Generating transformation
An Exploration of Arts-based Peacebuilding in Suchitoto,
El Salvador
(Photo credit: Esartes)
Marina Liébana Vigara 12260355
International Development Studies University of Amsterdam
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Table of Contents
Abstract _____________________________________________________________ 3
Acknowledgements ____________________________________________________ 4
List of Photos, Figures, and Tables ________________________________________ 5
1. Introduction ___________________________________________________________ 61.1 Escalation of Violence, El Salvador ________________________________________________ 8 1.2 Alternatives to violence? _______________________________________________________ 9 1.3 Suchitoto ___________________________________________________________________ 11 1.4 Theatre in Suchitoto __________________________________________________________ 12 1.5 Research Aim _______________________________________________________________ 13 1.6 Research Question & Sub-questions _____________________________________________ 14
2. Methodology _________________________________________________________ 14
2.1 Research Location ____________________________________________________________ 15 2.2 Research Methods ___________________________________________________________ 15 2.2.1 Interviews ______________________________________________________________ 15 2.2.2 Focus Groups: storytelling __________________________________________________ 16 2.2.3 Participant Observation____________________________________________________ 17 2.3 Challenges __________________________________________________________________ 18 2.4 Ethical Considerations ________________________________________________________ 19
3. Theoretical Framework _________________________________________________ 21
3.1 Post-conflict peacebuilding theory: Conflict Transformation _______________________ 21 3.2 Social Transformation _________________________________________________________ 22 3.3 Spatial Transformation ________________________________________________________ 23 3.4 Morality & Hegemony_________________________________________________________ 24 3.5 Theatre to transform spaces & individuals: ________________________________________ 25 3.6 Conceptual Scheme & Conclusion _______________________________________________ 26
4. Social transformation: personal choice or moral obligation? ___________________ 28
4.1 Perceptions’ of individual change ________________________________________________ 29 4.1.1 Adolescents doing theatre _________________________________________________ 29 4.1.2 Theatre Facilitators _______________________________________________________ 31 4.1.3 Family members _________________________________________________________ 32 4.2 Collective transformation ______________________________________________________ 33 4.3 Morality: becoming a ‘persona de bien’ (good person) _______________________________ 34 4.4 Right & Wrong ______________________________________________________________ 35 4.5 Conclusion__________________________________________________________________ 36
5. Spatial transformation: source of conflict or opportunity for lasting transformation? 38
5.1 Space: Physical & Symbolic _____________________________________________________ 40 5.1.1 The physical space ________________________________________________________ 40 5.1.2 The symbolic space _______________________________________________________ 44 5.2 Convivencia vs elimination _____________________________________________________ 44 5.3 Theatre & Spatial Transformation _______________________________________________ 46 5.4 Conclusion__________________________________________________________________ 49
6. Conclusion ___________________________________________________________ 51
6.1 Theoretical & Practical Contributions _____________________________________________ 53 6.2 Recommendations ___________________________________________________________ 54
7. References ___________________________________________________________ 56
Appendices: _________________________________________________________ 62
A: List of respondents ____________________________________________________________ 62 B: Focus Groups (list of participants) ________________________________________________ 64 C: Informative Sheet _____________________________________________________________ 65 D: Consent Forms _______________________________________________________________ 66 E: Table (including emic terms)_____________________________________________________ 68
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Abstract
Violence has disrupted the functioning of Salvadoran’s everyday life and becoming part of their reality. Despite being considered at peace, El Salvador suffers from a profound protracted social conflict, transforming social relationships and naturalizing violence. To tackle this, local organizations seek to provide the local population with alternatives aimed at preventing violence and engaging the community. This is the case of Esartes in Suchitoto (El Salvador), an organization that uses community-theatre to prevent violence, promoting social transformation and convivencia (cohabitation) instead. While much research has been done on violence and youth in the region, there appears to be little research on an arts-based approaches to adolescents not-engaging in violence. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to create an understanding of how arts-based initiatives (theatre) for violence prevention carried out for and within the community in Suchitoto might generate both social and spatial transformation. To do so, this qualitative study made use of in-depth interviews, focus groups using storytelling, and participant observation methods.
Overall, the findings of this thesis indicate that theatre contributes to social transformation by providing individuals and collectives with the tools and the opportunity to socialize in a more constructive and creative way by enhancing social relationships. Theatre applied for transformation increases “conscietization” (awareness), it also enhances ‘convivencia’ (cohabitation). Simultaneously, theatre has the capacity to create safe spaces, while addressing the lack of public spaces with the opening of spaces for recreation. Indeed, by generating spaces theatre initiatives pave the way for further social transformation, leading the people that frequent theatre to become socially perceived as ‘personas de bien’ (good people). Despite these seemingly positive contributions of theatre for social and spatial transformation, this study nonetheless adds critical notes to the social impact of these transformations and the rationale of strategies adopted by institutions at a national level, which inadvertently reinforce moral divisions and social inequality.
Key words: conflict transformation, social and spatial transformation, morality, hegemony, theatre, violence, El Salvador.
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Acknowledgements
There are many people to which I would like to extend my gratitude as it was for those individuals my research could not have taken place. First and foremost, I would like to thank Estela and all the people working at Esartes for warmly welcoming me into their lives. Every single of them have inspired me far beyond my research and opened up many new personal perspectives on life. I truly admire their dedication in the community work they are doing, seeking to transform their reality into a more constructive one for younger generations. Secondly, I would like to thank Sister Peggy from Centro Arte para la Paz, for making my stay in Suchitoto possible. I am very grateful to her and the rest of the team for their continual support throughout the entire fieldwork period. Besides I would like to thank the adolescents from the theatre group and their families, who have trusted me with their deeper feelings, concerns and beliefs. If it was not for their enthusiasm and their support, my research could not have taken place.
Furthermore, I would like to thank my supervisor Julienne Weegels for her time in supporting and encouraging me during the whole research process; from the discussions before arrival in the field to her patience in going through the written pieces of this thesis, always providing me with such valuable feedback and suggestions. I am more than grateful to her, and honoured to be one of her first supervisees in her academic career.
Last, I would like to thank my parents for their unconditional support and the strength they transmitted to me throughout my fieldwork. Despite not being very sure about my decision to come to El Salvador, they have encouraged and trusted on me since day one. The outcome of this research process would have not been the same without them.
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List of Photos, Figures, and Tables
Photo 1: Centro Arte para la Paz_________________________________________________13 Photo 2: Esartes______________________________________________________________13 Photo 3: Suchitoto____________________________________________________________15 Photo 4: Problem Tree exercise (Focus Group 1) ____________________________________16 Photo 5: Storytelling Exercise (Focus Group 2) ______________________________________17 Photo 6: Street in Suchitoto (street) ______________________________________________41 Photo 7: Rehearsal in Esartes ___________________________________________________47 Photo 8: Main square in Suchitoto (e.g touristic recreational space) ____________________________48
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework_________________________________________________27 Table 1: Participants’ portrayals of violence________________________________________43
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1. Introduction
Unnecessary is to fight over right and wrong. No need to discuss good or bad! Imperfections are worldly phenomena. Learn the way, seek the truth, you surely avoid impermanence.
Dogen (Buddhist proverb) “Many countries currently considered at peace experience high levels of armed violence and insecurity” (Applebaum & Mawby 2018: 1). El Salvador, “geographically the smallest and most densely populated country in Latin America, is considered to be one of the most violent countries in the region” (Chavez 2007:1). Nearly two decades after the devastating civil war suffered in the country, the post-war era is far from being peaceful (Farber 2016). Since the signature of the peace agreements in 1992, El Salvador has experienced a significant increase in crime and violence accompanied by reinforced social exclusion, poverty and inequality followed by the increasing presence of gangs in the country’s territories (International Crisis Group 2017; Moodie 2011). Indeed, in 2015 El Salvador became the deadliest peacetime country in the world, registering homicide rates of 116 casualties per 100,000 inhabitants (Planas 2017). Even though these were substantially reduced during the following years, violence has disrupted the functioning of Salvadoran’s everyday life and becoming part of their reality; normalized and accepted up to the point of being justified and legitimized if used for what is socially constructed as a “good cause” (Hume 2008).
The disruption of daily life caused by widespread violence has been recognized to be similar to experiences of war, leading to “limited freedom of movement, high numbers of civilian casualties and high levels of migration” (Applebaum & Mawby 2018: 1). Consequently, broadening the discussion around violence, would provide new opportunities for engagement in transforming those realities where violence is so structurally embedded. Following this impetus, this thesis will focus on conflict transformation theory, understanding the situation of violence in El Salvador as a protracted social conflict, looking at how the adoption of arts-based initiatives might transform both social and spatial dimensions in the specific context of Suchitoto, El Salvador (Lederach 1995; Ramsbotham 2005). Despite that I was originally focused on the notion of “culture of peace”, which was a state programme oriented towards achieving changes in attitudes and behaviours while enhancing citizen participation (Ministry of Education 1993); I realized once in the field little action was taking place to reach such a “culture”. Instead, violence prevention and transformation efforts appeared to be oriented towards reaching “convivencia” (cohabitation) through the transformation of people and spaces. Hence, this thesis adopts a double focus, looking at both the social and the spatial dimensions of conflict, to understand how peaceful “convivencia” (cohabitation) is enacted, experienced, and realized in Suchitoto.
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Embedded within a complex context in which not much support is given to artistic initiatives, neither to the use of creative methodologies to address violence, Esartes, the organization I conducted research with set up a strategy for transforming this reality. Different to other parts of the region, Suchitoto is home to multiple organizations using art to transform violence and enhance social cohesion and reconciliation. Experiences from other parts of the world gave evidence of the power of theatre, in transforming conflict realities (Durston 2008). Yet despite how much violence in the region is highly researched, there appears to be little research on artistic initiatives applied in non-violent communities, especially among youth. Indeed, no references were made in the literature on the use of theatre for peacebuilding in El Salvador,
In El Salvador, however, violence continuously manifests as embedded in social and cultural norms, and is constantly reinforced by the state and the media, which contributes to the bipolar construction of “los buenos” (the good) and “los malos” (the bad) (Hume 2008: 69). A situation in which hierarchical forms of violence and hegemony, have established normal and ideal definitions of people and space (Ibid: 62). Living in such circumstances limits individuals’ capacity to see their lives as conditioned by strongly embedded moral categories that define what is ‘right’ from what is ‘wrong’, creating implicit moral divisions in society. Consequently, considering social constructions of ‘good’/ ‘bad’ and ‘right’/’wrong’, I was intrigued by how what appeared to be a social question could be turned into a moral question. Despite that conflict transformation and peacebuilding efforts seek to transform violent dynamics engaging with the local resources of the conflict setting, considering Dogen (Buddhist proverb) I would suggest that transformation goes beyond dividing the ‘good’ from the ‘bad’. It is indeed a matter of embracing difference. This way, in this thesis I look at theatre as a creative tool to transform the social and the spatial dimensions of the Salvadoran conflict, but also potentially as one that reifies the good/bad people division. The following sections of the introduction will provide some contextual insights to better understand the widespread of violence in the Salvadoran social structure, while giving evidence of the special components of the context in Suchitoto.
This thesis is structure in six main sections. Whereas this first chapter introduces the aim, the purpose, the problematic, and the contextual characteristic of the research setting, the following sections present, methodology, theoretical frameworks and empirical findings of this research. In this way, the second chapter maps out the methodological framework used to conduct this research, identifying the challenges while discussing the ethical considerations of this study. The third chapter outlines the overall theoretical approach, elaborating on the main theories and concepts underpinning my research. Subsequently, chapters four and five, present the data collected in the field and bring it into dialogue with the literature, so as to identify the main findings and points for discussion of this research. To end, the last chapter discusses the main
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findings and conclusions, while identifying the main theoretical and practical contributions of this study to the research field. Finally, I include a set of recommendations for policy development and further study.
1.1 Escalation of Violence, El Salvador
The signature of the Chapultepec peace agreement in 1992, put an end to the violent civil war suffered by thousands of people in El Salvador (Moodie 2010). The civil war was bloody and intense conflict that reinforced a prominent culture of violence and fear through the perpetration of the state of terror by the state and military forces, condemned by Mason (1999: 188) as the “most brutal wave of repression in Salvadoran history”. Despite that the peace accords were considered a success by the international community - which claimed El Salvador to be an example of innovative peace construction - the post-war transition was far from being peaceful (Farber 2016; Hume 2009). The inattention to the micro-level dynamics of violence along with the lack of resources destined for reconstruction paved the way for the coming gang crises that affected the country up to the present; reinforcing the erosion of social cohesion while normalizing violence among the Salvadoran society (Alvarenga 1996; Autesserre 2010).
The fierce and destructive character of the war, along with the situation of poverty and social exclusion, forced more than one million of Salvadorans to leave their country looking for refuge in neighbouring countries within the region (Menjivar & Cervantes 2018). As a result, many of them were organized in refugee camps in Honduras, Costa Rica and Panama, while others were able to moveto the United States and Canada (Ibid). Amid the Cold War the relations between the Salvadoran and the US governments, led to the great involvement of the latter in the civil conflict, which later had, great impact on the turbulent post-war “transition”. A period in which according to local people, no such thing took place. This is mostly why many Salvadorans looked for chancesin neighbouring countries, and the United States, where most families moved seeking to find better opportunities than back home. What followed after the war was the imposition of what authorities called “peace” while violence persisted; mostly in the form of youth or gang violence. According to Roumie (2017: 26) gangs were not a new phenomenon in El Salvador; their origins could be “tracked back to the 1950s and 1960s, as a result of urbanization and industrialization in the country but without any aims of disturbing the state structure”. Yet it would not be until the late ‘90s that the first gang crises emerged.
Meanwhile with Salvadoran migration and their setting in gang-non urban neighbourhoods two major rival gangs emerged in Los Angeles, “one of the most popular destinations for Latino immigrants at the time” (Farber 2016: 2). These youth gangs were called “Mara Salvatrucha” and “Barrio 18” known in the field as “MS” or “La 13” and “La Diechiocho”. Both groups originated as “self-defence groups to protect the territory against other ethnic youth gangs” (Ibid). Despite that many studies suggested migration as an interrelated and
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possible cause for gang proliferation, “little thought was given to US policies to have uprooted this proliferation of gangs” (Roumie 2017: 29). Indeed, when the gang crisis exploded in the United States, the government forcibly repatriated 150,000 Salvadorans, adding to nearly 400,000 Salvadorans that were willing to go back to their country, once the war was over (Farber 2016). As a result, all these youths arrived in a country they barely knew, where violence was present every day and social conflict was repressed with terror. All these elements along with the suffering of social exclusion meant that youth gangs reproduced the behavioural patterns they used to follow to survive back in the US.
As a result, using violence became part of the common sense for many young people, either as a form of political interaction or an expression of identity (Hume 2007: 742). Research, has demonstrated that gangs provide an important sense of belonging and identity for many young people, which indicated the fragmentation of Salvadoran social life in the post-war era (Ibid). In 2003, however, youth gangs became institutionalized as “common enemy of good citizens” (Ibid: 745). In order to ‘combat’ the spread of these groups around the state territories, the government adopted a set of repressive measures known as Mano Dura (Iron-Fist) through which every gang member would be imprisoned “simply for having gang-related tattoos or flashing signs” (Hume 2007: 38). Youth gangs were predominantly composed of young people (particularly, but not exclusively, young men) from low-income – usually marginalized - neighbourhoods (Hume 2007: 741). As a result, people in El Salvador started to adopt understandings of being young as “being a youth is a death sentence” or “youths are the most prejudiced in the country”, while in most cases it was poor and socially excluded youths who were the most affected by this stigmatization. While, these policies where then aimed at preventing and eliminating gang violence from the cities, they resulted in a protracted conflict situation between gangs, police forces and the government. Agreeing with Farber (2016: 1), the current situation of violence is thus “more nuanced than the straightforward clash between both gangs (MS and 18)”.
1.2 Alternatives to violence?
The use of repression to combat violence led homicide rates to reach their peak in 2015, registering 116 homicides per 100,000 citizens (Planas 2017). El Salvador became therefore the most violent peacetime country in the region. During the early 2000s, contemplating the negative views towards the repressive measures adopted by the state, which were highly criticized by the international community, the government decided to adopt more friendly measures to combat gang violence “Mano Extendida” (Extended Hand Policy) (Jütersonke et.al., 2007). Yet the promotion of particular understandings of violence had important implications on the way citizens understand the world around them (Hume 2009: 62). Bourdieu’s (2001) notion of “symbolic violence” allows us to understand how violence is internalized and replicated by both the elite and subaltern groups in Salvadoran society. To deescalate this, the government designed a set of
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joint efforts between ministries to tackle the wave of violence and insecurity, seeking to promote better “convivencia” (cohabitation) among Salvadorans. For instance, the government designed the national plan “El Salvador Seguro”, launched in 2014, aimed at collaborating with different state bodies to design strategies through which justice, citizen security and “conviviencia” (cohabitation) could be enhanced (Consejo Nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana y Convivencia, 2014). From that moment on, efforts from the governmental institutions adopted a broader approach integrating the work of different state bodies towards improving security and stability in the country. Consequently, though not fully due to this change of policy, the levels of violence experienced a decrease in the following years, registering rates of 63 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2017 (Applebaum & Mawby 2018). Still the focus on the predominant role of violence left aside other structural issues that hindered the country’s human development. This is the case of poverty, lack of education, unemployment, or corruption, which are a constant challenge for most Salvadorans everyday life (Huhn 2008).
At the same time, the signature of the peace agreements gave birth to the Culture of the Peace Programme (UNESCO 1995), launched under the umbrella of the UNESCO. This state project sought to introduce an innovative peacebuilding model focused on shifts in attitudes and behaviours through promoting citizenship participation and inclusiveness, increasing the emphasis on conflict management and transformation (Lacayo et.al., n.d). It was through the idea of “cultura de paz” (culture of peace) that art was brought to the table, being introduced as part of the strategy of not only enhancing social cohesion but also preventing violence. Unfortunately, the increase of violence during the aftermath of the conflict made it difficult for this programme to succeed. As a result, the state shifted the approach from peacebuilding to more of a violence transformation strategy, seeking to promote “convivencia” (cohabitation) between peoples and spaces within the different territories in El Salvador. The culture of peace narrative still appears as part of some initiatives launched by the ministry of education, however, and is indeed a key element that can be found in Suchitoto’s grassroots initiatives. Yet there is still a lack of consensus of what culture of peace means for the local population. Seeking to figure this out, the strong presence of artistic initiatives for community transformation led me to focus my research on Suchitoto.
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1.3 Suchitoto
Suchitoto’s history is marked by two major events: on the one hand the creation of the lake Suchitlan after the construction of a hydroelectric dam in 1975, which led to the loss of fertile lands, and communications with other state departments; and on the other hand, the impact that the civil war had on its territory, which led Suchitoto to becoming a ghost city (Planas 2017 & Gaceta de Suchitoto 2017). The outbreak of the conflict was a turning point for the development of the city and its communities. Because Suchitoto and its rural areas were a settlement of the guerrilla, strong state repression led to bloody massacres – like the “Masacre de Tenango y Guadalupe”- persecutions, disappearances and forced migration (Gaceta de Suchitoto 2017). Numerous families were forced to leave their houses ending up in refugee camps in Cabañas and the border areas of Honduras. As the end of the war got closer, the same families that emigrated during the conflict, were the people that later repopulated Suchitoto shaping its new territorial structure through the creation of its 77 communities (Alcaldía Municipal Suchitoto, n.d.)1. These settlements are characterized by their strong organizational capacity and their legacy from the guerrilla. They provided for most ex-combatants a collective through which the healing and reintegration transition process could be lived, enjoying quite a degree of autonomy with regard to the metropolitan area.
Years after the long reconstruction process, however, Suchitoto was no exception to the gang crisis. During the post-war period, Suchitoto witnessed the arrival and spread of gangs around its territories, being most predominant in the metropolitan area and the communities closer to the centre. Even though there is no clear evidence of this, it is widely accepted by the population in Suchitoto that gangs did not spread throughout the more rural communities due to their organization and guerrilla legacy. According to my participants, no gang would develop among the communities due to the presence of ex-guerrilla members, who had the armed experience of the war. Indeed, some of my participants even held that “death squads” were organized by members of the community against the gangs to keep the community ‘calm and safe’, threatening any individual that adopted a suspicious (anti-social) behaviour. This behaviour was identified by some participants as attitudes or behaviour similar to those of gang members.
Even though gang violence in Suchitoto is now quite low in comparison to other areas of the country, it suffered very high levels of gang violence during the period of 2013-2015 (PNC)2. Throughout my testimonies (especially those from theatre facilitators, but not exclusively), participants would express the fear they experienced while walking through the streets, five years ago, fearing somebody would rob them or threaten them. Despite the lower levels of gang violence during the past few years, registering a variation of -23% of cases with regard to the previous
1 Alcaldía de Suchitoto (n.d.) http://www.suchitoto-el-salvador.com/municipio.htm
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years (with 42 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants) this does not at all mean violence is completely absent in the region (DIEP-COPSDG)3. Indeed, statistics provided by the Police National Office in Suchitoto, revealed numerous cases of intra-familiar violence (51 cases reported) as well as 15 cases of rape during the past year. Violence against women appears to be one of the main issues in Suchitoto, especially throughout the communities, where according to my participants, happens very often. However, because of Suchitoto’s touristic attraction the municipality introduced last year “Politur”, a new initiative aimed at ensuring security for tourists within Suchitoto (“POLITUR ya está en Suchitoto”, 2018). Besides police actions to minimize gang violence, the strong presence of grassroots organizations and most importantly art and theatre, made Suchitoto a unique setting for studying “post”-violence social and spatial transformation.
1.4 Theatre in Suchitoto
Suchitoto is widely known as the “cultural capital” of El Salvador. Its well-known artistic character dates back to the 90s when Alejandro Cotto, a cineaste originally from Suchitoto, introduced the permanent theatre festival aimed at presenting art to the people in the town. Since then, Suchitoto has witnessed the arrival of different artists and numerous personalities that sought to renovate the town, turning it into a cultural centre for the whole country. Yet considering the situation of poverty and inequality suffered throughout the region, art appeared to be the least of the population’s concern in Suchitoto; although it somehow contributed to opening up people’s minds in the town it was mostly perceived as a luxury and generally something inaccessible to the local population.
The impact of the war in Suchitoto’s infrastructure but also on its people, made clear the need for newly renovated initiatives that would bring life back to Suchitoto. This was the case of Centro Arte para la Paz, which on the one hand, adopted music as their strategy to promote healing and reconciliation, while promoting the creation of a culture of peace on the other. The centre provided people from Suchitoto and the communities, with a safe space where they could explore through the music. It was created as a space where people could heal their traumas from the war, but also as a civic centre for community gatherings. I would say this was the first phase of peacebuilding in Suchitoto, with the help of the international cooperation, local organizations emerged adopting art as a vehicle for transformation and for reaching a culture of peace within the community.
3 Data base elaborated by the Police Information and Statistics Department (DIEP-COPSDG) (SIGMuni,
December 2018): retrieved May 29 2019
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)
Photo 1: Centro Arte para la Paz (source: Joe Baur)
Following this, Esartes was founded in 2010 providing people from Suchitoto and the communities with an artistic opportunity to learn and develop professionally through theatre production. Both theatre and music started to develop in Suchitoto as strong strategies through which the community could be transformed. In spite of this, however, the actual contributions of these arts-based violence prevention initiatives have not yet been researched.
Photo 2: Esartes (Source: author)
1.5 Research Aim
This study and its objectives is to research the aim, process, outcomes, and the impact(s) of theatre for violence prevention, driven by the community, on the social and spatial transformation of the specific context of Suchitoto as facilitated by Esartes from an approach on ‘convivencia’ (cohabitation). As theatre’s transformational potential and its local impact in ‘non-violent’ communities’ views are often left unresearched, this research made use of qualitative research methods to better understand their experiences and perspectives after being involved with theatre. To do so, the chosen methodology was of in-depth interviews, focus groups using storytelling and participant observation, seeking to answer the following research question.
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1.6 Research Question & Sub-questions
How do arts-based initiatives for violence/conflict transformation generate both social and spatial transformation?
The central question will be divided into the following sub-questions:
1) What implications do arts-based initiatives have in the community’s social transformation?
2) How do people perceive spaces? And how do they perceive arts-based initiatives in spatial transformation?
3) What role do perceptions of morality and immorality play in how people understand social and spatial transformation?
4) How does the interplay between morality, hegemony and theatre take place?
2. Methodology
I conducted my research from a critical realist perspective looking at community members’ experiences and perceptions of the application of theatre in both Suchitoto and El Salvador (Bryman 2012). Because I aimed to obtain a deeper understanding of the contextual structures, I decided to use a qualitative approach looking at discourses, practices and ideas about the situation of violence, and the consequent use of art to prevent it (Ibid). This way, I would reach a more nuanced understanding of the social reality and human behaviour in Suchitoto. A quantitative approach, although very useful in other disciplines, would have prevented me from reaching the sort of data this study required and might have been difficult to develop considering time and mobility constraints. Furthermore, because I was interested on both understanding and analysing local views, I relied on interviews, focus groups -using storytelling- and participant observation to be my methods during fieldwork.
In an attempt to understand the way in which theatre impacts people and their perceptions of reality, I decided to focus on: adolescents doing theatre, their families and theatre facilitators. Additionally, due to my research’s strong focus on transformation from both a social and a spatial perspective, I collected data and conducted interviews with different key stakeholders belonging to official institutions, the local municipality and local organizations. Looking at these groups of actors allowed me to analyse discourses and practices coming from different entities, identifying existing (dis)connections while at the same time generating a broader picture of the policies and practices applied for violence transformation in El Salvador. Beside further discussing my methodology this section will elaborate on the practical aspects of my research.
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2.1 Research Location
El Salvador, commonly known as “El Pulgarcito de America”, is “geographically the smallest and most densely populated country in Latin America” (Chavez 2007). It is 21,041 km2 and divided into 14 departments. Suchitoto is located 44km away from the capital, San Salvador, and part of the Cuscatlan Department. The municipality of Suchitoto is 329,2 km2, divided into 28 districts and 77 communities (Alcaldía Municipal de Suchitoto n.d.). Different to other parts of the country, Suchitoto has a strong cultural identity, being labelled ‘cultural capital’ of the country (Gaceta de Suchitoto 2017). Besides its cultural and touristic attractions, Suchitoto is quite characteristic because of its low levels of violence. Yet similar to other regions, mobility and access to certain areas is very much restricted due to security issues. In spite of that, I was able to visit some of its most representative communities: El Papaturro, El Barío, Ciudadela, San Rafael, Copapayo and Aguacayo, where I was able to conduct some of my interviews, and one of my focus groups.
Photo 3: Suchitoto (Source: Google Maps)
Once in Suchitoto, I was based with Esartes, where most of my research was developed. Access to the field was provided by theatre facilitators from Esartes. Most of my research activity on the ground was possible with the help of Estela, who was my gatekeepers during my research. She as well as her colleagues (theatre facilitators) introduced me as both a volunteer and a researcher, giving me the opportunity to openly explain why I was there and what was the purpose of my research. As a result, I could easily identify my group of participants, which were the adolescents part of the theatre group, their family members and theatre facilitators.
2.2 Research Methods
2.2.1 Interviews
The central data collection method during my research was individual in-depth interviews and key stakeholder interviews. The adoption of an in-depth interview format, allowed me to conduct creative interviews in which I managed to establish a collaboration between me (the researcher) and my participants, moving away from conventional interviewing (Douglas 1985).
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These type of interviews allowed me to explore fully the “reasons, feelings, opinions and beliefs” that might influence my participants’ answers (Ritchie, et al.: 141). According to the literature, “this furnishes the explanatory evidence which is an important element of qualitative research” (Ibid: 141). For key stakeholder interviews on the contrary, I adopted a more formal structure. In an attempt to have a better understanding of how different institutions approached transformation and ‘convivencia’ (cohabitation), they took place mostly during the first stage of my fieldwork. Consequently, I managed to interview public officials from national institutions in San Salvador, yet most of my data was collected in Suchitoto. Interviews were conducted in Spanish, except for some of them in which the participant spoke English. Translations were done by myself with occasional support of my supervisor who has large experience with the emic terms from the region. All interviews were tape-recorded and every participant would express their consent. I will turn to some ethical considerations shortly.
2.2.2 Focus Groups: storytelling
Building on the literature, focus groups have the capacity to create a comfortable environment for discussing new topics (Hughes & Huby 2002). Their use in qualitative research allows to explore sensitive topics but also promotes awareness on the topic researched (Hughes & DuMont 2002). Considering my focus on transformation but most importantly the role of theatre in this transition, I sought to explore the impact that theatre workshops had on adolescents at school. To do so, I used storytelling to look at participants’ perceptions of the social and spatial dimensions of violence, focusing on their portrayals of violence and their perceived positionality towards it. Each group provided my research with different substantial inputs, allowing me to identify existing hierarchies of violence and specific attitudes towards these. Furthermore, the use of storytelling allowed participants to discuss about more sensitive topics through the stories they created, which could be invented or the reflection of someone’s story (Hughes & Huby 2002).
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Both focus groups were shaped by two exercises: a first one during which I would use the problem tree method (see photo 4), so participants could identify different types of violence, their causes and consequences; and a second, during which I used storytelling (see photo 5) to understand discourses and portrayals of violence. For the latter, I would divide participants in groups so they would feel more comfortable, sharing personal experiences in smaller groups, but also to ease the data collection process. Given that I was facilitating both sessions, use of video and audio recording was made in order for me to further analyse participants answers and behaviours, as well as my performance during the activity. I sought to adopt an unobtrusive role, making sure it was the participants who took the lead of the session, trying to avoid any possible ‘socially desired’ answers. I would facilitate the discussion through the material they were creating either through the problem trees or their stories. I noticed how as the session was taking place, they would adopt more friendly attitudes towards each other, as well as an increase in cooperation between them. During both sessions I relied on the support of Estela, one of Esartes’ theatre facilitators. She would make sure the materials and logistics were prepared and provided me access to the schools as well.
Photo 5: Storytelling Exercise (Focus Group 2)
2.2.3 Participant Observation
In addition to these methods, participant and non-participant observation was conducted in several settings, taking place in most cases during theatre workshops. I consciously took a participant role during the first weeks in the field, which allowed me to meet my research participants and build trust with them more easily. However, once I started looking more at the transformational power of theatre in both social and spatial dimensions, I adopted a more observer role. Observations occurred as well during several artistic events in Suchitoto such as the theatre festival of Alejandro Cotto or outdoor activities organized by local initiatives working with arts in the town.
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Furthermore, I supported Esartes in several artistic trainings in which I was doing translation for foreign trainers that would come to Suchitoto. This allowed me to participate in different settings where participants ranged from school teachers to adolescents, being able to listen to their inputs and their perceptions of violence. Because in one of the trainings participants were teachers from different parts of the Cuscatlan Department but also from San Salvador, I obtained a broader picture of how they experienced being a teacher in areas where violence is strongly present every day. Even though observation was harder in these settings, as well as its justification, by participating as an observer I would focus on people’s dispositions or their comments about the activities they were participating in. Yet I must say, I ended up using little of this in my writing.
2.3 Challenges
Despite that the research process in the field took place quite smoothly, there were several limitations that made the following of the research design as planned before arriving to El Salvador difficult. Mobility appeared as one of the main limitations. Due to the levels of violence in the country, security needed to be considered with due regard in order to ensure my safety but that of my participants as well. As a result, moving independently out of Suchitoto was only possible if accompanied by a local that would either know the route or would be known by the people in the territory of destiny. Gang violence, is organized according to different territories controlled by one of the two major gangs. This way, moving from zone to zone is complicated in several areas, although in Suchitoto it is limited to its more marginalized communities, to which access was restricted. At the same time, because I was a foreigner I was made aware that I should be extremely careful of where I was going, making sure someone would always be with me if leaving Suchitoto so not to enter a potentially ‘dangerous’ area.
Turning into the examination of official data and existing policy documents, one of the main challenges was the lack of systematized data and follow up reports from the violence preventions and arts initiatives that were implemented by either state institutions or local organizations. The lack of any follow up report or an existing mechanism to measure the impact of existing projects and artistic initiatives, made it harder for me to confirm my findings but also for my data to be fully reliable. Despite that this might limit the possibility of the data collected to be validated and transferable to other sort of settings, the implicit agreement or the sharing of several beliefs allowed me to justify my conclusions.
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2.4 Ethical Considerations
Ethical issues play a crucial role in research and debates around ethics have accompanied well-known cases of alleged ethical transgression (Bryman 2012: 131). It is indeed the case for some researchers and practitioners that while seeking to ‘do good’ they risk the possibility of misunderstanding or misinterpreting specific elements of the research context, reaching a completely different outcome than expected (Ibid: 136). To avoid this, I considered communication and transparency about the research paramount, making sure all participants would be aware of their role and participation in the research, noting that the data collected was going to be treated for academic purposes exclusively.
Ethics played a central role in the selection of methods during this research. In this same line, participation in the research was completely voluntary, ensured by informed consent expressed either formal or informally. In-depth interviews would always take place after the interviewee had express his/her consent, which in most cases was expressed and sometimes recorded informally. At the same time, interviews would be scheduled in advanced or organized informally, allowing the participant to take a bigger role in deciding the setting for the interview. This way I would make sure each participant would feel comfortable. Focus groups were organized in coordination with the schools, where the headmaster and the teacher of each class would express their consent on their students’ participating in each of the sessions. Given that participants in this case were minors, and considering that using video and audio recording was needed I created both an informative and a formal consent form to be signed by their families4. The informative form would give an exhaustive explanation of the objective and purpose of the activity and the research, explaining as well the final use of the data collected during each session. It was explicitly indicated that personal information was confidential and thus secretly coded being accessed only by the researcher, while data collected during the session would be treated and publicly presented for academic purposes (thesis presentation or publication within university). Turning to observation, I am aware that informed consent might be difficult to obtain. In this way, anonymizing those observed while taking care not to receive any complaints was understood sufficient for observatory processes.
At the same time, I should highlight the difficulties I experienced as a researcher embedded in such violent context when discussions on violence would take place. Despite that people in the field would discuss violence quite openly, me as an outsider in the context but also as a white female European, I had to be very careful of how I would approach some topics not falling into either bias or the same categorisations I found embedded in local discourses. In light of previous researchers’ experiences in such violent contexts, I could see how I started using the
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slang or terms proper to the field, and how my perception of violence would be distorted. It was very striking how I would unconsciously normalized violence when discussing with people, especially when some of my participants would share their stories. As a result, I tried to remain as critical as possible trying to keep as well the distance between myself as a researcher, and my participants in the field. At the same time, being a foreigner implicitly gave me a different status –in terms of security- than that of local population. For this reason, I tried to be as sensitive and as empathic as possible, trying to be aware of my participants’ positionality and my own, adapting myself as much as possible to the setting I was taking part of.
Shedding light on safety for both participants and researcher, every activity would be planned keeping always in mind security issues. The majority of interviews conducted in Suchitoto would take place either within Esartes facilities or at participants’ house. In this case, both were safe spaces were the participant could speak without any external inferences. The class at both schools where focus groups took place, turned to be a safe space were participants and the researcher could interact, share and cooperate. Turning to the rest of interviews, it would be the interviewee who would decide on the location and setting of the interview, therefore I presumed safety was already implicit. My own safety was considered as well in all decisions made during the research. Given that my research adopted quite an ethnographic approach, I ended up being actively involved with the people working in EsArtes and the local population in Suchitoto. As a result, I was able to build trust with my participants quite easily, obtaining a fair account of their reality. In the same line, because Spanish is my mother tongue I was able to clearly present the purpose of my research being always transparent and open about it. Being so close to my participants allowed them to share their personal stories with me, knowing beforehand that all information disclosed with me would pseudonymised and just served the purpose of my academic thesis.
In sum, keeping in mind the limitations and the ethical considerations elaborated above, the following chapter consider my theoretical approach.
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3. Theoretical Framework
This chapter will outline the theoretical underpinnings of my research. Starting with conflict transformation, my foundational approach, the following sections will further elaborate the key theories on which this study is built. First, conflict transformation theory as formulated by Lederach will be outlined. Within this framework, I will then elaborate on social and spatial transformation building on Freire’s notion of ‘conscietization’ (awareness) (1970 as cited in Lederach 1995) and Mc-Evoy Levy’s ‘placemaking’ theory, to discuss the two main dimensions of conflict outlined in my study (social & spatial). Third, a review of morality and hegemony as key components of conflict to put Foucault’s and Gramsci’s theory in place will be presented and returned to in the empirical chapters. Then, I provide a review of arts-based initiatives as a practice for transformation to give evidence of past experiences in other contexts of conflict around the world. Finally, a conceptual scheme summarizing the discussed theoretical framework will lead to the main discussion of this study.
3.1 Post-conflict peacebuilding theory: Conflict Transformation
Post-conflict peacebuilding was introduced by the UN during the aftermath of the Cold War as one of the mechanisms with which to respond to post-war transitions alongside preventive diplomacy, peace-making and peacekeeping (Jeong 2005). Its integration within the peacebuilding framework, allowed for a more comprehensive and systematic attention to post-civil war transitions; being conceived as the set of activities and processes aimed at tackling the root causes of the conflict, rather than focusing on its later effects (Pouligny 2005). Beyond the mere resolution of conflict, peacebuilding literature highlights the dynamic and continuously changing character of conflicts, shedding light on the need to adopt a multi-dimensional approach to both understanding the root causes and the contextual characteristics of each conflict for its effective transformation. This is the case of Azar (1978, as cited in Ramsbothan, 2005: 110), who introduced the idea of “protracted conflict” referring to “deep-rooted conflicts” or “intractable conflicts” as conflicts within which the structural origin of confrontations, were not effectively addressed, leading to a persistent situation of violence. This definition of conflict clearly defines the context in El Salvador, where despite the signature of the peace agreements, the situation of violence has gotten worse, leading to a profound protracted social crisis. Aligning with Applebaum & Mawby (2018: 1), the disruption of daily life in El Salvador is “similar to experiences of war”, which is why I understand violence as a conflict throughout my research.
Looking at these types of prolonged conflicts, Lederach introduced in the early ‘90s the notion of conflict transformation. An idea that would analyse conflict from a broader lens than the mere elimination of violence, pointing towards the inherent dialectic of conflict (Lederach 1995). According to him, the language of transformation provides a language, that “more adequately approximates the nature of conflict and how it works and underscores the goals and purpose of
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the field, encompassing a view that legitimizes conflict as an agent of change” (Ibid: 17). Social conflict transforms relationships and social organization, but also transforms individuals’ perceptions of self, and others. According to this, Lederach suggested throughout his theory, the adoption of a multi-dimensional approach that would look at the social, the spatial and the psychological dimensions of conflict (Lederach 1995). Instead of approaching conflicts from an outsider’s lens, understanding the setting and the people within the conflict as the problem, transformation’s long-term strategy seeks to include and promote the human and cultural resources from a given setting. This way local resources would adopt a much more active role in the transformation of destructive dynamics into more constructive relationships. In this same line, Volkan (1990) and Kelman (1965) highlighted the need to pay special attention to self-identity and esteem considering both elements to be crucial within deep-rooted conflicts, reinforcing “institutionalized images of the enemy and dominate perceptions” (in Lederach 1995: 18). Indeed, I would also suggest perceptions of morality to be crucial in reinforcing destructive conflict dynamics and the prevalence of enemy perceptions, but also hegemony’s role in shaping social discourses within contexts of conflict.
3.2 Social Transformation
Exploring this idea of social transformation, Lederach introduces within his theory the concept of “capacitación social” (empowerment) which he associates with being confident and empowered (1995). Even though he elaborates this concept associating it more to transformative peacebuilding, empowerment appears from interdependent relationships and contributes to the growth of others in the community (Ibid). It is indeed a matter of connecting attitudes and behaviours, so that mutuality and equality arise within the community (Ibid: 17-18). Providing members of the community with the capacity to transform their conflict reality. Aligning with Lederach, I understand transformation as a prescriptive strategy that seeks to transform destructive patterns into constructive dynamics, placing cultural and human resources within the setting of the conflict at the front of any potential strategy. The literature agrees on local actors’ key role in social transformation within conflict and violence contexts, given their understanding of the needs and challenges present in the community. (Gawerc 2006; Lederach 1995; Pouligny 2005). Looking at the case of El Salvador, and Suchitoto, social transformation could emerge from within the community, giving local people the chance to design their envisioned transformation. Given that, social transformation embeds “conscientization” (awareness) and empowerment, in a self-driven individual and a collective transition, awareness of the ‘moral framework’ in the research setting is fundamental to understand how social transformation takes place (Hume 2007). Concurrently, violence and social dynamics are key to understanding how social transformation might take place, being at the same moment,quite a subjective process. This way, the empirical chapters will explore the interplay between transformation taking place within
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the social aspect of conflict, morality and power so as to see how social transformation takes place while bringing theatre to the discussion, analysing its role in social dynamics.
3.3 Spatial Transformation
Peacebuilding and conflict resolution researchers and practitioners are well aware of issues related to spatial transformation, which can have major implications for the possibility of peaceful conflict transformation; transforming war-spaces into peace-spaces (Ansorg 2018). Accordingly, the literature identifies spaces as social products but also as opportunities, moments and channels where citizens can act to potentially affect policies, discourses, decisions and relationships (Conrwall 2002; Gaventa 2005). Following this idea of space and conflict, McEvoy-Levy (2012) suggests the idea of “placemaking” as a tool for post-conflict peacebuilding, envisioning a transformational role for space. This theory understands space as something more than a physical space, a “space plus meaning” (Ibid). In her article Youth Spaces in Haunted Places: Placemaking for Peacebuilding in Theory and Practice McEvoy-Levy (Ibid) provides interesting insights on spatial peacebuilding approaches adopted in Northern Ireland. It is indeed quite relevant for this research as it elaborates on youth and issues of authority and participation in placemaking. She identifies the lack of youth spaces as a key problem contributing to anti-social behaviour such as “public drinking, vandalism, and recreational rioting” (Ibid: 3). This could indeed be applied to the context in El Salvador, where the issue with public spaces in particular is a crucial element to understand both violence and social dynamics within the local context of Suchitoto.
Beyond the discussion of physical spaces, conflicts such as the one in El Salvador present a much more complex reality where violence is differently perceived if taking place in the public or private realm. Violence and morality play a central role in the division of spaces and people within them, having a huge impact in social structures and dynamics. Indeed, spatial transformation which according to the local context appears to be very much related to violence prevention, often also presents strong moral claims and is perceived to transform spaces from ‘bad’ to ‘good’. This typeof spatial transformation has strong repercussions in society then, and is stronglylinked to social transformation as well. The literature agrees on spatial transformation taking place through social activities being able to enhance communities’ capacities and reconciliation. This is the case of museums, which McEvoy-Levy (2012) identifies as vital places of narrative creation and education. In my case, however, the theatre workshops that this research looks atappear to be the setting of this transformation and creation of ‘safe’ space.
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3.4 Morality & Hegemony
When discussing transformation in contexts where violence is so strongly embedded in society, morality needs to be kept in mind in order to identify its potential role in power dynamics, social relationships and discourses that shape the conflict. Violence in El Salvador is part of what the Salvadoran society has accepted as common sense, within the hegemony of power exerted by the ruling elites in the country (Crehan 2011). Since the outburst of the gang crisis, the state managed to institutionalize the latter as what Hume describes as the “common enemy for the good citizens” (Hume, 2007, as cited in Farber, 2016: 3), establishing a clear division between socially perceived ‘good citizens’ from ‘bad citizens’ (Weegels 2018). Indeed, the acceptance and normalization of violence allowed for the adoption of specific dispositions, acquired through socialization, that shaped thoughts and beliefs of Salvadoran society (Crehan 2011). This is the case of Suchitoto, where the reproduction of these social patterns allowed perceived moral distinctions to reach such a central role in social discourses, leading to people embracing transformation in the common sense as a transition from ‘bad’ to ‘good’. To maintain this transition, it seems, however, that (state) violence against ‘bad’ people is justified and has become normalized. Following from the puzzle this presents, in terms of continuing conflict and exclusion, this section elaborates on Foucault’s perception of morality and Gramsci’s ideas on hegemony and common sense so to better understand social and spatial dynamics in Suchitoto. Analysing the dialectic relationship between the Gramscian notion of common sense and morality, helps us understand the influence of this double dimension of transformation, while identifying theatre’s role in this interplay.
Looking at the way in which realities of class are lived and the shared way of being and living within space and society, helps understand local people’s dynamics (Crehan 2011). Drawing from Lederach (1995), looking at cultural and human elements within the setting of a conflict is essential in the understanding of relationships as well. Following Gramsci, society is formed by privileged ruling elites which through the exercise of power and hegemony led to the subaltern (mass population) lack of ‘conscious awareness of the rules they are following; being these rules (common sense) continually changing’ (Crehan 2011: 278). Indeed, the reality of power shapes cultures and subordination, leading members of this culture (mass population) to not be consciously aware of the rules (socially constructed) of which they are following. In El Salvador, the state would represent these elites, being responsible of the widespread acceptance of violence and the construction of citizens’ categories fomenting social exclusion and discrimination (Hume 2009). I would go further by suggesting these elites to be crucial actors in reinforcing social division as well as the ongoing protracted conflict inside the country. Transformation therefore becomes part of this common sense when referring to categorizations of “good” and “bad” (Crehan 2011: 274). The same happens with spatial transformation, where
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space becomes socially perceived according to these hierarchies embedded in social dynamics. The reproduction of common sense impacts both physical and symbolic space, public and private, providing space with specific meanings, having a later implication in power dynamics within local communities.
The reproduction of power allows morality to take a bigger role shaping beliefs and local ideas that will have a further impact on people’s conducts and behaviours. Morality here, is understood as the codes and norms of conduct recommended to individuals indicated by what Foucault identifies as “prescriptive or moral agents” (citizens). According to Foucault’s theory, morality would also refer to the real behaviour of individuals adopted to comply with the codes recommended to them, thus establishing the distinction between what is ‘good’ or ‘bad’. The morality of behaviour produces positive and negative perceptions of others on one’s self-actions (Foucault 1990); leading people to be perceived as either “personas de bien” (good people) or “malas influencias” (bad influences). In Suchitoto, these moral claims appear to be strongly present in social discourses and the perceptions of others. Indeed, I could perceive a clear distinction between “socially-accepted behaviour” and as “anti-social behaviour”, being the latter commonly related to people, usually coming from the poorest and most marginalized areas, (Hume 2009; McEvoy-Levy 2012). In this line, I would suggest that people are strongly influenced by these moral categorisations.
Spaces can present strong moral claims too, depending on the area they are located, the use they’re given or the meaning they have to society. Space, despite being seenas an opportunity for community development, can also present an opportunity for the exercise of power and hegemony being strongly subjected to moral divisions. Looking at the context of violence and conflict in El Salvador, the existing hierarchies of violence and their normalization affect both social perceptions and community dynamics around space. Beyond the moral categorisation of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ spaces, discussing space involves engaging the public and the private realms as well as the gendered hierarchies rootedwithin the spatial dimension of conflict. It is indeed an extremely complicated debate where social transformation is strongly implantedwithin the spatial dimension of conflict. Theatre, in this research, plays a central role in both social and spatial transformation. As such, I approach it as an “agent of change” for the community (Lederach 1995: 16-23).
3.5 Theatre to transform spaces & individuals:
Arts-based processes became popular in both conflict and post-conflict contexts due to their capacity to bring communities together, healing traumas and improving self-esteems (Sandoval 2016 & Zelizer 2003). Their transformative potential would not only influence social dynamics but would also have great impact on dynamics of violence. For me, the adoption of an arts-based approach to look at transformation, was to a great extent motivated by the number of
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initiatives using arts for violence prevention and thus human transformation in Suchitoto. Theatre can help foster community dialogue and make an important contribution to peacebuilding, by changing conflict attitudes at the personal, emotional and societal level (Premaratna et.al. 2010). According to Shank and Schirch (2008) artistic initiatives provide an expressive vehicle for communication, as well as “meaningful connections to specific places and people” (Kaptani & Yuval-Davis, 2008: 3). In Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example, local community groups and artists joined efforts to design artistic activities carried out for and within the community for peacebuilding (Zelizer 2003). In Colombia the use of street-art allowed to transform the so-called Comuna 13 in Medellin, freeing the area from violence and drug trafficking (Zuluaga 2012). Similar to the case of Colombia, the use of music-making in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro gave positive evidence on the work with youth gangs (Durston 2009). Through the implementation of arts-based programmes youth saw their capacities and self-esteem enhanced; it was possible for them to create a new identity and a sense of belonging to a collective (Ibid). Additionally, Sri Lanka hosted the development of arts-based projects aimed at transforming conflict envisioning positive peace being understood as the enhance of social cohesion and community wellbeing (Hunter & Page 2014). It appears that in El Salvador, art is being deployed in a similar fashion. However, it is worth highlighting the distinction between theatre applied for transformation from its specific use in addressing conflict (Reich 2012). Considering the context of Suchitoto, Esartes appears to promote both social and spatial transformation, implementing art as their main strategy to prevent violence but also to transform the community, providing the individual with both “conscientization” (awareness) and “capacitación” (empowerment). Building on the literature, social transformation would be shaped by this transition from ‘bad’ to ‘good’, while spatial transformation will be shaped by both the creation and opening of spaces forthe community, but also the transformingof existing spaces, which were once under gang control.
3.6 Conceptual Scheme & Conclusion
In summary, conflict/violence transformation can be understood as the outcome of both social and spatial transformation, generated through the application of arts-based initiatives (theatre) for and within communities such as Suchitoto. Morality and hegemony are included in this cycle of transformation, as key elements within conflict realities, which could be looked as potential conditionings of social and spatial transformation. All of this takes place within the community in Suchitoto, which at the same time is embedded in the overall context of violence present in El Salvador. To provide a holistic understanding of the overarching approach, the following figure provides a summary of the conceptual framework for this thesis.
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Figure 1: Conceptual framework
Considering the above, conflict transformation will be understood as both my theoretical foundation but at the same time the outcome of the implementation of arts-based initiatives (community-driven theatre) in Suchitoto, El Salvador. Regardless of the low levels of violence – existing at the moment- the specific context of Suchitoto presents clear conflict dynamics which transcend the physical, taking a bigger role in social relationships and imaginaries. Consequently, these generate a situation of conflict in which morality and power potentially carve their path reinforcing social divisions and hierarchical categories between people and space. Following from this, this thesis seeks to understand the way in which the implementation of theatre transforms the social and spatial dimensions of conflict (violence) in the specific context of Suchitoto. Embracing conflict as a dynamic and multi-dimensional phenomenon, theatre here will be looked at as the tool through which transformation might take place.
