EU funding for security in Bosnia and Herzegovina : understanding the non-conventional means of security : an analysis of the EU instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance

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EU Funding for security in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Understanding the non-conventional means of Security: an analysis of the EU Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance.

Ludovica Martinez Gonzalez – 11725192

Supervisor: Dr. Rocco Bellanova Second reader: Dr. Beste İşleyen

Word count: circa 19 300

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AFET European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs BiH Bosnia and Herzegovina

CFSC Common Foreign and Security Policy CSDP Common Security and Defense Policy CSS Critical Security Studies

DG NEAR Directorate General for Enlargement Policy and European Neighborhood Policy

EC European Commission

EEAS European External Action Service ENP European Neighborhood Policy EP European Parliament

ESDP European Security and Defense Policy

EU European Union

FPI Foreign Policy Instrument

IcSP Instrument contributing to Peace and Stability IPA II Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance IR International Relations

ISF Internal Security Fund

MEP Member of the European Parliament

SEDE European Parliament’s Sub-Committee on Security and Defense SSR Security Sector Reform

TEU Treaty of the European Union

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1. Topic description

The founding fathers of what nowadays we know as the European Union (EU), thought of an international organization devoted to peace, stability and security. Today, the EU operates as a single actor in the international arena and is considered a fundamental player in the promotion of security in unstable regions of the world. An archetype of this, is reflected in the EU involvement in its neighboring countries, i.e. the Western Balkans, following the series of complex civil and regional conflicts that characterized the region during the 1990s (Juncos, 2012). This research focuses on the EU involvement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), country part of the Western Balkans, from a security perspective. However, it examines the non-conventional means of security, namely funding for security. Before thoroughly introducing the topic, it is paramount to give some background as well as some concepts clarifications.

First of all, this thesis uses the terminology ‘Western Balkans’, as adopted by EU policy-makers and other relevant actors, to denominate the six following countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo (Blockmans, 2007). This is because the analysis is carried out from an EU perspective and therefore, I adopted the terminology found in the relevant documents. Moreover, this thesis focuses on the Western Balkans due to its very particular geographical position within the European continent. This region is particularly interesting because it is surrounded by EU member states, as illustrated in the map in the front page of this thesis. However, the divergence amongst them as well as the divergence with EU member states, is still very deep.

Nonetheless, the EU has demonstrated its support and commitment towards BiH and the Western Balkans, which clearly stood up after the Stabilization and Association Process in 2000, defining the starting point of the EU commitment for a possible future enlargement. This idea became reality in 2003, during the European Council in Thessaloniki and recently further reiterated in the 2018 Sofia Summit (Juncos, 2012). This analysis finds its essence precisely in the EU Enlargement Policy, as it examines the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA II), integral part of the policy. The IPA II is the instrument in place for the achievement of the acquis communautaire. Many scholars have examined the Enlargement Policy and its instruments as a ‘Europeanisation’ of the Western Balkans, contributing to the recent emergence of peacebuilding and state-building literature (Juncos, 2012). However, this thesis intends to contribute new

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elements to the Security studies through the allocation of funding under the EU Enlargement policy.

Therefore, this thesis takes into consideration the IPA II, in order to examine the type of security the EU promotes in BiH; thus, to highlight the ways in which BiH is considered a matter of security to the EU. However, as abovementioned, it examines the non-conventional means of security, that is, to highlight how the EU has ‘securitized’ the Western Balkans through financial assistance. In fact, the Western Balkans have drawn attention of Security scholars and the literature has largely covered international and European military presence in the region. It is worth to observe that the EU is still at the present time involved in military missions such as the EUFOR Althea in BiH and the EULEX Kosovo for the management of the post-conflict situation.

Ergo, the literature has thoroughly focused on the ‘classical way’, as defined in International Relations (IR), to address security issues, i.e. the deployment of military force. However, especially since the end of the Cold war, the use of military force has highly decreased, and the survival of a state doesn’t seem to be the primary matter of security (Christou et al., 2010).

On the other hand, alternative means of security have yet to be exhaustively examined. In this case the object of analysis are the funds for security deployed by the EU for the preservation of peace and security in BiH. The instrument analyzed is an integral part of the Enlargement Policy, discussed later in this chapter. What is interesting to see is that within the priorities set out by the EU, issues such as the promotion of democracy, rule of law and justice seem to have taken over the use of military force as the means to deal with international security issues.

This chapter is divided as follows. The next section includes the scientific relevance of this thesis, by pointing out the gap in the literature and briefly displays the main characteristics of the EU funding scheme, of the EU Enlargement Policy, and a description of IPA II and its objectives. Follows the Research Question and a series of sub-research questions that have helped with the progression of this work. The third section delineates the state of the art, therefore, an outline of the previous works of scholars and EU official documents that focus on security funding. Finally, the conclusion sums up the main points mentioned and introduces the rest of this thesis.

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1.2. Scientific relevance

Security and IR Scholars have largely covered international military intervention in the Western Balkans in order to understand the logics and schemes behind the responses to crisis and post-conflict situations. Many have focused on the EU military actions under the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), and have thoroughly analyzed the deployment of EU military operations, including EUFOR Althea in BiH (Nováky, 2015). In the same way, EU peacebuilding and state-building in the Western Balkans and in BiH have been exhaustively analyzed by Conflict Resolution scholars (Juncos, 2012). However, the field of Security studies lacks of examination of the funds directed to the promotion and enhancement of security in the region. In fact, the EU deploys numerous resources directed to the enhancement or the preservation of peace and security and little has been said about the EU funds for security. In fact, many of the EU polices have instruments that contribute to financial and technical assistance for the preservation of security, starting from the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), policies commonly known to contribute to the security and defense of the EU.

However, other main EU Policies effectively promote security. For example, the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and the Enlargement Policy, abovementioned, are directed to the enhancement of prosperity, stability and security beyond the EU borders. On the one hand, the ENP governs the relations between the EU and its closest Eastern and Southern Neighbors. The ENP is directed to the support and enhancement of reforms for the creation closer relations with the countries in question. However, since 2008 the ENP adjusted its priorities in order to face the emerging crisis in the region, which include Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, amongst others (EU Neighbours, website).

On the other hand, the Enlargement Policy covers the relations with the countries willing access the Union and include a series of very strict conditions to ensure that acceding countries are able to deal with the obligations that come with the membership (European Commission, Enlargement Policy website). The European Commission (EC) is the EU institution in charge of monitoring the accession process and carries out the negotiations of accession. Furthermore, it puts at disposal to the candidates and potential candidates, financial and technical assistance under IPA II. These funds are directed to the promotion of institutional and policy reforms, in order to achieve EU integration and have as the ultimate objective the enlargement (Denti, 2013).

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The element of novelty brought by this thesis is the choice of the instrument analyzed, which at prima facie is not explicitly linked to security. In fact, the IPA II is mainly directed to the reforms and the enhancement of specific sectors, such as public administration, rule of law, sustainable economy, amongst others. Therefore, it is here intended to highlight if the funds under IPA II, which are primarily directed to ensure the EU acquis, also constitute funds for security. In other words, the aim is to understand how IPA II represents more than the mere contribution to the candidates and potential candidates and is de facto a means the EU has adopted to export security to its neighboring countries. In fact, funding directed to development still has elements of security that need to be unpacked and which is intended to do in this thesis through the analysis of IPA II in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Research question: What type of security is promoted in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance?

1.3. State of the art

The present chapter has introduced the EU as an international provider of security, both through the use of conventional means, i.e. military operations, and through the alternative means, i.e. funds. The EU has de facto created and implemented instruments and mechanisms that contribute both to internal and external security. Whereas scholars have not thoroughly examined European funds in BiH, this section reviews the existing literature concerning main EU security funds, as well as an overview of the main EU programmes funded for the preservation of stability and security in the EU and in different regions of the world.

First of all, scholars have classified the use of funding as “soft security” (Stead, 2014: 683). The latter is defined as a way of providing security through the adoption of specific policies and mechanisms, that go from the promotion of accession (to the EU and to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for example) to funds specifically directed to the enhancement of security (ibid.). Some argue that the EU focus on soft security is in fact a response to “soft threats”, which include issues such as migration, organized crime and terrorism (Lindley-French, 2004: 12). With the increase of these new challenges, the EU has considered in some cases, to be more appropriate to promote security through the use of funding, inside, at the borders and outside the Union.

The EU has identified challenges present within its borders, and for this, it has put in place funds and mechanisms for the effective management of these issues. An example is given by the Internal Security Fund (ISF), made available by the European Commission for the member

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states, providing annual allocations of millions of Euros for the achievement of different objectives. From the strengthening of border and visa’s control to the provision of funds for the endorsement of national police bodies in order to properly fight against crime, amongst others. The ISF is composed of two instruments: ISF Borders and Visa; and ISF Police. Both instruments are alleged to enhance security within the EU borders. On the one hand, the ISF Police is directed to the fight against organized crime and the enhancement of coordination and cooperation between law enforcement authorities, EU national authorities and relevant EU bodies. Furthermore, it aims to increase effectiveness in risk analysis and risk management to properly deal with unexpected security issues (European Commission, Migration and Home Affairs website; a). On the other hand, the ISF Borders provides the means to create a more uniform and a better level of control of the external borders. It is directed to the improvement of border management and aims to harmonize measures at the EU borders as well as to increase information sharing among the member states and between the member states and Frontex, the EU Agency in charge of the external borders (European Commission, Migration and Home Affairs website; b). Funding contributes to the promotion of security within the Union, nonetheless, the literature still needs to thoroughly unpack the elements of the funds and to examine them under the light of Security studies. Instead, many scholars have recently discussed the ‘reinforced’ EU external borders, taken into consideration in the next paragraph.

In recent times, the attention of many scholars has shifted towards security issues at the EU borders, especially since the beginning of the so-called ‘migration crisis’ (Paul, 2017). Funds, mechanisms and instruments were put in place to cope with the increased flow of migrants and thus, becoming a focal point in EU security politics. In terms of financial allocations, Frontex, for example, has more than doubled the funds for risk analysis between 2012 and 2016. As it is mentioned later in the theoretical framework, analysis of risk legitimizes the implementation of precautionary measures, in the example of Frontex, to prevent, or at least regulate, the excessive number of migrants (ibid.). Therefore, funds have had a great effect in dealing with these challenges, bringing an enhanced security and surveillance and thus, contributing to a stricter control of the external borders. These are only a few examples of the increased security at the borders, where the EU has implemented more tangible measures such as physical borders, checkpoints and increased border police. As a matter of fact, the implementation of infrastructures as response to the increased number of migrants has raised many questions and critiques. The increased belief that migrants represent a threat has led to a growth of the so-called ‘hotspots’, or in other words, spaces exclusively dedicated to migrants, subjects of questionable

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conditions. Some scholars consider these spaces as the ensemble of “instrumental and normative technologies and spatial arrangements concerned with the regulation of human life” (Pallister-Wilkins, 2018: 6). These practices have raised many criticisms from humanitarian scholars, who believe that hotspots contribute to the insecurity and the suffering of humans in need (ibid.). Therefore, pointing out the fact that the security of some entails the insecurity of others. However, this paragraph intended to highlight the increased use of funds that have contributed to the growth of both tangible and non-tangible measures for the preservation of internal security.

The increased focus in border management, has also led to an enhancement of surveillance at the external borders, which are in fact the lieu of data collection and analysis. Authors have analyzed how the migration crisis has influenced EU policy-makers and thus led to the creation and implementation of funds contributing to a stricter control of the borders (Horii, 2016). On this matter the External Borders Fund was created as a direct contribution to EU security through the enhanced protection of its external borders. A budget of € 1 820 million for the period 2007-13 was made available by the EC for the strengthening of infrastructures and equipment at the borders (Horii, 2016; European Commission, Home Affairs website, c.). Funds were directed to the provision of equipment for the Visa Information System and the Schengen Information System, as well as for the training of guards and police at the borders (Horii, 2016). The objective was to increase effectivity in collecting and analyzing biometric data. In the same way, the EC has advocated the enhancement of the exchange of information amongst the member states in order to provide better and quicker responses to security issues at the EU borders (Kneidinger and Schwaiger, 2012). The EC is constantly creating and implementing alternative security means, such as financial and technical assistance for the fight and the prevention of threats. Mechanisms and instruments go from the fight against terrorism to the fight against organized crime; nonetheless, Security studies still need to thoroughly unpack the role of EU security funding, which is gaining more and more relevance (European Commission, Migration and Home Affairs website d.).

So far, this section has discussed funding for instruments and mechanisms, put at disposal of the member states to effectively respond to threats mainly regarding its borders. However, the EU has also demonstrated interest towards the preservation of security beyond its borders. Hereof, scholars have analyzed the role of EU financial assistance for development. İşleyen (2015) examined EU’s response to the Arab uprisings, analyzing its commitment in fostering development in the region. She specifically focused on the Twinning instrument in Egypt and

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Tunisia, financed under the European Neighborhood Policy, abovementioned. The aim of the Twinning is to enhance the “technical, administrative and judicial capacities” of the countries in question and therefore, to foster their socio-economic development (İşleyen, 2015: 673). However, her analysis highlights the neoliberal economic interest in the region, hided underneath the will to ensure development. She unpacks the EU logic behind the creation and implementation of an instrument directed towards a specific goal, which de facto produces effects that go beyond its original intention (İşleyen, 2015). In the same way, this thesis intends to unpack the elements of an instrument primarily created to ensure the preparation of countries willing to access the Union, that underneath has elements of security.

This section provided examples of EU security funding, which have gained importance and have reached a considerable place in EU policy-making over the years. Through the allocation of funds, the EU expects to tackle issues that are difficult to manage with more classical responses. Funds have permitted the creation of tangible and conceptual instruments that contribute to the preservation of security inside and outside the EU. Academia has lately focused on the increased practices and policies at the borders and have also raised many criticisms, mainly by questioning the holistic approach thoroughly promoted by the EU: the security of some for the sake of the insecurity of others. However, Security studies still need to analyze in depth the role and the implications of the funds put at disposal of the EU, especially the ones directed to other regions of the world. Therefore, this thesis intends to provide some insights through the analysis of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance in BiH.

1.4. Objectives and structure

This chapter has introduced the relations between the EU and BiH, starting from the European involvement in the region, which has evolved into a process of possible future accession of BiH to the EU. For this, the introduction also mentioned the instrument put at disposal for BiH to reach the EU acquis: the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance or IPA II.

The objective of this thesis is to put in evidence what has been securitize, what policy areas receive more (or less) EU funding and what can we learn from this with regards to EU security politics.

For this, the chapter has introduced the increased importance given by the EU to funding as being a means to respond to security issues. Moreover, this chapter has made explicit the lack of academic research in regard to security funding and its implication for the EU. Whilst analyzing

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the EU funding for a future accession of BiH, this thesis emphasizes the way in which the EU securitizes its neighboring countries.

This thesis is divided in five chapters including the introduction and proceeds as follows. The second chapter outlines the theoretical framework, displaying the theory on which the research is based, therefore, presenting elements of Critical Security Studies and Critical Risk Studies, putting the emphasis on some concepts later used for the empirical part. The third chapter delineates the research design, including data selection and description, outlining the procedure followed for the achievement of this thesis, as well as the presentation of the methodology employed for the analysis of the documents gathered. The fourth chapter contains the analysis of the EU instrument chosen, that is, the IPA II regarding BiH. In this chapter, the analysis is divided into different topics, identified as the main issues revealed after a meticulous reading of the documents and in consultation with experts. The examination of the language and the discourses promoted by the EU and the European Commission permitted to emphasize the security promoted in BiH and thus, leading to the last chapter. The conclusion recapitulates the focal points of this thesis and provides an answer to the research question outlined in this introduction.

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CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1. Introduction

The aim of this thesis is to determine what kind of security is promoted in one of the EU neighboring countries, using as particular case study European funds in BiH. In fact, he EU has created and implemented instruments consisting of financial and technical assistance directed to the growth and prosperity of BiH, however, little has been said about their implication with security. This chapter presents the theoretical framework guiding this research, which mainly gravitates around the notion of dispositif, starting from Balzacq’s definition. For this, it is relevant to display its origins within Security studies. This chapter introduces definitions and concepts related to critical security studies (CSS) and critical risk studies. This thesis includes elements from authors advocating ‘securitization theory’ but mainly focuses on the study of risk.

This chapter is divided in five sections. Firstly, it is relevant to make a distinction between traditional security studies and CSS. This distinction constitutes the basis of this research, as it entails a broader vision of the study of security. A key approach within CSS is the ‘securitization theory’, first proposed by Buzan et al. (1998). The second section, focuses on Balzacq’s work on policy instruments and tools, which takes into account elements of the ‘securitization theory’ but also of other approaches within CSS. This section is particularly interesting to this thesis as it includes the key concepts later empirically examined. The third part focuses on risk studies and critical risk studies, highlighting the relation between the latter and the concept of dispositifs. This section points out the link between the theory and the instruments taken into consideration for the analysis. The fourth part acknowledges and explains the principal criticisms of the theories displayed, giving further insight to this research. Finally, this chapters provides conclusions and highlights of the key concepts borrowed from CSS and risk studies.

2.2. Beyond traditional Security Studies. Critical Security Studies and securitization theory This thesis embraces a critical security studies perspective to the study of EU funds, represented by instruments for development and prosperity. A common denominator of CSS is that they constitute a response to more ‘traditional’ security studies (Zedner, 2009). Critical approaches intended to shift the attention away from the original task of solving the disputes and instabilities in the international arena. In fact, traditional approaches were considered to be too narrowly

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focused on the military facets of security of states. CSS permit to focus on other objects of analysis, where the attention moved from a state-centric approach to individuals and society (Peoples and Vaughan-Williams, 2010). CSS is here taken into account as an umbrella term covering a vast ensemble of approaches to the study of security. In general terms, CSS consider that foreign military force is not the only potential security issue, and that Security studies should acknowledge the existence of other threats. In fact, with the rise of globalization, other issues such as the environment, crime and migration, found their way to the discussion table and on the political agenda, pointing out the fact that international security issues cannot be solved with the mere use of military force (ibid.)

Among the most important approaches within CSS, the so-called Copenhagen School formulated a ‘securitization theory’, defined by Buzan et al. (1998):

“on the international level means to present an issue as urgent and existential, as so important that it should not be exposed on the normal haggling of politics but should be dealt with decisively by top leaders prior to other issues” (Buzan et al., 1998: 29).

In other words, an issue would be securitized if it is presented as an existential threat to an audience and if it induced enough salient political effect that it legitimized the implementation of exceptional measures. Following these claims, the presence of the audience and the ‘speech act’ from relevant actors is paramount, which gives carte blanche to the authorities to act consequently. Therefore, they claim that an issue becomes securitized when the ‘securitizing actor’ implements extraordinary measures, placing the issue beyond normal politics (Buzan et al., 1998).

However, within CSS, other authors have criticized such importance given to the speech act and argued that securitization is the result of the work of professionals responsible of framing “the boundaries between security, insecurity, and fate”; therefore, giving relevance to the practices (Bigo, 2012: 119). These ideas are shared by the scholars from the Paris School, whom consider an issue as being securitized when a group of professionals in charge of managing fears and anxieties considers it as such. In both cases, the novelty brought by CSS is that there has been a “broadening” of Security Studies. Thus, permitting the analysis of issues that in more traditional Security Studies would have not been considered as matters of security and by giving importance to the language and the practices rather than the traditional use of force.

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2.3. Policy tools and securitization

Balzacq’s work is particularly relevant to this thesis, due to the fact that his analysis thoroughly focused on European security politics and around the concept of dispositif (Balzacq, 2008). Furthermore, his contribution reflects elements of both Copenhagen and Parish School, proposing to widen the analysis of security from the actual discourses - understood as ‘speech act’ - to the examination of EU policy tools and instruments created and implemented as responses to threats. This different focus permits us to see how the intentions and the discussions of the policy makers become specific actions. Moreover, the study of the actual tools permits to give a further insight of the nature of the threat (ibid.). As mentioned in the introduction, this thesis focuses on one of the main EU instruments, in the form of financial assistance and under the Enlargement Policy. Taking a cue from Balzacq’s work (2008) the study of the relevant policy documents and discourses regarding the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA II) should highlight the EU means of doing security in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In order to do so, it is paramount to clarify some concepts. The definition of tool or instrument has been largely discussed in CSS scholarship. Some authors consider them as a “means to accomplish an end” (Balzacq, 2008: 79; Bigo & Guild, 2003; Wæver, 1995). From this perspective, instruments are understood as something that actors can use with the intention of solving a problem. Others see instruments as objects or activities (de Bruijn and Hufen, 1998). When considered as object, an instrument is seen as something tangible, when considered as activity - or practice - it is seen as a selection of policy activities intended to influence and govern society (Ringeling, 1983). While these definitions provide for a better understanding of the notion of instrument, they still remain broad and the reality is that different instruments can fit into the different given definitions, without exhaustively understand them. For this reason, it is worth considering Balzacq’s contribution on the matter.

He focused on counter-terrorism policies to see how they transform security tools into securitizing instruments and how they affect the politics and the ways of governing. He argues that the analysis of instruments allows us to see how securitization has evolved. He identifies different instruments used by the EU and argues that these can be divided into: “regulatory (e.g. action plans), incentive (e.g. development aid) and capacity instruments (e.g. information exchange)” (Balzacq, 2008: 77). Within CSS, Balzacq considers policy instruments as a means to see the “variations of intensity within the process of securitization.” (Balzacq, 2008: 78). In other words, the securitization does not systematically follow the same process and in order to get a ‘better understanding’, discourse analysis needs to be combined with the study of policy

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instruments. A better perspective is reached because policy instruments are preceded by discussions between relevant actors and consequently they disclose a common consensus amongst member states, giving further insight to the analysis (Balzacq, 2008).

This thesis considers the definition of instrument or a tool of securitization as “an identifiable social and technical ‘dispositif’ or device embodying a specific threat image through which public action is configured in order to address a security issue” (Balzacq, 2008: 79). In this regard, it is worth to consider the contribution of other authors, who have examined a broader concept of ‘device’ by focusing their attention on “security practices through devices”, therefore analyzing their role in doing security (Amicelle et al., 2015: 294). They explore the definition of ‘device’, and their effect on the way of governance. In fact, they consider devices as “techniques and instruments embedded in social practices, deployed in configurations of power, and creating new distributions of visibility, modes of thought and subjective dispositions” (ibid.: 297). Nevertheless, the concept of dispositif is also employed in the study of risk and therefore, further explained in this chapter in the section concerning risk studies.

A last clarification needs to be done regarding instruments of securitization and securitizing tools, which cannot be used interchangeably. Instruments of securitization are in fact the result of a successful securitization, they constitute the response to an existing threat. In other words, they are a direct consequence of a security issue. In contrast, securitizing tools are instruments that alter a nature of a being into a threat. Balzacq puts it this way: “Securitizing tools have their own life: they securitize” (Balzacq, 2008: 80). Policy tools can have an important impact on social relations as they define the actors involved in public programs, their roles and their relations. In the same way, securitization instruments redesign the so-called ‘public action’, in charge to address the issues that constitute a threat. Policy tools also illustrate a particular way of seeing a threat and present a solution or an attempt of mitigation of the threat (Balzacq, 2008). Therefore, the use of the concept of policy tool and instrument in relation to the securitization theory is relevant to this research for a better understanding of the mechanisms through which the EU mitigates a ‘threat’. Through the analysis of the EU instrument taken into consideration in this thesis, the aim is to find out whether it contains elements characteristics of the ‘instrument of securitization’ or ‘securitization tools’. However, due to EU’s holistic approach in regard to its neighbors, it is difficult to find signs of a veritable ‘existential threat’. Therefore, the next section focuses on risk studies, which I consider to include more appropriate definitions and terms to express the vision the EU has of the Western Balkans.

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2.4. Risk Studies and Critical Risk Studies

Previous sections introduced CSS, ‘securitization theory’ and Balzacq’s work, who included the importance of the analysis of tools and instruments and thus, leading to a ‘revised’ securitization theory. Balzacq de facto shifts from the ‘original’ approaches of securitization theory, by going beyond the mere analysis of the ‘speech act’. This section thoroughly explains the concept of dispositifs and links it to the study of risk, which has become central in politics, with the attempt of manage and avoiding disastrous situations.

In fact, an era of globalization, the presence of catastrophic events, including a rise of terrorism, has shown that the study of risk and the one of security have common grounds, which until recently were taken separately (Petersen, 2012). Some argue that different concepts peculiar to risk, have been increasingly used within security studies. The concepts in hand are those used by risk scholars which consider that risk-related terms include a large number of everyday situations and which are regulated by governments, citizens and private companies (ibid.). Petersen (2012) de facto finds the origins of risk studies in CSS, as she argues that risk takes place in the ‘widening debate’ initiated by Buzan et al. (1998), previously mentioned. She finds the difference between the two in their objectives, arguing that risk studies aim to further explain social and political life in general, rather than international relations in particular (Petersen, 2012). Her focus is put on the so-called ‘critical risk studies’, which “seek to show how risk management decisions and security policies establish certain meaning of politics and political power” (ibid.: 701). This means that the attempt of risk mitigation has some kind of effect in the way of doing politics and thus, on everyday life. The critical approach usually focuses on the economic and neoliberal practices directed to the management of risk, in order to explain the reasons why security practices include more and more technologies of risk (ibid.). I believe that this approach better embraces the aim of this thesis, i.e. to understand the elements of security within the vision the EU has over BiH, while moving the attention away from securitization theory and breaking the traditional discourse. Despite the lack of an ‘existential threat’ concerning the Western Balkans, the EU has created special instruments and tools as well as implemented specific security politics, which language and expressions are worth analyzing. Therefore, this thesis contributes to the unpacking of the instruments implemented in BiH from a risk perspective and at the same time making use of the notion of dispositif as intended by Balzacq (2008). To do so, it is paramount to give some further clarifications of key concepts used in the analysis.

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As aforementioned, some see risk as being part of Security studies and it is considered as the attempt to cope with unpredictable catastrophic events (Petersen, 2012). Therefore, following this line, risk management is about the practices implemented for the avoidance of future threats (Petersen, 2017). More precisely, risk “justifies decisions and political action; it is associated with abandoning old constraints and entering new and better futures” (Petersen, 2012: 697). In other words, risk is seen as a means to define politics and consequently a situation of uncertainty leaves place to risk management practices, legitimizing the relevant authorities to implement specific policies in a pre-emptive manner. Therefore, an important element of risk management is ‘precaution’. In fact, risk management is possible because of this uncertainty that “can be targeted, comprehended and therefore also possibly managed”, which leads to the creation and implementation of risk mitigation policies (Petersen, 2017: 120). In other words, risk management is a response to ‘latent threats’ which can be considered as an oxymoron that gives legitimacy to the implementation of certain measures even without the presence of a real threat.

Aradau and Van Munster follow Michel Foucault’s work on governmentality and on social analysis of risk and think of risk as a dispositif for “governing social problems” (Aradau and Van Munster, 2007; 91). It is relevant to briefly clarify the concepts of ‘neoliberal governmentality’ and ‘dispositif’. The former, is intended by Foucault as “decentralized and dispersed practices that permeate the social, political and legal structures of a given society through economic rationalities and technologies” (İşleyen, 2015: 673). In this regard, some authors have examined the ways in which the EU has exported neoliberalism in other parts of the world through the use of dispositifs (ibid.). On the other hand, Foucault intends the concept of dispositif as “discourses, institutions, architectural forms, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures, scientific statements, philosophical, moral and philanthropic propositions” (Foucault, 1980; 194). Nonetheless, when we consider a dispositif of risk, it creates a connection to the future, which translates into an attempt to “calculate what the future can offer and the necessity to control and minimize potentially harmful effects” (Aradau and Van Munster, 2007: 97). While these interpretations of dispositif of risk are more figurative, it is worth to take into consideration the notion of dispositif as intended in Balzacq. Thus, it is important to bear in mind Balzacq’s work on the instruments and tool while thinking of a dispositif of risk as the attempt to mitigate a risk through a specific policy or tool.

Thus, I understand a dispositif of risk as the attempt to mitigate a possible harmful alteration of the future through specific practices and therefore, implemented through policies and

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instruments. The objective of a dispositif of risk is to act pre-emptively by making fundamental decisions in the present, in order to avoid disastrous consequences in the future. Therefore, making decisions with the account of risk has a temporality aspect: by doing so, relevant actors are bringing the future into the present (Amoore, 2008). With these concepts in mind, this thesis intends to analyze an EU instrument created for the promotion of its values, stability, rule of law, democracy, socio-economic development, among others, in a country characterized by instability. With the definitions provided in this chapter, it is relevant to see if the IPA II presents the elements of a dispositif and if the EU exports security to third countries through this kind of instrument. In fact, even though this instrument is presented as the EU contribution to achieve the EU acquis, some elements may reflect another reality. This is presented and explained in the analysis, where I examine whether the language contained in the policy documents and in the interviews shows elements of risk, risk management and precaution through the use of (risk) dispositifs, as explained above.

2.5. Main criticism to the theoretical approaches

This section takes into consideration the main criticisms to the theoretical approaches outlined above. First, criticisms were directed towards the ‘securitization theory’ as intended by Buzan et al. (1998). In this regard, authors such as Christou et al. (2010) consider that the mere study of the ‘speech act’ is not enough to consider whether an issue has been securitized or not. They argue that it is particularly complicated to do so in the cadre of the EU, due to the presence of many different actors (e.g. EU institutions) as well as different audiences (e.g. EU citizens and member states). Therefore, they consider necessary to focus on ‘security governance’, intended as the examination of the ways in which security is done in the EU and not only on the speech act (Christou et al., 2010). Other criticisms have come from scholars such as Balzacq, whom argued that securitization theory needs a further sociological insight. His analysis shows that usually ‘securitization theory’ considers necessary the presence of an audience that ‘legitimates’ the presence of a threat and therefore of a ‘securitized’ issue. However, he considers that there are “threat images that become prevalent in a society, without explicit audience assent” (Balzacq, 2015: 107-108). Therefore, Balzacq’s sociological approach, restricts the idea that an audience is necessary and thus leaves open the possibility that ‘security issues’ can be created through other means. In doing so, audience represents only one element of the securitization theory, giving more importance to other conditions. In order words, he argues that it is paramount to take into consideration policy instruments, practices, etc. (ibid.) Furthermore, many have

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criticized the idea supported by Buzan et al. (1998) about a securitized issue going beyond normal politics and have argued that an issue becomes securitized due to everyday practices of people in charge of managing threats (Bigo, 2012). Thus, considering that “Security is neither above nor beneath or beyond politics” but rather the result of the work of policy-makers (Balzacq, 2015: 109).

This theoretical framework has thoroughly focused on ‘critical risk studies’; nevertheless, other approaches constitute the study of risk. First of all, there are three core disciplines of risk, thus, giving three different views of what ‘risk’ can represent. In fact, it was first informed by economics, considered as the “mainstream position within risk studies” and believes that risk can be measured and therefore controlled (Petersen, 2012: 697). In a second place, the cultural approach considers risk as the result of selections from own cultural perceptions. In other words, a risk is ‘constructed’ and therefore, reflects political choices (ibid.). Lastly, in sociology, radical constructivists intend risk as “a modern discursive construction which is ever-changing due to constant political struggle and decision-making” (ibid.: 697). Therefore, here risk is seen as a series of practices, subject to constant change and which have an effect on everyday life.

Moreover, scholars have presented different alternatives to critical risk studies. There are in fact, three dominant schools in contemporary risk studies, including critical risk studies, which are global risk management and political risk studies. Firstly, global risk management, finds its grounds on Beck’s Risk Society thesis. Scholars adhering to this thesis believe that risk has exponentially increased in importance, changing the vision of security, war and strategies (Petersen, 2012). This approach sees a net difference between threat and risk, considering risks as less tangible and unpredictable, while threats can be quantifiable, specific and intentional (Heng, 2006; Rasmussen, 2006; Williams, 2008). They argue that the concept of security has lost all its value in a globalized era (Cocker, 2009, Rasmussen, 2006). This approach considers that globalization changed the perception of ‘threats’, extending the concept and almost considering it meaningless. However, I believe that security, as intended in classical security studies, is still a reality. In fact, military operations and wars - even if they have new characteristics - are still the natural means for nation-states to react to threats. For this reason, this thesis did not focus on global risk management.

Lastly, the third relevant school of risk studies is represented by political risk studies. Its objective is to give insights regarding problem-solving rather than examining the management of risk. Political risk studies try to cope with negative alterations in a foreign country caused by

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changes in the political arena. Therefore, political risk management focuses on the control of the future through the analysis of past political events (Petersen, 2012). In this view, the insecurity of the present exists because of the fear of a future political situation. This approach has been highly criticized, due to the difficulties encountered to measure the risk (ibid.). This approach could possibly work with this thesis, as in the relations between the EU and BiH there is a clear political interest. However, I consider paramount the examination of the instrument as risk dispositifs as well as consider the increased importance given to risk analysis and risk management within the EU.

2.6. Conclusion

This theoretical framework addresses the intention to move away from the more traditional security studies, by examining the contribution of scholars that have discussed a broader view of Security studies. The mere focus on the classical responses of security issues and thus on military operations does not thoroughly explain the escalation of certain issues, as ‘security matters’. Therefore, CSS constitute a response to the gap left by the scholars of more traditional security studies. This chapter has explained the basis of the ‘securitization theory’ and how authors studied the situations in which an issue, usually considered as normal, obtains sufficient political saliency to escalate to the top of the political agenda (Buzan et al., 1998). These authors have based their analysis on the ‘speech act’, that is, the study of the language from relevant actors and the audience, that have considered an issue ‘securitized’. Moreover, this chapter has introduced the work of other scholars that have considered different ways to determine whether an issue has been ‘securitized’. Balzacq (2008) introduces the concepts of dispositif, instrument and tool of securitization. These are considered to be the adaptation of a securitization act into an instrument or a tool. The latter can be a specific policy, financial and technical instrument and can have a salient effect on the reality in which they exist. Lastly, in order to respond to the research question, it worth to consider these definitions while bearing in mind the concepts as intended within risk studies. Therefore, the definitions of a dispositif of risk and Balzacq’s definitions of dispositif, allowed me to analyze the role of the EU Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, through the examination of the language, the vocabulary and more material aspects, such as financial allocations, found in the relevant IPA II documents and in the interviews.

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN

3.1. Introduction

This chapter introduces and explains the procedure used for the selection of the documents and a brief description of the documents. It is divided in three sections. The first section, explains the way in which the documents concerning IPA II were selected and gives an overview of the interviews carried out for this thesis. Moreover, it mentions the relevance given to the interviews carried out with EU officers, which gave me great insight on the topic as well as contributed to the examination of the documents. The second section provides a short presentation of the data gathered as well as their relevance to this study. The third section introduces and explains the choice of the methodology, i.e. content analysis. This section also includes the procedure used for the recognition of the main sectors in BiH considered as ‘challenging’ by the EU. This is particularly relevant because it sets out the main priorities for the EU and therefore allowed me to select the key passages and therefore to proceed to the analysis.

3.2. Data collection

For the sake of this research, different documents concerning the IPA II in BiH were collected. All the documents are found in the EC website concerning BIH and include four lists of documents. (European Commission, BiH – financial assistance under IPA II website). The analysis takes into consideration the documents included in only one of the lists. This choice was made by elimination process, in order to gather only relevant material to address the research question outlined in the introduction.

In a first place, two of the lists referred to IPA, predecessor of IPA II, therefore concerning the years 2007-2013. Certainly, in a more extensive thesis it would have been interesting to examine the documents in a broader arch of time. However, due to a lack of space and time, it was more relevant to analyze the updated documents. The analysis focuses on the projects outlined for the period of time from 2014 to 2020. Thus, by elimination process the remaining two lists constituted the “Country Action Programmes for 2014-2020” and the “Cross-Border Cooperation Programmes for 2014-2020” (ibid.). The analysis of thesis does not take into consideration the latter for a simple reason. In fact, the strategies displayed by the “Cross-Border Cooperation Programmes” mainly focus on territorial cooperation, sustainability, as well as on the promotion of the growth of employment, labor mobility and inclusion across the borders

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(ibid.) The strategies are directed to the enhancement of the cooperation between BiH and Montenegro and BiH and Serbia. They promote projects for the achievement of good neighbor relations and overall development of the region. Although, these are elements that contribute to growth, development and stability, this thesis focuses exclusively on the relations between the EU and BiH and thus, does not take into account the EU funding for cross-border projects.

Therefore, the documents were carefully selected within the list “Country Action Programmes for 2014-2020”. IPA II covers many different sectors and the EC has funded various types of projects in BiH. The projects go from the “Support to effective justice” to the “support to transport sector development” (European Commission- Enlargement policy, IPA II website). Due to the large range of documents, I used the interviews as a means to uncover the more challenging areas and thus, to select the relevant material. Moreover, I have taken into consideration the EU values as well as the rhetoric found in the Enlargement Policy, in order to find the prioritized sectors in BiH. In doing so I do not intend to leave aside other relevant documents, however, other sectors financed under IPA II such as “transport; competitiveness and innovation, local development strategies; and education, employment and social policies”, should automatically come with stability and security.

Therefore, the documents analyzed mainly focus on the following prioritized sectors: rule of law, justice, law enforcement, human rights, public administration and the fight against organized crime and corruption (ibid.). Moreover, the analysis includes the examination of the EC’s report on BiH issued in 2018 in order to get a general idea of the ongoing situation.

The importance of these sectors is thoroughly advocated by the EC which acknowledges the fact that BiH is still recovering from the wrecking of a civil conflict and therefore, reiterates the importance of the rule of law. In fact, taking into account a state where everything and everyone is equal before the law, and where the latter is “equally enforced, publicly promulgated and independently promulgated”, translate elements of a secure, stable and equitable state (UN, 2004; 1). Moreover, rule of law can be read in Art. 2 of the Treaty of the European Union (TEU), mentioned together with liberty, democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms as being one of the EU fundamental values and over which the common European security and defense policy is based. Hereof, the EU has been committed to the promotion of rule of law in its operations and has increased its support for the respect of rule of law, including in missions directed to peace building and crisis management (Bergling, Wennerström and Sannerholm, 2012). Nonetheless, it is worth to consider the other side of the coin, i.e. a situation characterized

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by a lack of rule of law. This reality refers to the ‘security perception’ of rule of law, where injustice and repression combined, create the complex roots of crisis and conflicts. In this situation, the promotion of rule of law is regarded as the response to instability, insecurity and the to strengthen the protection of civilians. In this sense, security seems to be one dimension of rule of law (Bergling et al, 2012). Therefore, the choice of the documents started from the central place given by the EU to the rule of law and to the other sectors that gravitate around this main concept.

Nonetheless, this thesis not only includes the analysis of documents but also a series of interviews carried out in Brussels in April of 2018. Relevant actors and EU officers were contacted, such as MEPs from different the relevant parliamentary committees: Foreign Affairs; Security and Defense and from the Delegation for the relations with BiH and Kosovo. In the same way, different officers from the EC and the EEAS were contacted. Many of the people contacted contributed with documents and information in relation to this topic, providing guidance for my research. Furthermore, I was aware of the existence of several EU funding schemes and experts provided advise to focus on IPA II rather than on other EU instruments. In the same way, some of the interviews were explorative, namely with Policy Advisers from the EP on February 2018, which enabled me to discuss relevant ongoing issues, define an interesting and new topic and to gather documents relative to my research.

On the other hand, I interviewed officers from the European Parliament and the European Commission. These interviews were used in the analysis included in the following chapter. First, I carried out an interview with the fundamental rights desk officer for BiH, Mr. Davide Denti, in tandem with the IPA coordinator for BiH, Miss Zane Rungule. The interview took place at DG NEAR in Brussels on April the 23rd. During the interview I clearly saw the position of the EC, especially in regard to the enlargement, later discussed in the analysis. On April 24th, I interviewed Thomas Waitz, MEP from the Green Party/European Free Alliance. Mr. Waitz is a Member for the Delegation for the relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The issues discussed included the EU military presence in BiH, corruption and the progress or stagnation, as well as more sensitive subjects such as the ‘ethnic divisions’ characteristics of BiH. Finally, I interviewed on the same day Mr. Jozsef Blaszauer, Administrator for the Parliamentary Subcommittee for Security and Defense (SEDE). Mr. Blaszauer, gave me great insight on the ongoing situation, providing an update regarding EUFOR Althea, the EU military operation in BiH, as he just returning from a field operation.

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During the interviews, I questioned what they considered to be the main issues and the progress that was made in this regard. I found out that all the interviewees were highly concerned with corruption and with the inefficient legal framework, unable to counter the most basic issues. Therefore, the main challenges were disclosed both through the use of the interviews and through the interpretation of the main EU values. This justifies the choice of the documents, with the intention to examine the vocabulary and the expressions used by the EC and by the interviewees with reference to the following topics: rule of law, justice and the fight against organized crime and corruption. Furthermore, I have also proceeded to compare some of the amounts invested in specific sectors, in order to create some kind of hierarchy among the issues. The next section includes a brief presentation of the documents later analyzed.

3.3. Selected documents

This section provides a brief outline of the documents selected for the analysis outlined in chapter four. The documents selected concern the IPA II, from the period 2014-2020. The list below is presented in chronological order.

Support to implementing anti-corruption strategies (2014): directed for the strengthening of the capacities of anti-corruption institutions in BiH to effectively coordinate and monitor the implementation of anticorruption strategies (Budget: € 750 000) (European Commission, 2014a). Support to International Commission on Missing Persons (2014): directed to increase the national efforts to address the issue of missing persons after the civil conflict in the 1990s. Contributes to an enhanced justice (Budget: € 1 000 000) (European Commission, 2014b).

Support to Law enforcement agencies in BiH (2015): considers the rule of law at the core of the enlargement strategy and has as objective to improve the fight against corruption and organized crime (Budget: € 6 000 000) (European Commission, 2015b).

Assistance to BiH to address the issue of missing persons (2016): directed to the strengthening of scientific research for the identification of the missing persons in BiH during the civil conflict and promotes the enhancement of justice. (Budget: € 3 000 000) (European Commission, 2016a).

EU for human rights and anti-discrimination (2017): for the contribution to a progress towards meeting the accession criteria on the protection of fundamental rights, in particular

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towards the most vulnerable and marginalized groups in BiH (Budget: € 1 650 000) (European Commission, 2017a).

EU support to an efficient and responsible public administration (2017): for the contribution to an efficient, professional, transparent and service oriented public administration in BiH and capable of implementing the EU integration requirements (Budget: € 5 700 000) (European Commission, 2017b).

EU support to effective justice (2017): for the strengthening of rule of law in BiH through support of a better judiciary and law enforcement agencies. It is aimed to an improve response of processing organized crime, corruption, economic crime and other types of serious criminal offenses (Budget: € 14 350 000) (European Commission, 2017c).

EU support to home affairs to combat illegal acts (2017): for the improvement of public safety and security for a more prosperous economy and society. The aim is to support capacity development of competent institutions to combat illegal acts in BiH. The areas of intervention are border management, fight against organized crime and reduction of irregular migration (Budget: € 13 500 000) (European Commission, 2017d).

Commission Implementing Decision of 30.11.2017 adopting the Annual Action Programme for Bosnia and Herzegovina for the year 2017, C(2017) 8199 final. This document sets out the priorities, the financial allocations and how to manage them in BiH for the year 2017(European Commission, 2017e)

Annex 1 - Indicative Strategy Paper for Bosnia and Herzegovina (2014-2017) Revisited in November 2017. Strategy papers are the specific strategic planning documents for every beneficiary. They set the priorities and objectives for the seven years mandate and identify key sectors where considerable improvement and reforms are necessary for the achievement of the requirements to enter the EU (European Commission, 2017f).

Commission Staff Working Document, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2018 Report, COM (2018) 450 final: this document outlines the action plan of the year 2017 and the results achieved by 2018. (European Commission, 2018b).

Once I selected the documents and highlighted the challenging issues in BiH, I was able to examine the vocabulary and discourse around these concepts and therefore to proceed to the analysis. This process is outlined in the following section, which explains the analytical procedure.

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3.4. Methodology

The objective of this thesis is to dissect the documents gathered in order to answer the question of whether they include elements of risk and characteristics of a dispositif, in order to determine what kind of security is promoted and exported in BiH through the IPA II. For this, the central issues have been identified, through a careful reading of the documents and in consultation with the experts interviewed. As a means for guidance, I have used the sub-research questions: what are sectors in BiH are the most relevant for the EU, how are they described, what is the objective in terms of security, how much do the EU invest in what and what is the discourse promoted in BiH?

This analysis is based on content analysis of the documents mentioned above. The aim is therefore, to identify the patterns, themes and interpretations given by the EC and other EU institutions when referred to the main concerns and funds in BiH. In the same way, this method allowed me to examine the transcribes interviews in the same way as the official documents from the EC. The qualitative analysis includes the examination of quotes and references of the documents and includes an interpretation of the “latent meaning and themes” that are present (Berg, 2007: 341). In other words, the analysis includes what is actually written on paper while taking into consideration the way it is said, the broader picture and the ongoing situation in BiH, as well as what the experts declared during their interviews. This has permitted me to go beyond the mere holistic impression given by the EU in regard to the Western Balkans, or as it is presented: “Our Neighbors”. Content analysis allowed me to get a further insight of the documents and to go beyond the ‘speech act’ typical of the analysis followed by CSS. As mentioned in the theoretical framework, this thesis acknowledges the importance given to instruments and tools, as means to understand security politics.

The examination of the documents through content analysis started by creating categories of codes, further specified and explained below. A brief clarification of codes is paramount in order to understand the reasoning behind this thesis. The aim of this thesis is to give a further insight in regard to EU funds in BiH. Therefore, it is necessary to divide the content of the data and to narrow it down to a few main themes (Saldaña, 2016). Therefore, codes permitted me to classify the data and to organize it into categories to quickly identify the patterns and the recurrences within these categories. In doing so, I was able to identify the focal concerns of the EU in regard to BiH and to promptly identify the repetition in terms of language and expressions, whilst keeping in mind the broader picture (Saldaña, 2011). Once the main categories were identified,

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their analysis proceeded with the help of a series of interrelations already mentioned in the literature; thus, by linking each code to security. To give an example, authors have discussed the relation between corruption and security, arguing that a corruption leads to higher levels of insecurity within a country (Moran, 2011). In the same way, other links were displayed in regard to rule of law and security, justice and security and organized crime and (in)security. Therefore, this analysis is based on the combination of various words, themes, concepts and semantics for the understanding of the broader reality depicted by the EC (Berg, 2007). As abovementioned, the analysis includes two different rationales. On the one hand, it gravitates around the issues that were identified by the actors, which are the ones concerning organized crime and corruption; and on the other hand, it is organized around transversal issues, considered as ‘universal’ security issues, at least in the cadre of the EU, namely rule of law and justice.

Furthermore, the study includes an inductive, which examines a series of “evidence and an accumulation of knowledge” in order to draw conclusions in regard to the whole region of the Western Balkans and taking in consideration only the case of BiH (Saldaña, 2011: 93). Therefore, the analysis is not focused on what is clearly stated but also includes a “latent content analysis”, intended as “interpretative reading of the symbolism underlying the physical data” (Berg, 2007: 344). Meanwhile examining the written language, this analysis interprets the amount of funds directed to the different sectors, while taking into consideration the general circumstances. In doing so, the idea is to highlight the disguised intentions behind the enormous amount of EU funding invested in the Western Balkans.

In order to combine the different elements, I have used the coding programme ATLAS.ti to dissect the documents by themes, relevant words, vocabulary and expressions. I have therefore thoroughly and individually analyzed the documents to see what the most relevant topics were, the ones that were recurrent and were presented as challenging. First, the language and expressions were divided into ‘negative vocabulary’, ‘concerning areas’, ‘threat’, ‘dissatisfaction’. In a second place, the documents were divided into topic, including: rule of law, law enforcement, justice, corruption, organized crime, terrorism, border management, etc. With the classification of these issues I found out that the most ‘negative vocabulary’ ‘consequences’ and the ones that have created more ‘dissatisfaction’ in order to highlight what were the sectors most concerning for the EU. This conducted me to four terms: rule of law; justice; organized crime and corruption. For example, the combination the codes “dissatisfaction” + “justice” revealed the quotes within the documents selected that allowed me

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to draw conclusions in regard to the situation in BiH as well as the discourse promoted by the EC. Bellow an exemplary table of the procedure followed in the analysis.

Negative vocabulary; Concerning areas; Dissatisfaction; Inefficient

e.g.

Interpretation

Rule of law “lack of a satisfactory strengthening of rule of law”; “weakness in the rule of law hamper economic growth […]”; “weak rule of law”

EU is concerned; fundamental EU value – paramount for stability/democracy; fosters reforms.

Justice “the fragmented, overall incomplete and

un-harmonized legal and institutional framework does not ensure equitable procedural rights […]”; “crucial weakness”

Great concern; injustice brings instability; directly affects citizens; discontent; focus on training of relevant actors and creation of law enforcement agencies – implications. Organized

Crime

“low conviction rates”; “legal framework to fight against organized crime is only partially aligned with EU acquis”; “limited progress”

Related to (in)justice; considered as a ‘new threat’; negative implications for the population.

Corruption “must fight corruption effectively, as it represents a threat to the stability of democratic institutions and the rule of law”; “serious problem”; “widespread and remains an issue of concern”

Affects all areas of life; burden to justice; related to organized crime; negative implications for public order.

The use of this method has numerous advantages. First of all, it permitted me to analyze policy documents, as well as the interviews through the same process. I was able to move away from the analysis of the mere ‘speech act’ or ‘discourse analysis’, characteristic of CSS (Buzan et al., 1998). Furthermore, the documents analyzed were easily accessible in the EC website and I was

EU funding for security in Bosnia and Herzegovina : understanding the non-conventional means of security : an analysis of the EU instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance