University of Groningen
The socioecology of social class
Manstead, Antony S. R.; Easterbrook, Matthew J.; Kuppens, Toon
Published in:Current Opinion in Psychology DOI:
10.1016/j.copsyc.2019.06.037
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Manstead, A. S. R., Easterbrook, M. J., & Kuppens, T. (2020). The socioecology of social class. Current Opinion in Psychology, 32, 95-99. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2019.06.037
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The
socioecology
of
social
class
Antony
SR
Manstead
1,
Matthew
J
Easterbrook
2and
Toon
Kuppens
3Despitetheincreasingattentionpaidbypsychologiststosocial class,weargueherethatinsufficientattentionhasbeenpaidto theways,inwhichsocio-ecologicalfactorsshapebothwhich dimensionsofsocialclassareusedbyindividualstocompare themselveswithothers,andtheoutcomesofthese
comparisons.Weillustrateourargumentbyreviewingrecent researchonthewaysinwhichdifferentfacetsof
socioeconomicstatusshapesocialandpoliticalattitudes,and onthewaysinwhichinequalitiesineducationaloutcomesstem fromcomparisonsmadeinspecificsocialcontexts.We concludethatbystudyingthepsychologicalimpactofsocial classdifferencesthroughthelensofasocio-ecological approach,itbecomesmoreevidentthatthisimpactvariesasa functionofboththedimensionofsocialclassinvolved,and localsocialecologies.
Addresses
1CardiffUniversity,UK 2UniversityofSussex,UK
3UniversityofGroningen,Netherlands Correspondingauthor:
Manstead,AntonySR(MansteadA@Cardiff.ac.uk)
CurrentOpinioninPsychology2020,32:95–99
ThisreviewcomesfromathemedissueonSocio-ecological psychology
EditedbyAyseKUskulandShigehiroOishi
ForacompleteoverviewseetheIssueandtheEditorial
Availableonline15thJuly2019
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2019.06.037
2352-250X/ã2019ElsevierLtd.Allrightsreserved.
Introduction
Thepastdecadehaswitnessedanupsurgein psychologi-calresearchonsocialclass,atopicclassicallyregardedas more appropriatefor sociologistsand politicalscientists. Onereasonforthehistoricallackofinterestinsocialclass onthepartofpsychologistswasthedifficultyindefining andoperationalizingsocialclass.Toovercome this, psy-chologists havedefinedclassintermsofsocio-economic status(SES),usuallyoperationalizedasacombinationof incomeandeducational attainment.
There is a wealth of evidence that SES differences influence psychological processes and real-world out-comes (for recent reviews, see Refs. [1,2,3]). Our aim
hereistoviewthepsychologyofsocialclassthroughthe lensof asocio-ecological approach [4].Most social psy-chologicalresearchonsocialclassexaminesinequalityin general,ratherthantakingaccountofthesocialecologyof class differences.Wearguethatthereisagoodcasefor focusingmorespecificallyonwhatkindsofinequality(e.g. power,status,education,income,wealth)matterinwhich kindsofsocialcontext(e.g.local,regional, national). Ourapproachisinformedbysocialcomparisontheory, theconceptofrelativedeprivation,andsocialidentity theory. Social comparison theory [5] argues that humans are motivatedto evaluate themselves and do this by comparing themselves with others. However, people do not compare themselves with others in general;rather,theyprefertocomparethemselveswith similar others. One type of similarity is local (versus distant). Local information is more highly weighted thandistantinformationinmakingself-evaluations[6]. Thisaccountsfor seeminglycounterintuitiveresearch findings implying that students who achieve high gradescanhaveloweracademicself-esteemthanthose who achieve lower grades, if they are surrounded by high achievers [7,8].
The importance of local comparisons is also clear in relative deprivation theory. To account for apparent anomaliesinhisfindingsinTheAmericanSoldier,Stouffer etal.[9]usedtheconceptofrelativedeprivation,arguing thatBlacksoldiersinthesouthernarmycampscompared themselves with their southern civilian counterparts ratherthantheirnorthernsoldiercounterparts.Asaresult, thoseinsoutherncampsdidnotfeeldeprived,despitethe objectively better circumstances experienced by their northernarmycounterparts,becausetheywerestillbetter off thantheirsouthernciviliancounterparts.
Afinal strandof theorizingthatinformsourapproach is social identity theory(SIT; [10]) and its closerelative, self-categorization theory (SCT [11]). Here, too, social comparisonsplayakeyrole:ThecoreargumentinSITis thatpeoplearemotivatedtoachieveormaintaina posi-tivesocialidentityandthatthispositiveidentityderives largely from favorable comparisons that can be made betweentheingroupandrelevantoutgroups.SCThelps to explainwhich comparisons willbe made:Peopleare likelytocategorizethemselvesandothersintogroupson the basis of perceived similarities and differences, the importantpointbeingthathowthesecategorizationsare madewillbeshapedbythecomparativecontext.These categorizations,inturn,feedintogroupmembers’ experi-ences, ambitions,motivations,andlifetrajectories.
Wenow turn to ourmainargument. Given thatpeople have multiple identities, they can compare themselves withothers onseveral dimensions.Aswe shall see,the importanceandvalenceofanygivencomparison dimen-sionvarysystematicallyasafunctionofthecomparative context. Depending on socio-ecological features of the context,comparisonsmaybemadebasedonclassrather thanethnicity,orondifferentfacetsofsocialclass—such as education rather than income — which alter the salience,meaning,andvalueofdifferentsocialidentities. Socio-ecologicalfeaturesofthecontextalsoinfluencethe outcomesofcomparisons,suchthat,forexample, differ-encesineducationaloutcomesaffectattitudesdifferently insocietieswherethereisarelativelyhighproportionof personswhohavebeen highlyeducated.
Belowwefocusprimarilyonthedimensionofeducation. Therearethreemainreasonsfor doingso.First, educa-tionhasbecomeakeypredictoroflifechances(e.g.[12]), makingsocialinequalitiesineducationaloutcomes espe-cially important. Second, education is highly valued in societiesandoftenperceivedtobeacountervailingforce against class-based inequalities, yet evidence demon-stratesthateducationalinstitutionschannelandreinforce inequalities[3,13–17].Third,differencesineducationare fueling contemporary political rifts. Low educational attainmentisthekeypredictorofprejudice[18],interest andtrustinpolitics[19–21],radical-rightvoting[22],and supportforTrump[23]andBrexit[24].Althoughincome alsoplaysarole(e.g. [25])in predictingsuchoutcomes, when income and education are jointly investigated in representative samples, education is the only reliable predictor(e.g. [26]).
Given these key roles of education, it is important to understandwhichfeaturesofthesocio-ecologicalcontext strengthentheassociationsbetweeneducationandsocial and political attitudes, and shape social inequalities in educationaloutcomes. Wenow discussthesein turn.
Social
class
as
a
predictor
of
social
and
political
attitudes
Analysis of political attitudesover timeshows that dis-tinguishingbetweendifferentdimensionsofclasscanbe important.Thus,theclassicleft–rightpoliticaldimension is associated with income, such that those with lower incomesare more infavorof redistributionand govern-ment intervention than are those with higher incomes. However,since the1990sanewpoliticaldimensionhas takencenterstage,andthisisassociatedwitheducation rather than income (e.g. [27]): Lowereducated people tendtosupportnationalistandanti-immigrationparties, whereashighereducatedpeopletendto supportparties that emphasize ethnic tolerance and protection of the environment[18,22].Whyarethesetwopolitical dimen-sions related to different aspects of social class? Asyet thereisnodefinitiveanswertothisquestion,butweargue
that changes in the socio-ecological context must have occurredinorderforeducationtobecomemorecentralto thissecondattitudinaldimension,andthatthispossibility wouldbeoverlookedbytreatingclassasaunidimensional construct.
Therelativerolesofeducationversusincomedependnot onlyonthenatureoftheoutcomevariablebutalsoonthe societal context. Income and education independently predictsubjectivesocialstatus:Highereducatedpeople andthosewith higherincomesplace themselveshigher on the social ladder. However, the relation between education andsubjective socialstatusis more indepen-dentoftherelationwithincomeincountrieswithalarger proportion of higher educated people [28]. Similarly, educationhasastronger(negative)relationwithfeelings of exclusion from society and trust in institutions in countries with a larger proportion of higher educated [29]. A potential explanation for these findings is that peoplearemorelikelytouseeducationasadimensionof comparison in societies where education has greater institutional importance [30]. Although the US (where muchof the published socialpsychological research on social class has been conducted) has a relatively large proportionof highlyeducatedpeople,ithasarelatively weak education-status relation and this relation is con-founded with other demographic variables, such as income. The US therefore seems to be atypical, and generalizationsfromUSresearchonsocialclasstoother countriesshouldbemadewithcaution.
In(European)societieswithalargerproportionofhigher educated people, there is also a stronger association between education and satisfaction with society, com-pared to societies with a lower proportion of higher educatedpeople[31].Satisfactionwithsocietyisstrongly relatedtopositiveattitudestowardminoritiesand immi-grants and negatively related to radical-right voting [32,33]. In accordance with these findings, we suggest thatincountrieswhereeducationhasbecomeadominant institution,lowereducatedpeoplearemorelikelytobe dissatisfied and to react with political extremism. Althoughmoreevidenceisneededtoconfirmthis, focus-ingon socioeconomic status in general wouldnot have generatedthisidea.
The effects of income also depend on the societal context. For example, one’s income relative to one’s neighborsismorestronglyrelatedtolife satisfactionin US counties with higher rather than lower inequality [34]. Similarly, at the country level, income is more strongly relatedtosubjective socialclass(whether one identifieswithupper,middle,orworkingclass)inmore unequal countries [35]. Thus, whether education or income are used as comparison dimensions, and the consequences of these comparisons, varies according to socialecology.
Inequalities
in
education
The outcomes of comparisons that are made in more specificcontexts—suchaseducationalinstitutions—are also likely to be fueled by the local socioecology. As argued below, socio-ecological features of educational institutions are likely to fuel educational inequalities by altering the focus and meaning of comparisons. In the US, for example, the socio-ecological context pro-motes comparisons between ethnic groups, whereas in theUK,thecontextpromotescomparisonsbetweenthose who comefromdifferentsocialclasses.
Class-based educationalinequalitiesareprominentinthe UK,andmoresothaninequalitiesbetweenthemajorethnic groups.Studentsfromworkingclassorpoorbackgroundsin theUKfeelthattheyarenotvaluedineducation;thattheir backgroundisincompatiblewitheducationalsuccessand progressingtohighereducation[36–38];andperformpoorly because offearsofconfirmingnegativestereotypesabout their group’s academic performance [39] (see also Refs. [40,41,42]).Thesefactorsarenegativelyassociatedwith motivation,achievement,andwellbeing,andhelptoexplain class-basededucationalinequalities.
Wearguethatthesefeelingsandperceptionsresultfromthe comparisonsthataremadewithinparticularsocialecologies. Consider the following: Lower class students are grossly underrepresented in high status educational institutions. Forexample,despitemorethan50%oftheBritish popula-tionidentifyingasworkingclass[43],only10%ofOxfordor Cambridgegraduatesidentifyasworkingclass[44],andonly 6%ofmedicaldoctorssaytheyarefromworking-class back-grounds[45].Hence,therearefewexamplesoflower-class studentswhohavereapedbenefitsfromeducation.Thislack ofrolemodelsfuelsperceptionsthateducationalsuccessis notsomethingworthpursuingandmayencourage disiden-tification from education. Itistherefore unsurprising that economicallydisadvantagedEnglishschoolpupilsperform worsethantheirpeersthroughouteducation[46].
Wearguethattheabsenceofworking-classrolemodels,the underrepresentation of group members in high status domains,andthegroup’shistoricalunderperformancefeed intothemeaningofthatgroup’ssocialidentitywithinthat domain,ignitingasenseofthreatandmisfitamong lower-class students. It also often leads to members of other groupsbecomingbiasedtowardtheminways thatmake itdifficultforthemtocounterthesenegativeexpectations [14,15,47].Indeed,increasingthesalienceofrolemodels withinthelocalcontext—particularlythosewithwhom underperforminggroupmemberscanidentify—leadsto positive outcomes for Latino students studying STEM subjectsin theUS[48].Wearguethatsimilarprocesses arelikelytooperateforsocialclassgroupsintheUK[36]. Direct evidence for the role of socio-ecological factors comes from research on interventions that have been
found toreduceeducationalinequalities.Thereis com-pelling evidence that self-affirmation interventions — briefwritingexercisesencouragingparticipantstoreflect on theirimportant lifevalues —improve theacademic performance of negatively stereotyped students within education. For example,in US schools, self-affirmation has been shown to reduce the ethnic achievementgap [49–51],arguablybecauseitreducesthenegativeeffects of stereotypethreat.However,theeffectivenessof self-affirmation variesdepending onthe local context. Self-affirmationismorebeneficialforethnicminoritystudents who areinasmallernumerical minorityandhavelower historical performance [52]. This suggests that the meaning ofsocial identitiesandthe associatedsenseof stereotypethreatvariesaccordingtothesocio-ecological context. Extendingthis to socialclass variationin Eng-land — where inequalities between ethnic groups are smallrelativetothosebetweensocialclasses—research hasfoundthatalthoughself-affirmationdoesnotimprove the performance of ethnic minority students, it does enhance the performance of school pupils eligible for free school meals (a proxy for economic disadvantage) [39].This,weargue,reflectsthedifferentmeaningsof ethnic and social class identities within these different socio-ecological contexts.
Conclusions
Studying thepsychological impact of social class differ-ences through the lens of a socio-ecological approach revealsthat effectsvary as afunction of (a) thespecific dimensionofsocialclass(i.e.educationversus income),and (b)contextualfactors (i.e.proportionof highereducated peopleorlevelofeconomicinequalityinagivensetting). Thisenhancesourunderstandingofsocialclasseffectsand generates new research questions, including ones that couldbestudiedusingexperiments, whicharearguably wellsuitedtostudyingthemoderatingeffectsofcontext thatwehavefocusedonhere,manyofwhichhavebeen identifiedinhigh-qualitydataderivedfromrepresentative probabilitysamples.Thislendsconfidencethattheissues areonesthataresocietallyrelevant(seeRef.[4]).
Conflict
of
interest
statement
Nothingdeclared.
Acknowledgement
ThewritingofthispaperwasfacilitatedbygrantES/K003534/1fromthe EconomicandSocialResearchCouncil,UK.
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