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The H e i l t s u k Case: Museums^ Collectors, In v e n t o r i e s b y
Mar t h a B l a c k
B . A . , University of Toronto, 1968 M . A . , York University, 1988
A D i s s e r t a t i o n Submitted in Partial F u l f i l m e n t of the Requirements for the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
in the Department of H i story in A r t W e accept this diss e r t a t i o n as c o n f o r m i n g
to the r e q u i r e d standard
Dr. Vic'tor'ia‘W y a t t , /Sùpéirvisor (Department of H i s t o r y in Art)
Dr. C h r o l Gibson-Wood^ D e p a rtmental Mem b e r (Department of H i s t o r y in Art)
Dr. Kathlyfi Lisconibj Departmental Member (Department of H i s t o r y in. Art)
T 1 1 i A T n TtT Vv
D r . W i l l i a m ZukV Department of Arts in E d u c a t i o n
Dr. A n d r e a Laforet,\External Examiner ( D i r e c t o r , C a n a d i a n Et h n o l o g y Service^/Canadian M u s e u m of Civilization)
Martha Black, 1998 University of Victoria
A l l rights reserved. This d i s sertation m a y not be
r e p r o d u c e d in whole or in part, by p h o t o c o p y i n g or o t h e r means, w i t h o u t the permission of the author.
X I
Supervisor: Dr. Victoria W y att
ABSTRACT
The art of the Heiltsuk of the central c o a s t of British Columbia is not well known to non-aboriginal p e o p l e and has be e n frequently misrepresented in the l i t e r a t u r e on the N o r t hwest Coast. Because the majo r i t y of historical art from Bella Bella and other Heiltsuk co m m u n i t i e s is now in museums, ideas about H eiltsuk art and c u l t u r e have been s haped largely by the mus e u m collections f r o m this region. W h i l e it is recognized that museums impose n e w
organizations and narratives on the objects t h e y display and store, h o w this happens is often less clear. To e lucidate the process, the current m e t h o d o l o g i c a l study analyses in detail the Hei l t s u k collections of four major museums : the National M u s e u m of Natural H i s t o r y
(Smithsonian Institution), the American M u s e u m of Natural History, the Royal British Columbia Museum, a n d the
Canadian Museum of Civilization, and makes r e f e r e n c e to Hei l t s u k art and artifacts in other collections. Close examination of the composition and d o c u m e n t a t i o n of, and motivations for, these collections reveals bo t h the
diverse inventories used to create the m u s e u m - s t r u c t u r e d representation of Heiltsuk culture and the pr o c e s s e s of t heir accumulation. The dissimilar agendas, knowledge.
i n a n d op p o r t u n i t i e s of the artifact c o l l e c t o r s i n f l u e n c e museums* portrayals of Heiltsuk culture. The s tudy d e a l s o n l y w i t h H e i l t s u k collections but its findings and
m e t h o d o l o g i e s are applicable to o ther N o r t h w e s t C o a s t c o l l e c t i o n s .
Dr. V i c ï o r i Art)
ÿ a t t , Supervisor (Department of H i s t o r y in
-
Dr. C arol Gioson-Wood, Departmental M e m b e r (Department of H i s t o r y in Art)
D r y Kathlyrv^Liscomb, Departmental M e m b e r (Department of H i s t o r y in Art)
Dr. W i l l i a m Zuk, "Department of Arts in Education
Dr. A n d r e a La E t h n o l o g y S e r v i e
External Examiner (Director, C a n a d i a n Canadian Museum of Civilization)
I V TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t ... ü T a b l e of C o n t e n t s ... iv L i s t o f I l l u s t r a t i o n s ... v ii A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s ... x i v P r e f a c e ... 1 N o t e s ... 5
I N T R O D U C T I O N T he Heiltsuk and Heiltsuk Style T h e H e i l t s u k N a t i o n ... 7 T h e H e i l t s u k R e c o r d ... 14 H e i l t s u k A r t ... 2 6 N o t e s ... 41 C H A P T E R I H e i l t s u k Art in t he M u s e u m C o n t e x t ... 46 N o t e s ... 55
C H A P T E R II Heilt s u k Art in M u s e u m Collections : F o u r Case S t u d i e s ... 58
C a s e 1: National Muse u m of Natural History, S m i t h s o n i a n Institution James G. Swan C o l l e c t i o n ... 62 O t h e r Bella Bella C o l l e c t i o n s ... 97 N o t e s ... 99 C a s e 2: A m e r i c a n M u s e u m of Natural H i s t o r y ... 103 Bishop-Powell C o l l e c t i o n ... 104 G e o r g e T. Emmons C o l l e c t i o n ... 129
V Boas-Hunt Collections Franz Boas P u r c h a s e s... 133 George Hunt C o l l e c t i o n s ... 147 Junius W. MacMurray C o l l e c t i o n ... 171 N o t e s ... 175
Case 3: R oyal British Columbia M u s e u m ... 188
B. Fillip Jacobsen C o l l e c t i o n ... 188
Charles F. Newcombe C o l l e c t i o n ... 243
Other Bella Bella C o l l e c t i o n s ... 257
H. A. Ormiston G i f t ... 257 R on a l d L. Olson C o l l e c t i o n ... 258 David Campbell C o l l e c t i o n ... 261 How a r d Roloff C o l l e c t i o n ... 2 63 R. Geddes Large G i f t ... 266 Contemporary Heiltsuk A r t ... 268 N o t e s ... 270
Case 4. Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n ... 283
A. A. Aaronson Coll e c t i o n ... 284
Other Bella Bella Collections Har l a n I. Smith P u r c h a s e s ... 323 F rank K. Bennet C o l l e c t i o n ... 325 Marius Barbeau P u r c h a s e s ... 327 Lewis Clifton C o l l e c t i o n ... 331 Contemporary Heiltsuk A r t ... 332 N o t e s ... 334
V I
C H A P T E R III Sorting the Inventory
A M u s e u m Picture of H e i l t s u k A r t ... 342
Comparative Anal y s i s ... 343
Dates and H i s tories ... 344
C o l l e c t o r s ... 350 So u rces... 3 54 D o c u m e n t a t i o n ... 3 64 T o w a r d a Heiltsuk A r t H i s t o r y ... 373 For Further R e s e a r c h ... 381 N o t e s ... 386 W o r k s C i t e d ... 388
A p p e n d i x A: National M u s e u m of Natural History, James G. Swan C o l l e c t i o n ... 413
A p p e n d i x B: American M u s e u m of Natural History, H e i l t s u k C o l l e c t i o n s ... 422
A p p e n d i x C: Royal British Columbia Museum, H e i l t s u k C o l l e c t i o n s ... 429
A p p e n d i x D: Canadian M u s e u m of Civilization, H e i l t s u k C o l l e c t i o n s ... 449
v i l
ILLUSTRATIONS
M a p 1 Approximate ancestral t erritories of the Heil t s u k groups. F r o m B lack 1997. C o u r t e s y R o y a l Ontario Museum (ROM) , T o r o n t o ... 454 M a p 2 Bella B e l l a and t h e Northwest Coast. F r o m Black
1997. C o u r t e s y ROM, T o r o n t o ... 455 M a p 3 Bella B e l l a and vicinity. From B l a c k 1997
Courtesy ROM, T o r o n t o ... 456 Fig. 1 Ceremonial cradle wi t h mov e a b l e figure, a
Heiltsuk pr e r o g a t i v e collected at V i l l a g e Island, in K w a k w a k a 'w a k w territory. U n i v e r s i t y of British Columbia M u s e u m of A n t hropology ( U B C M O A ) ,
Vancouver. A 7 8 7 7 ... 457 Fig. 2 Bella B e l l a ('Qelc), M c Loughlin Bay. R. M a y n a r d
photograph, 1873. Royal British Colu m b i a Mu s e u m (RBCM) , Victoria. PN 2131 ( d e t a i l ) ... 458 Fig. 3 Bella B e l l a ('Qelc). R. M a y nard photograph,
1884. R B C M PN 1 0 1 8 4 - A ... 459 Fig. 4 Bella B e l l a (Waglisla). M c Kenna M c B r i d e Land
Commission photograph, 1913. R B C M PN 12390... 460 Fig. 5 Bella B e l l a (Waglisla). P. H o b l e r photograph,
1969. R B C M PN 1 6 0 8 8 ... 461 Fig. 6 Mask p u r c h a s e d b y Franz Boas in Victoria, 1894.
American M u s e u m of Natural H i s t o r y (AM N H ) , N e w York. 16/692 ... 462
V l l l
Fig. 7 a (top) : Settee collected b y C. F. Newcombe, B e l l a Bella, 1911. RBCM C P N 1856. b (bottom): M a s k collected by F. Jacobsen, 1893. RBCM CPN 7 2 ... 463 Fig. 8 a ( t o p ) : Dance fan, J. G. Swan collection, 1875.
Na t i o n a l Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution (NMNH), Washington. 20636. b
( b o t t o m ) : Ma s k with painted pa r c h m e n t train, J. G. Sw a n collection, 1875. N M N H 2 0 5 7 1 ... 464 Fig. 9 Rattle, J. G. Swan collection, 1875. NMNH
2 0 5 8 5 ... 465 Fig. 10 a (top): Mask, J. G. Swan collection, 1875. NMNH 20548. b (bottom): Mask, J. G. Swan collection, 1875. Catalogued as Tsimshian. N M N H 20582.... 466 Fig. 11 a ( t o p ) : Eagle mask, J. G. Swan collection, 1875.
N M N H 20570. b (bottom): R a v e n m a s k from Talio. F. Bo a s collection, 1887. N M N H 1 2 9 5 1 0 ... 467 Fig. 12 Rattle, J. G. Swan collection, 1875. Rijksmuseum
v o o r Volkenkunde, Leiden, ex. N M N H 2 0 5 8 7 .... 468 Fig. 13 M a s k collected by G. T. Emmons, accessioned 1902. N M N H 2 1 7 4 0 8 ... 469 Fig. 14 B e l l a Bella ('Qelc), p r o b a b l y O. C. Hastings
photograph, 1879. RBCM PN 1686 ... 470 Fig. 15 a ( t o p ) : Rattle, I. W. Po w e l l collection,
a c c e s s i o n no. 1869-90-94. A M N H 16/602. b ( b o t t o m ) : Masks, I. W. Pow e l l collection.
I X
ac c e ssion no. 1869-90-94. Clockwise f r o m l ower left; A M N H 16/597 (b-i), 16/594 ( b - i i ) , 16/595
(b-iii) , 16/598 (b-iv)... 471 Fig. 16 Canoe, I. W. Powell collection, sent to t h e A M N H
in 1892. Installed in 77th Street l o b b y ... 472 Fig. 17 H o use post, Bella Bella ('Qelc) . H. I. S m i t h
photograph, 1897. A M N H 16-8379, neg. no.
4 2 8 5 2 ... 473 Fig. 18 a (top): Mas k collected by G. Hunt, 1899. A M N H
16/473 6. b (bottom): Mask. M c M i c h a e l C a n a d i a n A r t Collection. Kleinburg, Ontario. 1984.5... 474 Fig. 19 a (top): Mask collected by G. Hunt, 1899. A M N H
16/4740. b (bottom) : Mask collected b y G. Hunt, 1899. A M N H 1 6 / 4 7 3 7 ... 475 Fig. 20 a (top, centre): M a s k collected by G. Hunt, 1899.
A M N H 16/4731. b (bottom): C e dar-bark r i n g s collected by G. Hunt, 1899. A M N H 16/4745,
16/4747, 1 6 / 4 7 4 9 ... 476 Fig. 21 Chest collected by F. Jacobsen, 1893 . R B C M CPN
2 2 1 ... 477 Fig. 22 Chief Boston's m emorial figure, c o l l e c t e d by F.
Jacobsen, 1893. RB C M 4 ... 478 Fig. 23 Ma s k (Moon) collected by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M
CPN 1 0 ... 479 Fig. 24 Mas k (Bird, beak is missing) c o l l e c t e d b y F .
X
Fig. 25 a (top): Mask co l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M 9. b (bottom): M a s k collected by F.
Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M C P N 7 ... 481 Fig. 26 M a s k collected by F. Jacobsen, 1893. RBCM CPN
2 6 ... 482 Fig. 27 a ( t o p ) : Carving in t h e form of a whale's fin,
c o l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M 54. b ( b o t t o m ) : Shaman's c r o w n w i t h copper 'horns,' c o l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M 8 4 ... 483 Fig. 28 N e c k ri n g with dog skulls attached, collected by
F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M CPN 9 2 ... 484 Fig. 29 B e l l o w s whistle co l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893.
R B C M CPN 1 0 1 ... 485 Fig. 30 a ( t o p ) : Clapper in the shape of a Killer whale,
c o l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M CPN 122. b (bot t o m ) : Wooden club wit h stone blade, c o l l e c t e d by F. Jacobsen, 1893. R B C M CPN
1 0 5 ... 486 Fig. 31 a ( t o p ) : Paddles R B C M 2056, 10027. R B C M 2056
c o l l e c t e d by C. F. Newcombe, Bella Bella
(Wag l i s l a ) , probably 1911. b ( bottom): Settee R B C M 1856 photographed by C. F. Newcombe, 1900, p r o b a b l y at Dryad P o i n t lighthouse. RBCM PN
2 3 3 3 ... 487 Fig. 32 a ( top): Mask (Black cod) collected by R. L.
X I
16572. b (bottom): Bella Bella (Waglisla), 1920S-1930S. Catherine T r a n t e r photograph. R B C M PN 1 7 2 4 8 ... 488 Fig. 3 3 a (top): Mask (Death m a s k) , ex. D. Campbell
collection. RBCM CPN 16116. b (bottom): M a s k (corona missing) collected by M. V. Thornton. R B C M CPN 12319... 489 Fig. 34 People (probably staff of the R. W. Large
Memorial Hospital) showing masks, Bella B e l l a (Waglisla). Catherine Tranter photograph, 1941. RB C M PN 22939... 490 Fig. 35 Collection of masks at Bella Bella ( W a g l i s l a ) . P.
Hobler photograph, 1969. R B C M PN 16344.... 491 Fig. 36 Part of A. A. Aaronson's collection, i n c l uding
three rattles in the Canadian Museum of
Civilization (CMC): CMC V I I - E E - 2 1 (top c e n t r e ) , VII-EE-2 0 (middle, to the r ight of the c e n t r a l m a s k ) , VlI-EE-19 (bottom). C. F. Newcombe
photograph, 1899. RBCM PN 4 8 ... 492 Fig. 37 Mask, A. A. Aaronson collection, 1899. CMC VI I
-E -E - 1 ... 493 Fig. 38 Carving (animals) , A. A. A a r o n s o n collection,
1899. CMC V I I - E E - 2 ... 494 Fig. 39 Mask, A. A. Aaronson collection, 1899. C M C VII
X X X
Fig. 40 Carving (bird and moun t a i n goat) , A. A. A a r o n s o n collection, 1899. CMC V I I - E E - 8 ... 496 Fig. 41 Carving (animals, the bottom figure a m o u n t a i n
goat), A. A. Aaronson collection, 1899. C M C VII -E -E - 9 ... 497 Fig. 42 a (top) : Carving (mountain goat) Museum fur
Volkerkunde, Basel IVa87. b (bottom): C a r v i n g (animal and f i s h ) , A. A. A a r o n s o n collection, 1899. CMC V I I - E E - 5 ... 498 Fig. 43 a-i (top l e f t ) : Carving (birds feeding on w h a l e ) ,
A. A. Aaro n s o n collection, 1899. CMC VII-EE-5. a-ii (top r i g h t ) : Carving (small human f i g u r e ) , A. A. Aaro n s o n collection, 1899. CMC VII-EE-10. b (bottom): Pair of paddles, A. A. A a r o n s o n
collection, 1899. CMC VII-EE-16 - V I I - E E - 1 7 . . 499 Fig. 44 a-i (top, l e f t ) : Rattle, A. A. Aaronson
collection, 1899. VII-EE-18. a-ii (top, right): Rattle, A. A. Aaro n s o n collection, 1899. C M C VI I - EE-19. b (bottom): Rattle, A. A. Aaro n s o n
collection, 1899. CMC V I I - E E - 2 1 ... 500 Fig. 45 a (top): Rattle. A. A. A a r o n s o n collection, 1899.
CMC VII-EE-22. b (bottom): Rattle, c o l l e c t e d by G. T. Emmons. AMN H E / 1 5 6 8 ... 501 Fig. 46 Totem Pol e (details), A. A. Aaronson collection,
1899. CMC V I I - E E - 2 6, neg. nos. 85-8395,
X I X X
Fig. 47 M a s k c o l l ected by H. I. Smith at K w a t n a Inlet, 1920. CMC V I I - E E - 2 5 ... 503
Fig. 48 Feast bowls in the shape of a sea lion (top) and a wo l f (bottom), collected fr o m L ewis C l i f t o n at H a r t l e y Bay, 1972. CMC VII-EE-37 - VII-EE-38, neg nos. 1 1 1 4 7 9 - 1 1 1 4 8 0 ... 504
Fig. 49 Button b l anket by David G l a d stone and L i l l i a n Gladstone, 1989. CMC V I I - E E - 5 3 ... 505
X I V
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
T he works that I s t udied during the course of this project are t h e cultural h e r i t a g e of t h e Heiltsuk Nation. My
p r i m a r y debt is to t h e Heil t s u k people who h e l p e d me learn a little bit about t h e i r history, culture, a n d art. The H e i l t s u k Tribal Council grac i o u s l y took time to hear and con s i d e r various p rojects having to do with m y research. I am indebted to J e n n i f e r Carpenter of the Hei l t s u k Cultural Education C e n t r e for her instruction and
hospitality. I am g r a t e f u l for the support a n d assistance of P a m Brown, Rena Brown, Cyril Carpenter, S h i r l Hall, Philip Hogan, W i l f r e d Humchitt, Chester Lawson, Kim Lawson, Cecil Reid, A r l e n e Wilson, Evelyn Windsor, and m a n y other members of the H eiltsuk Nation w h o have made me feel welcome in their community. I hope t h a t m y work will be useful.
Museum research is impossible without t h e knowledge and friendly help of the people who care for the
c o l l e c t i o n s . Among t h o s e who hel p e d me wi t h museum visits are A r n i Brownstone (Royal Ontario M u s e u m ) , B e t h Carter
(Glenbow M u s e u m ) , S a n d y Cook (McMichael C a n a d i a n Art C o l l e c t i o n ) , Alison J e f f r e y (National Museum of the A m e r i c a n I n d i a n ) , A n d r e a Laforet (Canadian M u s e u m of Civilization) , Mary J a n e Lenz (National M u s e u m of the Am e r i c a n I n d i a n ) , L y n n Maranda (Vancouver M u s e u m ) , M oira
X V
M c C a ffery (Musee McCord d'Histoire C a n a d i e n n e ) , T r u d y Nicks (Royal Ontario M u s e u m ) , Felicia P i c k e r i n g (National M useum of Natural History, Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n ) , A n n e
Stevenson (University of British C olumbia M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y ) , Teri Sowell (Brooklyn M u s e u m ) , Laila W i lliamson (American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y ) , Robin Wright (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State M u s e u m ) .
The following people responded to m y requests for information about their collections: Lynn D. A n d e r s o n (Washington State Historical S o c i e t y ) , M a u r e e n Barrie (National Museums of Scotland) , Li s a D. Blay l o c k
(Philbrook Museum of A r t ) , Nancy L. Blomberg (Denver A r t M u s e u m ) , Gertrud Boden (Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum, K o l n ) , Steve B rown (Seattle Art Museum) , A m y Wolff Cay (Peabody Museum of Archaeology and E t h n o l o g y ) , J e r e m y Coote (Pitt Rivers M u s e u m ) , Alison Crowther (Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Museum of Archaeology and A n t h r o p o l o g y ) , M e l i s s a Els b e r r y
(Carnegie Museum of Natural H i s t o r y ) , Joan F r eeman (State Historical Society of Wisconsin) , W i n i f r e d Gl o v e r (Ulster M u s e u m ) , Pieter Hovens (Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, L e i d e n ) , Ira Jacknis (Phoebe Hearst Mus e u m of
A n t h r o p o l o g y ) , D. L. Jones (Ipswich M u s e u m ) , Peter K a n n (Museum fur V o I k e r k u n d e , Wien) , J o n a t h a n K i n g (British M u s e u m ) , Janice Klein (Field Museum of Natural H i s t o r y ) , Karen Kra m e r (Peabody Essex M u s e u m ) , Sarah Lau g h l i n
X V I « « I l
(Hamburgisches Mus e u m fur Volkerkunde) , D a n i e l a Schlten- P e t e r s s e n (Museum fùr Volkerkunde, Basel) , L y n n e Heidi S t u m p e (Liverpool M u s e u m ) , Ge o r g e Ulrich (Milwaukee P u b l i c Museum) , Ellen C. H v a t u m W e r n e r (M. H. de Y o u n g M e m o r i a l M u s e u m ) . I appreciate t h e i r assistance.
Bi l l Holm (Professor Emeritus, University of
W a s h i n g t o n ) , Bill M c L e n n a n (University of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a M u s e u m of Anthropology) , a n d A l a n Hoover (Royal B r i tish C o l u m b i a Museum) g e n e r o u s l y shared information about H e i l t s u k art. The Bill H o l m and Robin K. W r i g h t Slide C o l l e c t i o n s at the Th o m a s Burke Memorial M u s e u m (Wright, ed. , 1996) were p a r t i c u l a r l y helpful and I t h a n k R o b i n W r i g h t and Bill H o l m for m a k i n g images a v a i l a b l e in the p r e - v i d e o - d i s c days.
Members of the A n t h r o p o l o g y staff of the R o y a l B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Museum (RBCM) k i n d l y aided my H e i l t s u k r e s e a r c h o v e r several years: G r a n t Keddie, Dan Savard, Shelley Reid, John Veillette, a n d Sally Watson. I a m gra t e f u l to A l a n Hoover, who is n o w m y supervisor at the RBCM, and to G r a n t Hughes, Director of Curatorial Services, for t h e i r s u p p o r t of my efforts to c omplete this d i s s e r t a t i o n w h i l e w o r k i n g at the museum.
M a n y people who w e r e n o t directly involved in this s t u d y have been inspirational. T h e ideas of P e t e r
X V I 1
Jonaitis, R u t h Phillips, Janet Berio, and D a r l a R h y n e i n f o r m by work.
I t h a n k m y Supervisor, Vict o r i a Wyatt, and t h e members of m y c o m m ittee for their interest and support. T h e
guidance, g o o d sense, and good humour of D a r l e n e Pouliot, S e c r e t a r y of the Department of H i s tory in Art, h a v e been inva l u a b l e to me.
I am grateful to m y family for putting up w i t h the u p h e a v a l s that my doctoral studies have entailed. James a n d M a r g a r e t Black, Elizabeth Black, and S t ephen Clarke a s s u r e d m e that I c o u l d do it. Thanks to Richard, Kathy, Rachael, and Simon Inglis for sustenance of all kinds. M o s t of all, I thank m y husband, Paul Hutner.
PR E F A C E
T h e original intention of this study of H e i l t s u k ar t in m u s e u m s was to draft a H e i l t s u k art history. During r e s e a r c h for the project I realized that a n y attempt to f o r m u l a t e such a history m u s t first address the nature of m u s e u m collections of w o r k s from Bella B e l l a a nd vicinity, for t h e s e m u s t be the p r i m a r y evidence for t he nature of h i s t o r i c a l Heiltsuk art. T h e study then b e c a m e a critical i n v e n t o r y of Heiltsuk a rt a n d artifacts in selected
m u s e u m s .
Examin a t i o n of this inventory reveals W e s t e r n
c o n c e p t u a l and institutional lenses through wh i c h Heiltsuk ob j e c t s h a v e been v i ewed a n d transformed. M y use of the t e r m 'art' to refer to o bjects made by H e i l t s u k carvers, painters, weavers, and o t h e r producers is such a lens, of course. As Charlotte Townsend-Gault has p o i n t e d out, art is just one of "a series o f 'outsider' classifications of a r t i f a c t s that continues t o t he present" in the discourse a b o u t aboriginal art (1988: 32). Material culture,
artifact, and craft are also Western, not aboriginal, classifications. The applicability and ramif i c a t i o n s of t h e s e terms for tribal ob j e c t s in general h a v e been the s u b j e c t of extensive comment, particularly in the 1980s.^ T he issue with reference to the Northwest Coa s t has been a d d r e s s e d by art historian A l dona Jonaitis (1981).
2
Jonaitis t r a c e s t h e history of o u t s i d e r perceptions of Northwest C o a s t a r t from ethnographic specimens to fi n e art and r e v e a l s h o w objects were r e c l a s s i f i e d from
artifact t o a r t w i t h the changing a e s t h e t i c and p o l i t i c a l ideals of n o n - a b o r i g i n a l artists, institutions, scholars, and the g e n e r a l public. A rise in m o n e t a r y value and status a c c o m p a n i e d the r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .^ Today, bo t h historic a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y First N a t i o n s ' works are
commonly c l a s s e d as art and shown i n a r t galleries as w e l l as museums, b u t t h e categorization r e m a i n s problematic f o r historical objects. Townsend-Gault (1988) and Rut h
Phillips (1988) are among the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and art historians w h o r e m i n d us that c a l l i n g F i r s t Nations
objects 'a r t ' d i s t o r t s their ori g i n a l cult u r a l m e a n i n g a n d imposes W e s t e r n ideas and value s y s t e m s on First N a t i o n s cultures. T h e u s e of the term is a p p r o p r i a t e in this study, h o w e v e r .^ It acknowledges t h e a e s t hetic nature o f the objects, b u t it also signifies t h a t conventions of t h e academic d i s c i p l i n e of art history a r e o p e r ating and t h a t the life of H e i l t s u k objects outside of Hei l t s u k c u l t u r e is the study's focus.
E x a m i n a t i o n of the Heiltsuk i n v e n t o r y reveals t h a t each m u s e u m c o l l e c t i o n of Heiltsuk m a t e r i a l is the u n i q u e and rather a r b i t r a r y product of a c o l l e c t o r whose a g e n d a was p e r i p h e r a l t o t h e Heiltsuk c u l t u r e t h a t produced t h e artifacts. Y e t t h e collections ha v e b e e n instrumental i n
3 fo r m i n g conceptions a b o u t w h a t Heiltsuk art h as b e e n an d c a n be.* These concep t i o n s are part of w h a t a r t h i s t o r i a n M i c h a e l Ann Holly calls t he "post-text" of a w o r k of art:
"the afterlife of the o b j e c t as it continues to w o r k at organizing its r e m e m b r a n c e in the cultural h i s t o r i e s t h a t e m p l o y it" (1996: 14). T he museum and c o l l e c t i o n
frameworks discussed c a n themselves be u n d e r s t o o d as p a r t of Heiltsuk art's post-text; analyses and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a r i s i n g from the o bjects in these and other m u s e u m
collections are also p a r t of the post-text. F r o m t he v a n t a g e point of a d i s t i n c t l y European cultural
institution - the m u s e u m - the vast inventory o f
erratically documented a n d organized H e i l t s u k m a t e r i a l is s u r v e y e d and organized into classes and categories.
"Although w e have b e c o m e relatively adept a t r e a d i n g exhibitions as texts," w r ites art historian R u t h P h i l l i p s
(1995: 99) , "less a t t e n t i o n has been p a i d to t h e a n a t o m y of collections as h i s t o r i c a l l y contingent o b j e c t r e c o r d s t h a t permit or exclude c e r t a i n representational
possibilities." The c u r r e n t study addresses t h i s lacu n a a n d illustrates h o w t h e representational p r o c e s s p r o c e e d e d w i t h reference p r i m a r i l y to four major H e i l t s u k
collections: the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m of N a tural H i s t o r y
(Smithsonian Institution) , the American M u s e u m o f N a t u r a l History, the Royal B r i t i s h Columbia Museum, a nd t h e
4 follows hi s t o r i a n Douglas Cole's (1985) m e t h o d of detailed analysis of archival and collection r e c o r d s and careful attention to the circumstances of collecting. Cole's work is encyclopedic in scope, whereas m y c o n c e r n is solely w i t h Heiltsuk objects, their documentation, and
c o l l e c t o r s ' motiva t i o n s which d e t e r m i n e d w h a t was
collected and recorded, and therefore h o w the category Heiltsuk art developed.
Despite m y o riginal intention, thi s study does not o ffer a Heiltsuk art history after all. Instead, it
provides the n e c e s s a r y basis for one a n d demonstrates one m o d e l for the analysis of First Nations art in the museum c o n t e x t .
Notes
1. A n example of t h e d e b a t e in the c o n text of A f r i c a n art is theorist A r t h u r D a n t o ' s article in t h e c a t a l o g u e for t h e Center for A f r i c a n Art's influential " A R T / a r t i f a c t " exhibit (1988). D a n t o considers the h y p o t h e t i c a l B a s k e t F o l k and Pot Peo p l e w h o s e products look i d e n t i c a l b u t are ei t h e r art w orks or a r t i facts depending on h o w m u c h th e y a r e valued and the c u l t u r a l ideas they embody. He
concludes that u t i l i t a r i a n objects from A f r i c a n cultures m a y resemble w orks of a r t in Western cultures, b u t the resemblance does not m a k e them art. W o r k s o f a r t emb o d y th ought and h a v e e x p r e s s i v e content; the a r t i f a c t s th e y resemble do not c a rry t h e same kinds of meanings. For Danto, cultural c o n t e x t defines art. A r t h i s t o r i a n Denis Dut t o n critiques D a n t o ' s position in an a r t i c l e in The Journal of Aesthetics a n d Art Criticism (1993) . Dut t o n notes that Danto's d i s t i n c t i o n is "of t h e mind, n o t t h e eye" and offers a c o n t r a s t i n g argument. He p o s t u l a t e s t h a t D a n t o 's h y p o t h e t i c a l potters and w e a v e r s - t h e artists themselves - a n d the connoisseurs of t h a t
hypothetical s o c iety c o u l d differentiate b e t w e e n t h e i r own products and the identical-looking ones of t h e o ther
culture. Dutton arg u e s that "trained p e r c e p t i o n is the key," giving equal w e i g h t to visual evidence.
2. James Clifford (1988) theorizes this m o v e m e n t of
objects from e t h n o g r a p h i c artifact to fine a r t (and ba c k again) within an "art-culture system."
3. Everyone who wri t e s about aboriginal o b j e c t s addresses t h e terminology p r o b l e m differently. A n t h r o p o l o g i s t
Geo r g e Kubler notes, optimistically, that "The g r a y area be tween artifact and w o r k of art was a p r o b l e m r e s o l v e d in this century by the statistical concept of t h e g r a d e d
series between such polarities." In his view, a r t and artifact share d i f f e r e n t degrees of the same qualities: function and a e sthetics (1991: vi) . Jo a n M. Vastokas, an anthropologist t r a i n e d as an art historian, r e v e a l s and solves the dilemma concisely: on one hand, "o u r analytical procedure m u s t avoid t h e imposition of arbitrary,
external, or p r e - c o n c e i v e d categories m o r e p e r t i n e n t to Euroamerican art," on t h e other, it is f u t i l e to b e c o m e "embroiled in u n p r o d u c t i v e discussion r e g a r d i n g t h e definition of w h a t c o n s t itutes a work of 'art'." Her solution is to interpret the term ' art ' as c o n n o t i n g a concern with "visual i m agery in the bro a d e s t sense" (1978: 243) .
4. Th i s is t r u e even for cont e m p o r a r y Heiltsuk, i n c l uding artists, w hose conceptions of h i s t o r i c a l objects and art styles are i n f o r m e d by mus e u m collections.
INTRODUCTION
THE HEILTSUK A N D H EILTSUK STYLE
The Heil t s u k Nation
T h e inhabitants of the community of Bella Bella t o d a y are p r i m a r i l y the descendants of four Hei l t s u k - s p e a k i n g tribal groups: 'Uyalitxv, Uwithitxv, 'Qvuqvayaitxv, a n d 'I sdaitxv
(Map 1). A fifth Heiltsuk-speaking group, the Xixis, live m a i n l y at Klemtu, a m i x e d Heiltsuk-Tsimshian
c o m munity on Swindle Island.^ Collectively, t h e s e groups are ca l l e d the Heiltsuk, a name which is the E n g l i s h
s pelling of Hailhzaqv (plural, H a i 'a i l h z a q v ) . T h e H e i l t s u k are also known as the Bella Bella after t h e English-language name for their principal sett l e m e n t on Campbell Island at Bella Bella Reserve Number One.^ Bella Bella is actually two village sites: the modern t o w n of Wag l i s l a and 'Qelc, the previous community at M c L o u g h l i n Bay a b o u t two miles to the south.^ The names H e i l t s u k and Bella Bella are sometimes w r i t t e n as plurals (Heiltsuks, Bella Bellas) but the singular is the more common usage.
Bo t h Heiltsuk and Bella Bella are terms that h a v e been in use since at least the 1830s. They appear in t h e
journal of William Fraser Tolmie, a physician w i t h the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), w h i c h was written at
8
H e i l t s u k were also c a l l e d Milbanke Sound Indians. (The s p e l l i n g of Milbanke varied.) For example, o n a v o y a g e to t he N o r t h w e s t Coast in 1866, a British s a i l o r n a m e d P y m Nevins Compton e ncountered the northern n e i g h b o u r s of the Heiltsuk, the Haisla, a t Kitamaat and K i t l o p e in D o uglas Channel. In a written account of his visit, C o m p t o n noted t h a t t he Haisla were l ocated "between t he M i l l b a n k Sound Indians [i.e., the Heiltsuk] and the T s i m p s i a n [Tsimshian] nation. . . .
Anthropologist Franz Boas, whose e x t e n s i v e a nd
influential publications on the Northwest C o a s t d e t e r m i n e d to a large extent h o w t h e First Nations w e r e p e r c e i v e d and c l a s s i f i e d by outsiders, referred to the H e i l t s u k as the "Northern Kwakiutl." T h e designation comes f r o m
linguistic classifications. Heiltsuk and Kwakwala, the language spoken by t h e K w a k w a k a 'w a k w (Kwakiutl) , are both N o r t h e r n Wakashan languages. The Haisla a n d t he O w e e k e n o also speak Northern W a k a s h a n languages a nd B o a s c a l l e d t h e m "Northern Kwakiutl" as well.* This t e r m i n o l o g y implies that Boas v i e w e d Kwakwaka 'w a k w c u l t u r e and language as definitive with regard to other N o r t h w e s t Coast cultures, a c o n d i t i o n that Wayne S uttles has c a l l e d "essentialism" (1989, q u o t e d in Jonaitis 1995: 314)
Anthropologists w h o followed Boas a d o p t e d his
terminology. Ronald L- Olson, who did field r e s e a r c h at W a g l i s l a in 1935 and 1949, published his o b s e r v a t i o n s as
9 "Notes on t h e Bella Bella Kwakiutl" (1955). Philip
D r u c k e r included th e research he d i d at W a g l i s l a in 193 6- 37 in "Kwakiutl D a n c i n g Societies" (1940). The common u s e of "Northern Kwakiutl," or even just "Kwa k i u t l , " to r e f e r to the H e i l t s u k has contributed to t he confusion on the p a r t of n o n - N a t i v e s about th e identity and location of t h e H e i l t s u k and is a factor in the m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n of the H e i l t s u k in a c a d e m i c discourses. T h e H e i l t s u k t h e m s e l v e s a bh o r the t e r m w i t h reference to t h e m s e l v e s and it is n o w n e v e r used. For a synonymy and e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e names H e i l t s u k and Bel l a Bella, see Hilton 1990: 321.
Geographically, the Heiltsuk are at t h e centre of t h e B r i t i s h Colum b i a coast. Heiltsuk a n c e s t r a l territories encompass t h e outer islands, pr o t e c t e d inland waterways, a nd m a i n l a n d fiords between Rivers Inlet a nd M i l b a n k e Sound. The area from the southern tip of Calvert Island, up Dean and Bu r k e Channels as far as K i m s q u i t in the
northeast, u p M a t h i e s o n and Finlayson Channels to the
north, and se a w a r d to the outer coast regions of t h e Goo s e I s l a n d Group is included in these t e r r i t o r i e s (Map 2).
Despite Boas' essentialism and its influence, t he H e i l t s u k h a v e been characterized in t h e e t h n o graphic literature as central. Anthro p o l o g i s t s trac e d selected ceremonies, ideologies, and practices f r o m the H e i l t s u k to o th e r N o r t h w e s t Coast nations, thus p l a c i n g the H e i l t s u k at t he cultural c e ntre of the coast. Boas himself
1 0
r e c o g n i z e d that the H e i l t s u k h a m a c a (tanis) c e r e m o n y was th e s o u r c e of the K w a k w a k a 'w a k w h a m a t s a ceremony, n o t i n g t h a t Kwakwaka 'w a k w chiefs o btained t h e songs and r e g a l i a in a mid-nineteenth c e n tury raid on Heiltsuk chiefs
t r a v e l l i n g by canoe (Boas 1897: 427). Drucker b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e characteristics and distribution of the
K w a k w a k a 'wakw Winter Cere m o n i a l show that the Heiltsuk, w i t h t h e neighbouring H a i s l a and Oweekeno, c o n s t i t u t e d
"the cen t r e of the ritual complex" (1940: 227), a n d in a r e c e n t book, anthropologist M i c h a e l Harkin writes t h a t
"Much of the ceremonial r e p e r t o i r e of the Bella Coo l a s [Nuxalk] was Heiltsuk in origin" (1997: 1).® H e i l t s u k h e a l e r s were central to N o r t h w e s t Coast shamanic p r a c t i c e s a c c o r d i n g to anthropologist Marius Barbeau, who m e n t i o n s the influence of famous H e i l t s u k shamans among the
T s h i m s h i a n / G i t k s a n / N i s g a 'a (1958: 76). Heiltsuk m u s i c was also central to Northwest Coast m u s i c a l traditions. The H e i l t s u k were "the most si g n i f i c a n t musical and c e r e m o n i a l g r o u p on the Northwest C o a s t dur i n g the nineteenth
century" according to ethn o m u s i c o l o g i s t Anton K l o s t e e (1988: 1).
M a r r i a g e alliances spr e a d H e i l t s u k rituals and
a s s o c i a t e d artifacts o u t w a r d from the Heiltsuk c e n t r e to other nations. One e x ample of the spread of H e i l t s u k p r e r o g a t i v e s and attendant objects is a painted c r a d l e c o n t a i n i n g a moveable f i g u r e representing a p u b e s c e n t girl
1 1
(ÜBCMOA A7877, Fig. 1). Collected at V i l l a g e Island in Kwakwaka'wakw te r r i t o r y and therefore c a talogued as
Kwakwaka'wakw, it is a prerogative asso c i a t e d wi t h a caiqa p erformance cal l e d xa'api (Cradle Dance) that was obtained from the Heil t s u k through marriage (Hawthorn 1979: fig. 98; Har k i n 1997: 16).
T h e H e i l t s u k are characterized as central in other senses. H e i l t s u k social organization links t h e m to the northern coast m a trilineal tribes and to the southern coast groups w h o inherit position and p r o p e r t y through both mothers' and fathers' families. On the basis of field wo r k done at Waglisla, Boas c o n c luded tha t the Heiltsuk, with four endogamous clans - Raven, Eagle, Killer whale, and Wolf - and the option of either
matrilineal or patrilineal descent of crest affiliation and privileges, combined characteristics of the
Kwakwaka 'wa k w to the south and the T s i m shian to the north (1923). With reg a r d to nineteenth-century head-flattening practices, the Heil t s u k were also between n orthern and southern cultural provinces. The British sailor, Compton, noted on his 1866 visit that there w e r e "two great groups" on the Northwest Coast: "those that flatten or otherwise distort the head," and those who do not. Compton observed that Milbanke Sound was on the border between the two
12
Historically, B e l l a Bella has been a centre of
interaction b e t w e e n Fir s t Nations and E u r o p e a n s since t h e f ur trade and m i s s i o n eras. The H B C ’s F o r t M c L o u g h l i n w as b u i l t in ’U y a l i t x v territory in 1833. T h e c o m m unity of
/ V
’Qelc g r e w a r o u n d t h e fort and t he ’U y a l i t x v became powerful m i d d l e - m e n in the central c o a s t trade. Even
aft e r Fort M c L o u g h l i n was dismantled in 1843 and H BC t r a d e
/
c a m e to be c o n d u c t e d primarily by s t e a m e r , ’Qelc r e m a i n e d an important H e i l t s u k w i nter village a n d a commercial centre. A small H B C store was opened o n the Fort
M c L o u g h l i n site a b o u t 1850 and co n t i n u e d to operate for m a n y years (Hilton 1990: 319).
By about 1870, ’Qelc was the p r i n c i p a l Heilt s u k c o m m unity (Fig. 2, Map 3). Populations from settle m e n t s s u c h as Elcho (’Ha-tkv), Hoonees (Xvnis) , H o w e e t (Huyat) ,
/ / / / ^
Kokyet ( ’Qaba), K o q u i (’Q v u q v a i ) , K u n s o o t ( ’Qiisutkv), a nd others gr a d u a l l y a m a l g a m a t e d and mov e d into M c L o u g h l i n Bay. T he smal l p o x epidemic of the 18 6 0s was the p r i m a r y reason for this u p h e a v a l and resettlement. Whole v i l l a g e s w e r e decimated in t he pandemic of 1862. Between 1834 a nd 1889, smallpox a n d other diseases r e d u c e d the H e i l t s u k popu l a t i o n from an estimated sixteen h u n d r e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e traditional t e r r i t o r i e s to about t wo hu n d r e d a nd f i f t y people, m o s t l i v i n g at ’Qelc (Heiltsuk Cult u r a l E d u c a t i o n Centre 1989: 3, s e e also Hilton 1990: 320, H a rkin 79-82).
13
1880 p o s i t i o n e d the community a t the centre of m i s s i o n a r y ef f o r t s on t h e central coast. T h e mission b r o ught a
school, a church, and medical services to 'Qelc and w a s an ad d i t i o n a l factor in the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the H e i l t s u k at M c L o u g h l i n Bay. Soon, a g r o w i n g population c o u pled w i t h an i ncrease in the single-family houses that we r e p r o m o t e d b y t h e C h u r c h and government as integral to the C h r i s t i a n w a y of life r e s u l t e d in overcrowding. (The HBC w o u l d not a l l o w t h e H e i l t s u k to build on the Fort McLoughlin l a n d in th e c e n t r e of the village [Pig. 3].) In the late 1890s, t h e H e i l t s u k p l a nned and built t h e n e w town, W a g l i s l a (New
/
Bella B e l l a ) . 'Qelc (which b e c a m e k n o w n as Old Town) was largely a b a n d o n e d as a residence. Waglisla was b u i l t as a c o m m u n i t y of large European-style houses and m o d e r n
f a cilities such as a six-metre-wide plank walk lit b y oil lamps, a H e i l t suk-owned and o p e r a t e d steam sawmill,
stores, a wharf, a warehouse, a recreation hall, a n d a day school. T h e hospital that the M e t h o d i s t Church, w i t h
s u b s t a n t i a l H e i l t s u k assistance, built at Waglisla s e r v e d t h e e n t i r e c e n tral coast region. Waglisla was c o n s i d e r e d b y c h u r c h a n d government to be a model Christian village. B y 1907, w i t h a population of t h r e e hundred and eighteen, it was t h e second-largest M e t h o d i s t community on t h e
B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a coast (Crosby 1914: 183-94, B lack 1997: 35-36, Fig. 4).
14
D e s p i t e the outer - and in some cases mo r e than s u p e r f i c i a l - trappings of acculturation, the H e i l t s u k r e s i s t e d cultural obliteration. Heiltsuk culture sur v i v e d and f l o u r i s h e d (Fig. 5) . W aglisla continues to be a
c entre of culture, commerce, and services. With a
p o p u l a t i o n of approximately fifteen hundred, it is one of the l a r g e s t and most influential central coast
communities. Urban Heiltsuk extend that influence to Vancouver, Victoria, and other cities.
The H e i l t s u k Record
It is s u r p r i s i n g that, until recently, the Heiltsuk h a v e a p p e a r e d relatively infrequently in the ethnographic and art h i s t o r i c a l literature. Anthropologist Martine R e i d notes thi s paradox. The Heil t s u k "occupied a pivotal position" among the Northwest Coast groups, she writes, and y e t "are perhaps the least known to anthropologists and o t h e r students of the culture" (1987: 232). R o b e r t Steven Grumet, in his annotated bibliography of the lite r a t u r e on the Northwest Coast, also notes the
c o m p a r a t i v e lack of ethnographic information about the H e i l t s u k and one of the reasons for it. The H eiltsuk and Haisla, h e observes,
. . . share a lack of scholarly recognition. T h e y h a v e been regarded as infertile ground for
e t h n o g r a p h i c inquiry because of the disappearance of t h e traditional culture and the intransigence
15
of the communities, and no major e t h n o g r a p h i c or ethno h i s t o r i c a l study has been a t t e m p t e d a m o n g t h e s e groups. [1979: 41]
A l t h o u g h several studies of Heiltsuk h i s t o r y a n d culture h a v e been p u b l i s h e d since G r u m e t 's b i b l i o g r a p h y wa s
c o m p i l e d (Klostee 1988, Black 1997, a n d H a r k i n 1997 are d i s c u s s e d b e l o w ) , t he works of Boas, Olson, a n d Drucker c o n s t i t u t e the p r i m a r y ethnographic r e c o r d of th e
h i s t o r i c a l Heiltsuk. References to t h e H e i l t s u k c an be found in other ethnographies, such as T. F. Mcll w r a i t h ' s on the N u x a l k (1948) and Edward S. Curtis' on t he
K w a k w a k a 'w a k w (1915), but these are n o t e x t e n s i v e a n d they u n d e r s t a n d a b l y p r e s e n t the Heiltsuk as p e r i p h e r a l to the m a i n e t h n o graphic subjects of the texts. In sum, t h e H e i l t s u k r e cord is sparse compared to t h e l i t e r a t u r e on o t h e r N o r t h w e s t Coast nations such as t h e Kwakwaka'wakw, Haida, T s h i m s h i a n / G i t k s a n / N i s g a 'a, Tlingit, a nd Nuu-chah-nulth.
One of the reasons for the c o m p a r a t i v e lack of e t h n o g r a p h i c interest was, as Grumet implies, t he
W e s t e r n i z e d a p pearance of Bella Bella. In h e r s t u d y of Boas ' m ethods and his relationship w i t h h is n a t i v e
assistant, Geor g e Hunt, Judith Berman s t r e s s e s t h a t Boas "was interested in the supposedly pure a n d u n c o n t a m i n a t e d s t a t e of Nati v e A m e r i c a n cultures b e f o r e E u r o p e a n
influence" (1996: 221). Before he w e n t to W a g l i s l a with H u n t in 1923 to study the Heiltsuk language, w h i c h h e
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viewed as "the northern d i a l e c t of the K wakiutl language," Boas v i s i t e d the Bella B e l l a r e g i o n only briefly (193 0: I, X) . He w a s there in the 1880s and stopped at Bella B e l l a while w o r k i n g on the Jesup N o r t h Pacific Expedition (JNPE)
in 1897. (Boas's Heiltsuk f ield research a n d the J N P E are discussed in detail in C h apter XI, Part 2.) In the
Preface t o his Bella Bella T exts (1928), one of two
volumes of stories that he reco r d e d during his 1923 v i s i t to W a g l i s l a (the other is Bella Bella Tales [1932]), B o a s lamented t h a t "The whole c u lture of the B ella Bella h a s pr a c t i c a l l y disappeared."
L o n g i n g for the ethnographic past, and the implied prejudice a g ainst the contemporary Heil t s u k culture t h a t goes w i t h t h a t longing, we r e also elements of the
p e r spectives of later ethnographers such as Drucker a n d Olson. In a passage reminiscent of Boas, Drucker n o t e d the a p p a r e n t lack of traditional culture at Waglisla in 1936-37:
Na t i v e culture has been b adly shattered in N o r t h e r n Kwakiutl [Heiltsuk] territory, where E u r o p e a n influence, especially that of the
missionaries, has been s t r o n g for the last sixty or s e v e n t y years. [1940: 201]
Olson h a d t h e same reaction in 1935 and 1949. "The t i m e when a c o m p l e t e picture of B e l l a Bella culture could b e rec o n s t r u c t e d has long since passed," he wri t e s (1955: 319). Boas, Olson, and Drucker all assert that their
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in f o r m a t i o n about the Heiltsuk is fragmentary because of t he h i g h degree of cultural loss at W aglisla due to
e x t e n d e d European contact and t h e presence of the
missionaries. This judgement is questionable because of t h e survival of Heiltsuk cultural knowledge into the p r e s e n t day but it is clear that, for wha t e v e r reasons, w h o l e sections of Heiltsuk c ultural knowledge were not c o m m u n i c a t e d to the visiting anthropologists. The r e s u l t is a p a u c i t y of Heiltsuk texts a n d ethnographic records.
U ntil recently, anthropologists who did research at B e l l a Bella wanted to rescue r emnants of Northwest Coast cultures. They tended to ignore H eiltsuk d a i l y life and c o n c e n t r a t e on recording, in as mu c h detail as possible, w h a t th e y perceived as p r e -European cultural traits : k i n s h i p terms, traditional marriages, chiefs' names and rankings, and the order and descriptions of dances. L i f e h i s t o r i e s and origin stories, su c h as those published by Boas in Bella Bella Texts (1928) and Bella Bella Tales
(1916) w e r e categories of interest as well.* In g e neral t h e y focused on elders' m emories of earlier days,
b e l i e v i n g they were the most v a l u a b l e source of k n o w ledge a b o u t the past. (For a critique of this agenda, w h i c h is p a r t of the "salvage paradigm" in anthropology, see
C l i f f o r d 1986 and Barker 1992.)
In the Heiltsuk case, however, other archives a u g m e n t t h e sparse ethnographic documents considerably.
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Archaeological, historical, and missionary r e c o r d s are comparatively comprehensive. They are t h e p r i m a r y sources for recent studies of Heiltsuk culture and for
reappraisals of H e i l t s u k history as it r e l a t e s to outsider n a r r a t i v e s .
Archaeological w o r k in Bella Bella t e r r i t o r i e s has produced information o n Heiltsuk history a n d t h e antiquity of culture in the area. The oldest site o n t h e coast, showing over nine t h o u s a n d years of c o n t i n u o u s habitation, was found in the settl e m e n t area of the o r i g i n a l H e i l t s u k tribes. I n v e stigations led by Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y archaeologists r e v e a l e d that traits e n c o u n t e r e d in early historic times (late e i g hteenth century) a p p e a r e d as early as fifteen h u ndred to two thousand years ago.
Archaeological work continues to be e x t e n s i v e and is do n e in consultation w i t h t h e Heiltsuk Nation t h r o u g h the
agency of the H e i l t s u k Cultural Education C e n t r e (HCEC). Information about archaeological investigations in
H eiltsuk traditional territories can be f o u n d in Borden 1975, Carlson 1976, H e s t e r and Nelson ed. 1978, Hobler 1970, Hobler ed. 1982, Simonsen 1973.
The earliest w r i t t e n observations of t h e Heil t s u k appear in the records of explorers and m a r i t i m e fur
traders. Captain G e o r g e Vancouver and A l e x a n d e r M a c k e n z i e both visited H e i l t s u k territory in 1793 and m e n t i o n e d the apparently fierce H e i l t s u k in their accounts. Soon after
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V a n c o uver's a n d Mackenzie's ex p l o r a t o r y visits, t r a d i n g v e s s e l s from E u r o p e and America frequented H e i l t s u k waters. The H e i l t s u k were often p o r t r a y e d as h o s tile prota g o n i s t s in European-First N a t i o n s dialogues. The A m e r i c a n ship A t a h u a l p a was a t t a c k e d by the H e i l t s u k in M c L o u g h l i n B a y in 1805, for e x a m p l e (Walbran 1971: 153-55, see also H a r k i n 1997: 2).
T he H e i l t s u k are mentioned in records from Fort
McLoughlin, in p a rticular the journals of H B C fur traders J o h n Work (1945) and Dr. W i l l i a m Fraser T o l m i e (1963). T h e names t h a t the traders us e d to describe p e o p l e and places, and t h e different interests of t h o s e times, make t h e s e records frustratingly u n s p e c i f i c for late twentieth- c e n t u r y researchers. Nonetheless, they o f f e r insight into a s p ects of e a r l y n i n e t e e nth-century Heil t s u k society.
T o l m i e 's journal is perhaps the best of t hese sources. T o l m i e lived a t McLoughlin Bay in 1833 and in 1834-36, d u r i n g which t i m e he noted the comings and goings at the fort and d e t a i l s about Heiltsuk people, concerns, and ceremonies. H e w r o t e about the status and relationships of the h e r e d i t a r y chiefs "Kyeet," "Boston," "Wasash," "Oyallah," "Umcheet," and o t h e r s . H e documented, if
f y i / /
s om e w h a t obliquely, the existence of the h a m a c a (tanis) r i t u a l in t h e e arly nineteenth c e n t u r y w h e n h e recorded d r e s s i n g arm w o u n d s for some of t h e Heiltsuk. The wounds, h e said, r e s u l t e d from "the bite of the chief," and we
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k n o w from later ethnographic accounts t h a t p a r t of the h am a c a ceremony involves the apparent b i t i n g of m e m bers of t h e audience b y the initiate who is p o s s e s s e d b y the
Cannibal sp i r i t and acts as if he is h u n g r y for human flesh. A m o r e complete documentation of H e i l t s u k
ceremonialism is Tolmie's description of a dance and feast at the 'Qvuqvayaitxv village at " K y e e t 's Cove" ('Qvuqvai?) on November 27, 1834. A box full of m a s k s behind the
d ance screen in the bighouse, the last-minute p a i n t i n g of m asks to be u s e d in the ceremonies, the a p p l i c a t i o n of
face paint b y the participants, the costumes, the dances, and the feast are all described in informative d e t a i l . ’^ Tolmie's journal is the pinnacle of the tra d e r narratives. His descriptions of Heiltsuk ritual w e r e in m a n y ways
n ever equalled (Tolmie 1963: 259, 264, 268, 271-272, 276, 292) .
The e x t e nsive and detailed missionary literature is t he next m a j o r narrative about the Heiltsuk. M o s t
M ethodist miss i o n a r i e s kept records of t h e i r travels, plans, successes, and (less often) of t h e i r failures, and w r o t e frequently to church personnel and church
publications such as the Missionarv B u l l e t i n and the
Missionary O u t l o o k wi t h chatty news and appeals for funds. T here are no descriptions of traditional dances or feasts in m i ssionary records because the p o t l a t c h and d a n cing had be e n outlawed by the Canadian government in 1885 and the
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missionaries attempted to enforce the ban. Instead, t h e y offer e x t e nsive accounts of daily life, economics, a n d community concerns that reveal both cultural survival a n d the g r e a t changes that took place at Bella Bella a f t e r t h e mission w a s established in 1880.^^ Unlike the
anthropologists, the missionaries were interested in documenting individual and social 'progress.' This promotion of change, the concern with individual
salvation, and the fact that some missionaries lived a t Bella B e l l a over extended periods and had close
relationships with Heiltsuk people produced a record t h a t is full of personalized details and has a historical
perspective that is missing from ethnographic accounts An example of the contrasting points of vi e w and contents of ethnographic and missionary records is t h e d ocumentation concerning Chief Robert Bell (185919 04) -Bell was t h e head chief at Waglisla after about 1900.
Probably h e was from the 'Qvuqvayaitxv village of K o k y e t
/■ /
('Qaba) o n Yeo Island and m o v e d into Bella Bella a fter a fire d e s t r o y e d 'Qaba in 1891. Sometime between 1897 a n d 1901, Bel l succeeded Boston Humpsit (Humchitt) as h e a d chief at Bella Bella. The only reference to Bell's p l a c e in Bella Bella society in t h e ethnographic literature i_s Olson's comment in his Bella Bella field notes that C h i e f Bell p e r f o r m e d as the sleep-causing (Klya'LkyaLamas)
2 2
(1935, 1949: 34). T h e missionary record g i v e s a di f f e r e n t p i c t u r e of Bell's role. Dr. R. W. Large's r e p o r t about a n o t i c e t h a t was "printed in large type o n a s h e e t of
c o t t o n and posted on t he m a i n street w h e n t h e h e a d chief an d b a n d president w a s to be married" is an example. Lar g e carefully c o pied the notice for The M i s s i o n a r v B u l l e t i n :
Th e officer of th e B.B.C.B. will give a r e a l good time w h e n Christmas Day will Held, a nd hi s band boys will also t r y give a splendid time, a n d no w I w i s h y o u all. Ladies and Gentlemens of B.B. to get r e a d y w h e n the t i m e will held, any p e r s o n n o t feel well I wish they try to make t h emselves b e t t e r now. No old fashioned doing will be g i v e n I hope e v e r y t h i n g will b e ready when time come.
- - F r o m the Officer of the B.B. Cornet Band. R o b e r t Bell. [Large 1905: 113]
As far as Large could tell, the event was, as promised, "free f r o m all old c u s t o m s . Bell had an i m p o rtant
p o s i t i o n in traditional Heil t s u k society a n d w e k n o w from Ol s o n ' s reference that he took part in t r a d i t i o n a l dances. We can see from Large ' s description of t he w e d d i n g day cel e b r a t i o n s that Bell's situation was in fact m u c h m o r e complex. As the text of his notice indicates, Bell's h i g h r a n k and involvement in traditional life d i d n o t p revent h i m from supporting c ertain changes. From t he m i s s i o n a r y r e c o r d w e also know that Bell was t he owner of Robert Bell a nd Co. general store and was a carver of objects. The a c c e s s i o n list of Large's collection at the R O M assigns t h r e e objects to him: two small crud e l y - m a d e boxes of the
