allowing me to create a more accurate description.

The Atewa Forest Reserve is located in my research area. This is an upland evergreen forest of approximately 17400 hectares, it is protected and monitored by The Forestry Commission of Ghana. The dense forest did not have many paths and required a forestry commission guide to enter. Over the course of my research period I heard several stories of people undertaking activities in the forest reserve. Several people were farming in the reserve due to its fertile soil; others were mining in the reserve due to the possibility of staying hidden. Illegal logging and hunting activities were going on as well as the reserve is simply too big for the few members of the forestry

commission to monitor and protect. Although I have heard many of these stories, I was not able to imagine how the activities in the reserve were different from the ones outside of the reserve.

One of my close informants was a member of The Forestry Commission and regularly entered the Atewa Forest Reserve in order to seek out people and places that were unwanted in the

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27 area. When they got information on times and places of people undertaking specific activities, they would enter the forest reserve at midnight and hike for approximately 5 hours to their destination and wait for people to arrive, or catch people in the act. The hike was far too difficult for me to undertake in these conditions. Furthermore, due to the illegal factor of the activities of the miners it was well known they carried weapons and were not hesitant to injure people in order to make their getaway. Therefore, I trained my informant to work with my camera as best as I could and asked him to take photographs of the area, the journey and whatever he would see fit to photograph. This resulted in two series of photographs made at different times of different locations. After which I sat down with him and asked him to explain the content of the photographs to me.

In doing so I was able to understand how gold miners and farmers used different methods depending on the location. As the activities are illegal and must be performed quickly, the practices they undertake are far more dangerous and have different aspects to consider. Although I was not able to visit these places, due to the photographs I was able to add a visual understanding to the stories I was told.

Documenting ‘(il)legality’

During my research period I encountered several problems by walking around with a camera. Especially in the beginning of my research period I found that many people would question my purpose in the area because of the camera. Some asked me if I was a journalist or actively told me not to take pictures. Quickly, I realised that for the first half of my research making pictures might be too imposing and would end up restricting my access. I put away my camera and started to talk to people about non research related subjects. This allowed for them to get to know me and I was able to get to know them better. It was only when I managed to build up a relation of trust, I was able to photographs specific processes.

Making pictures of agriculture related activities was not much of an issue, once people got to know me, they were very cooperative. When I arrived at gold-mining sites this was different. Some people would actively restrict me from making pictures of the site while others would reluctantly agree. In noticing this I decided than rather than taking pictures without people fully consenting to them I would start asking them why. Some would state that their activities were illegal and not sanctioned by the state. The punishment for this was a jail sentence. Consequently, they did not want their activities to be recorded on camera. Although I could have imposed that the pictures

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28 would not be used for publishing purposes, they knew they were being studied and that it was unlikely that they would see the result of this study.

On another mining site I was absolutely forbidden to take pictures, although the foreman of the site expressed that the operation was legal and that their activities were not harmful to the environment. By visiting the site multiple times, it became clear that ideas of illegality and legality were fluid and not necessarily based on state licensing but a process of morality (Van Oevelen 2017). What was not considered to be illegal by the foreman, was not necessarily considered legal by

political bodies in Ghana. As such, they were very fearful of me taking pictures. My presence on these sites was not much of a problem, but the documentation of sites by using visual methods evoked ideas of surveillance.

It is worthwhile to consider the possible impact photographs could have in the lives of informants. It is imperative to consider how written text can provide a description of the area, one that might be worth more than a photograph. Anthropologists have the power to represent the research area by way of descriptions, the evidence lies in our relationships with informants (Mosse 2006: 951). In doing so I was able to collect data that would be more complicating for my

informants than photographs would. However, this does not seem to be an issue. This makes me question whether or not it is possible to create a clear understanding of my goals and possible effects of my research on the lives of my informants. I have an ethical obligation to ensure my informants know that they are being studied, but is informed consent truly possible here?

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Agriculture as a Set of Practices

From the outset I was interested in how cocoa farming was geographically positioned in the area and what cocoa farmers do in the upkeep of their crop and land. I was quickly confronted with how wrong my ideas of cocoa farming were. Farmers quickly told me that a cocoa farm is not just cocoa trees, the land can be used for much more than just cocoa and activities are contingent on weather conditions and seasonality. Individuals did not just consider themselves to be cocoa farmers but insisted that they were involved in a variety of economic activities. I propose to look at agriculture as a set of practices. This is how people make and transform the world they live in (Postill 2010: 7). Although this is a very broad understanding of the concept of practices, it allows me to show that people use a variety of tactics and activities should not be researched as isolated from each other.

Firstly, I will show how agriculture is positioned geographically. I will pay special attention to three research sites to show that the geographical position directly influences what type of practices people adopt. Secondly, I will outline the various practices farmers undertake in the upkeep of their farms. Access to land and resources is done by way of sharecropping, how people gain and maintain access and for what reason will be shown in part three of this chapter. Furthermore, farming is influenced by a variety of social, economic and political factors. The final section of this chapter will show the way farmers buy and sell crop and what different actors play a role in this process.

Geographical Position of Agricultural Activities

Three research areas have been vital to understanding what type of practices individuals adopt in agricultural activities. One of these areas is Sagyimase, where farming happens close by the town and is intertwined with the lives of the people living in the village. Upon entering the small town from the asphalted main road, I walked on the unpaved way through the houses. Although people often walk this path it is not established and seems to leave the route to the imagination. The courtyard in the middle of the houses seem to be shared by neighbours, yet all have a boundary usually signified by a shed or the outhouse. It was not long until I started noticing the cocoa trees alongside the houses.

Small collections of cocoa trees were planted throughout the village. Quickly, these small plantations became intertwined with coconut and palm trees. As it was dry season during my visit the trees gave a surprising amount of fruit which signifies them being at least five years old and healthy. It was not long until I bumped into someone I met earlier, Daniel. He offered to show me

The intersection of agriculture and mining: A study on strategies of negotiating, gaining and maintaining access to resources on the fringes of land in the Atewa District of Ghana