Students' perception of gender positioning in the formal educational system in Myanmar

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CONSIDERING THEIR VOICES

Students’ Perception Of Gender Positioning in the Formal

Educational System in Myanmar

Noémie PALAFFRE, 11182245

MSc International Development Studies

June 30

th

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SUPERVISOR:

SECOND READER:

Elizabeth J.T MABER

Simone DATZBERGER

PhD researcher, GID, AISSR,

PhD researcher, GPIO, AISSR,

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Elizabeth J.T. Maber for being supportive through the course of this thesis process, as being encouraging and reassuring. She always gave me useful insight into the topic and never hesitated to share her knowledge about Myanmar as well as her best contacts within the country. Furthermore, I would like to thank my second reader, Simone Datzberger, for taking time to read and grade this research thesis.

Moreover, I would like to thank Zin Mar Oo, one of my local supervisors for accepting me in KawKant Education Center and let me interview her students. Many thanks goes to the staff of KKEC who took care of me when needed. Additionally, my I would like to thank my friend Aggha Oo Mar, who kindly assisted me on the field, translating my interviews. His brilliant insight and his effort have thoughtfully contributed to this research. Next to this, I would like to thank Anke Vriwane for spending time to proofread my thesis.

I owe my deepest gratitude to May May Win, my second supervisor and my friend, who helped me conduct this research until the last day on the field. Without her, this research would not have been as complete and insightful.

Moreover, I would like to thank all the students, teacher-trainers, teachers- trainee and teachers interviewed for taking precious time and converse with me even considering the ‘sensitive’ nature of the subject. Their voices represent the core of this research; for this reason, I owe them all my gratitude by dedicating them this thesis.

In addition, I would like to thank my parents, whose encouragement and support were given since the very first day of school, while teaching me how to be optimistic, strong and determined, but mostly, to never give up on my dreams. Next, to this, I want to thank my partner for accompanying and taking great care of me during the research thesis process. Last but not least, I offer my regards and gratitude to my sister and my friends for their personal and intellectual assistance in any respect, giving me inspiration during the completion of this thesis.

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Je voudrais remercier mes parents, dont leurs encouragement et leurs soutient depuis mon premier pas à l’école jusqu’à aujourd’hui, m’ont appris l’optimisme, la force et la persévérance, mais le plus important, de ne jamais abandonner mes rêves. Enfin, je dédicace mes plus sincères remerciements à ma sœur ainsi qu’à mes plus chers amis pour leurs assistances personnelles et intellectuelles, me donnant toute l’inspiration nécessaire durant cette thèse.

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ABSTRACT

For the past decades, development actors have paid particular attention to gender equality in education. While recent reports tend to emphasise a global improvement of gender parity in education, the latest literature contends that development scholars have under-researched student’s voices and gender positioning in Myanmar. This study examines Myanmar Formal Educational System and its new reforms by highlighting student’s perception of the multi-facetted nature of gender disparities in school. This research explores Myanmar’s formal curriculum, practices, and debates on the silence around gender-related topics, physical and structural inequalities and student’s demands for transformations spaces using qualitative methods, including in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and observations. The research found that despite students’ difficulties to grow self-awareness and the fact that they recognized physical and structural inequalities embedded in formal education, they acknowledge concerns over the lack of critical thinking and the silence about numerous issues, such as women’s rights, conflicts, inter-ethnic relations, religion and youth’s abilities to change the country for a better future. Based on these findings, the study concludes that (1) students perceive their Formal Educational System as obsolete and accountable for keeping them unaware of the social world they live in including gender positioning. However, (2) students - when acknowledging physical and structural inequalities are fiercely demanding for social changes. From a feminist approach, this study makes clear that Bourdieu’s concept of social reproduction of the structure is useful to analyse unrecognized inequalities. However more attention is needed for transformative space. Students welcome the historical context of social change and demand to be heard. This research suggests a more straightforward link between policy-making process and student’s voices.

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LIST OF ACCRONYMS

AFPFL - Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League ASEAN - Association of Southeast Asian Nations

CEDAW- Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women CESR - Comprehensive Education Sector Review EFA- Education for All

FDG - Focus Group Discussion FES - Formal Education System GDP - Gross Domestic Product GEN - Gender Equality Network KKEC - KantKaw Education Centre

LGBTI - Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, Transgender and Intersex MoE - Ministry of Education

MoI - Ministry of Information

NGO - Non-Governmental Organisation NESP - National Education Strategic Plan NLD - National League for Democracy RGSO - Rainfall Gender Study Organization STD - Sexually Transmitted Infection

SRHR- Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights UN - United Nation

UNESCO - United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural UNICEF - United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund USDP - Union Solidarity and Development Party

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1, Conceptual scheme ... 15

Figure 2, TEF rooftop / open space for students ... 19

Figure 3, Picture with a teacher trainer and students who participated to a FGD ... 21

Figure 4, Map of Myanmar by States ... 28

Figure 5, Office of the President of the Union of Myanmar ... 32

Figure 6, English Textbook Grade 10 ... 44

Figure 7, Drawing from a student ... 47

Figure 8, Male robot vs. female robot, (pp. 77-78), English Textbook Grade 10 ... 52

Figure 9, Female giving the groceries to a child ... 54

Figure 10, Restriction to women in Pagoda's most sacred place ... 57

Figure 11, Gender characteristics: Negative & Positive words ... 59

Figure 12, Frankly suggestion to reform FES ... 62

Figure 13, Question asked for students: Do you think male or female play a more important role in your society ... 66

Figure 14, Contents of the curriculum used by TEC and KKEC for the gender class ... 74

Figure 15, Subject taught in No.1, Basic Education High School, Dagon Township, Yangon (official School Website, Myanmar) ... 75

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1, Activities on the board during the session ... 65

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I- INTRODUCTION

Worldwide, gender positioning changes and adapts according to its social and cultural environments. After opening its door to the world in 2011, Myanmar is transitioning towards democracy, economic growth, globalisation, urbanisation and social debates on peace building, education and social norms. In this context of rapid change, cultural and social reproduction in education needs to be questioned, re-questioned and challenged to certain extents.

This research project engages with the field of education and gender in contemporary Myanmar, focusing on student’s perception of gender positioning in Myanmar’s educational system. Historically, Myanmar experienced one of the earliest literate civilizations, shifting to a military regime, subverting its educational system for over half a century. Today, Myanmar has decided to reform its education towards inclusiveness and equity. However, the relationship between gender positioning and educational system is highly understudied and should be taken into an utmost consideration. Through student’s view, this research project analyses gender positioning, the reproduction of inequalities in education, and the possibilities for transformation.

1.1 Backgrounds and Context: Education and Gender

Formal education is typically provided by the state through schooling. In school, students learn to behave and become independent in accordance to its cultural norm. Modern-day schools, equally prepares students toward their vocational path to serve the state or global economic development (Winch & Gingell, 2008). According to Education for All (EFA), education is perceived, as “a human right for all throughout life and that access must be matched by quality” (UNESCO). These perceptions tend to be embedded into a global and neo-liberal context, and is rarely questioned by development actors (Pasqua, 2014; Verger, Novelli, & Altinyelken, 2012). Supposedly, education provides positive economic, social, and political impact on society. It can, however, generate negative influence mainly in a conflict or post-conflict setting promoting vertical and horizontal inequalities (Bush & Saltarelli, 2000). Indeed, schooling can play a role in raising exclusion of other groups; indoctrinate children with a certain ideology, for instance. The renowned sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1966) has focused most of his work on education and its role in reproducing social and

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cultural structure. His theories mostly concern power dynamic in society and how it could be maintained through social and cultural practices in different social space, known as the fields. Education, as a social field tends to shape norms including gender norms (Humphreys, 2013). Development actors and feminist scholars have paid particular attention to gender parity and equality in education (Simons, Olssen & Peters, 2009). While academics often debate the complexity around the term and use of ‘gender’, depending on each author’s point of view, ‘gender’ is rarely contested and discussed by educational policies. International development organisations have described gender as: “the roles and responsibilities of men and women that are created in our families, our societies and our cultures” (UNESCO’s Gender Mainstreaming Implementation Framework, 2003). This mainstream discourse is, while accurate, somehow distorted. This definition implies that (both) gender roles and norms are free from power struggles and inequalities. Hence, the definition also assumes that gender is binary (two gender only) and apolitical. Post-structuralist and a large number of feminist theorists, including feminist reproduction theorist and intersectionalist such as Humphreys, Adkins, and Skeggs etc., contest this. Therefore, to fully understand the term of gender, this research includes the dimension of power unbalance and inequality. Nonetheless, Feminist reproduction theorists have engaged with the work of Bourdieu in order to reframe his theoretical structure to feminist theory. Despite the fact that Bourdieu did not include ‘gender’ as a central concept in his social theory, Feminists admit that his concepts are relevant to underpin the reproduction of gender inequalities in social fields such as educational institutions (Adkins & Skeggs, 2004).

1.2 Relevance of the Research and Aims

Myanmar’s political transition toward democracy, since the 2015 election has created an opportunity to reform formal educational policies and practices (GEN, 2015, Higgins, Maber, Lopes Cardozo, & Shah, 2015). Myanmar went through half century of civil war. During this period, most of the state expenditure was dedicated to military equipment, at the cost of educational investment (Higgins et al., 2015). Today, can therefore, be defined as a relevant time to question Myanmar students about their perception of educational practices and how their voices can contribute to an effective and more adapted policy implementation. Moreover, after decades of the military regime, debate around gender (in)equalities tend to reappear in local development discourses. Development actors hope to re-insure equal

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opportunity for men and women and limit social constraint, oppression and disadvantage between genders including in education (GEN, 2015). This occasion suits the research rationale since development actors as well as Myanmar government itself have a large demand for further research around the role of education in shaping gender roles and norms from a youth perspective (Higgins et al., 2015). The National Education Strategic Plan’ report admits, “the lack of Myanmar-specific studies of gender and education means that very little is known about whether this is indeed the case” (MoE, 2016: 101).

This research aims to question students’ perception of gender positioning within the Myanmar educational system in this current context of fast economic growth, political shifts and educational policy reforms. From a Bourdieusian perceptive, this research aims to analyse social and cultural power structure and emphasises the meanings behind the narratives in order to highlights asymmetric power relations. Because globalization carries new economic, political and social standards, local representation of gender norms and roles might be influenced by new social transformations, which this research needs to take into consideration (MacDonald, 2016; DeJaeghere &Vavrus, 2011; Syed & Ali, 2011). Feminism and gender studies were built over centuries through several movements all around the world (Burton, 1992). However, these fields continue to be dominated by western patterns (Syed and Ali, 2011). It needs to be taken into account since it may generate the promotion of what Syed and Ali (2011) call “white women’s burden” on this research fieldwork. This why, this research aims to ‘perceive’ students experiences of gender in education. From this stance, it seems legitimate to let Myanmar’s students produce their own representation as it was so often ignored in the past. Furthermore, this research attempts to analyse social power relationship through Bourdieu concepts and feminist theories, which is developed and argued within the research questions frames.

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1.3 Research Question and Sub-questions

Using a Bourdieusian perspective as well as the acknowledgment of feminist theorists through student’s voices aims to highlight social and cultural norms and practices of gender positioning in Myanmar Educational System, this shapes this following research questions:

What are (former) high school students’ perceptions or recollections of gender positioning through Myanmar’s formal educational system in the current context of

new educational reforms?

Research sub-questions are:

• How do students perceive Myanmar Formal Educational System and its implication in gender-related topics?

• What forms of gender inequalities are perceived in Myanmar Formal Educational System?

• How are students as well as policy-makers and teachers, calling for transformation about gender positioning in the social field of Myanmar Formal Educational System?

1.4 Thesis Outline

The thesis is divided in eight chapters. The introductory chapter discusses the general focus in which this research is constructed. After introducing some background about education and gender in Myanmar, this chapter clarifies the rationale and relevance of the study, as well as presenting the research question and sub-questions.

Chapter Two exposes the research theoretical framework. Education and gender, the main concepts are examined from a Bourdieusian perspective. This chapter highlights several debates in which the analysis and discussion is later built on. This theoretical context is meant to support thoughtfully the response of research question and sub-questions.

Chapter Three defines the research framework by describing the ontological and epistemological stance of the research. It guides the reader to understand the methods and data analysis used all along the study. The research methodology stresses the importance of qualitative methods and its triangulation with minor quantitative data. This chapter outlines

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the unit of analysis, the methods of sampling, ethical consideration, and the limitations encountered during the research process.

Chapter four introduces the research empirical context and provides an overall picture of Myanmar formal educational background and vis-à-vis gender positioning in the social structure.

Chapters Five, Six and Seven analyses and discusses the data gathered while on the fieldwork. Chapter five examines student’s perception of Myanmar’s Formal Education System (FES) and gender positioning and how they recognize being kept unaware about gender-related discussion through the rote learning culture and the reproduction of norms and values. Chapter six develops more insights on student’s perception of gendered discriminative practices in FES, describing the reproduction of physical and structural inequalities and their impact on student’s identities. Chapter seven finalises the analysis debating on student’s awareness and the transformation’s involvement of different actors, at different levels. This chapter pushes the limit of Bourdieu theory by introducing more space for social change within structural social constrains.

Chapter Eight concludes this research thesis by answering the research question and sub-questions and by summarizing the main findings. This chapter gathers the last methodological and theoretical reflections. The last section collects suggestions for educational policies and practices regarding gender positioning as well as possible ideas for further research in this field.

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II- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter examines the two main concepts around which the research is structured: Education and Gender. These discussions will draw on academic literature from the social science arena and will introduce key debates and questions around these issues.

2.1 Education and Social Structures

The theoretical framework of this research attempts to understand education’s power to frame social norms through schooling (Humphreys, 2013). The following section will analyse the concept of education and its impact on society drawing on Bourdieu’s work around the ‘social field’ of schools.

2-1-1 Understanding Education from a Bourdieusian Perspective:

Theory and Concepts

Bourdieu is one of the most renowned sociologists of the 20th Century. He has inspired a high number of researchers and academics with his well-known theory of reproduction. To understand his stance, it is quite important to describe the major notions brought by the reproduction theory, including Social and Cultural Reproduction theory, Cultural and Social Capitals, the Concept of Habitus and Symbolic Violence.

Each social being is related to a social context, and this context creates structures. Each individual, family, or community belongs to a social class determined by their economic and social background in which they produce a certain level of cultural capital. Bourdieu’s idea of social reproduction assumes that cultural capital is transmitted, through a number of practices by parents during children’s socialisation. To Bourdieu (1970), each capital is patterned within (1) the fields of action and (2) through individual’s perception of the social world according to their background such as class, ethnicity, religion, education, or gender, also called habitus (Adkins, 2005). Cultural capital determined social inequalities and is often facilitated by social institutions promoting cultural capital of the privileged and dominant class of the society. Institutions like education, transmit:

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“The hereditary transmission of power and privilege, than that solution which the educational system provides by contributing to the reproduction of the structure of class relations and by concealing, by an apparently neutral attitude, the fact that it fills this function” (Bourdieu, 1973:76).

This means that school and teachers easily reward students who possess a similar social capital and penalise students without the same habitus intentionally as well as unintentionally. Consequently, the school plays an important role in reproducing social inequalities (Mills, 2008). According to Pierre Bourdieu, school is a ‘social field’ where individuals ‘socially’ interact with each other (Bourdieu, 1973). Each student carries social, and economic capital more or less close to the ‘habitus’ of the field and may give students advantages or disadvantages depending on how similar these capitals are to the educational system.

The modern schooling system was designed during the age of enlightenment around the 1700’s. Bourgeois and intellectuals created (their) educational system representing principles of education and skills valued in their class (Robertson, 2013; William, 1997). Therefore, through the transmission of their capitals, bourgeois became the dominant class. However, by perpetuating the structure of dominance, children who do not recognise their own class and habitus in their educational system undergo what Bourdieu claims as symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1966; 1970; 1973; Mills, 2008). Symbolic violence can be perceptible or implied by the use of language, cultural knowledge, economic ‘standard’, or gender relations (Collins, 2009; Mills, 2008). Because the pedagogic system is seen and pretends be meritocratic, disadvantaged students would struggle sometimes without even noticing the structural constraints they are exposed to (Mills, 2008; Collins, 2009; Lingard, et al., 2005; Dillabough, 2003). Education becomes, as said by Bourdieu, a tool for social retention, treating cultural and social heritage as aptitude and skills (Bourdieu, 1966). Schools may reproduce social hierarchies through divers form such as curriculum, practices or evaluations. According to Bernstein, the curriculum content and its form, the pedagogy and assessments are organized around patterns, and symbolic distinguishing the value of each class. Embedded in curriculums and practices, the dominant class reproduces and sustains its power deliberately and involuntarily (Bernstein, 1977)1.

1_{Also see Apple, M. W. (1978). Ideology, Reproduction, and Educational Reform. Comparative Education Review, 22(3),} 367-387. doi:10.1086/445993

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2-1-2 Working through Bourdieu: Possibilities and Limits

To fully understand the study outlook, it is essential to understand the link between cultural practices and schools (Bourdieu, 1966). Through the years of schooling, education systems tend to teach one single national curriculum to every child sponsoring a cultural “homogenization”. Nevertheless, Bourdieu explains that homogenization is an illusion, if not every student start with the same cultural and economic capacities (Bourdieu, 1966). His work on cultural reproduction, influenced by grand theorists such as Marx or Durkheim, have attracted attention in the social science world, in turn inspired a next generation of researchers (Mill, 2008: Collins, 2009). According to current authors like Carmen Mills, “his [Bourdieu] sociological account implies a major break with human capital theories, western psychology and the neo-liberal politics that drive educational policy, all of which 'explain' differences in scholastic outcomes as an effect of natural aptitudes” (2008: 83).

Social Feminists have also taken the opportunity to analyse and re-use Bourdieu’s work. Lisa Adkins, Beverley Skeggs, Jo-Anne Dillabough are among the post-structuralist feminists who work with Bourdieu’s theory, which is developed in the second section of this theoretical framework.

Evidently, academics have used and criticized Bourdieu’s work to bring some new insights. Indeed, limits to Bourdieu’s work need to be taken into account and are indispensable to understand the research’s standpoint overall. First of all, Bourdieu’s insistence on social and cultural determinism is a major debate among researchers like Collins (2009), Mills (2008), Adkins (2004), Dillabough, (2004) or McLeod (2005), to cite some critics. Those have pointed out the “unresolved contradiction between determinism and voluntarism” (Jenkins, 2002 as cited in Mills, 2008: 81). The conception of restrained agency assumes little space for transformation, change, or even resistance (Mills, 2008; Collins, 2009; Bourdieu, 1973). The second limit to Bourdieu’s theory is the distance given between concept, theory, and the fields. Authors like Dillabough (2003) state that reproduction theorists tend to devaluate the re-contextualization and social changes of the educational system, within the super-structure. She introduces ‘transformative education’ as an example of the possible space for social change (Maber, 2014). However, it must be highlighted that Bourdieu himself pinpointed this limit (Dillabough, 2004) and acknowledged that social change appears when “there is no longer acceptance of the rules of the game and the goals proposed by the dominant class” (Mills, 2008: 87). Thus, when the marginalised become

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aware of the structural inequalities, they call for a transformation of the structure that oppressed them (Mills, 2008). Lastly, Bourdieu (1990) himself, affirm the lack of comprehension regarding class, race and gender. The simplification of class culture, often seen as stable categories rather than fluid ones, has allowed authors to analyse class relationships within the structure (Mills, 2008). However, the concept of ‘intersectionality’ seems far more adapted to our diverse generation. Since 1990’s intersectionality theory has enriched the study of structural inequality by analysing the interaction between social categories such as class, ethnicity or gender (Tamboukou, 2015). Feminist researchers working on Bourdieu’s work have highlighted the significance of gender positioning in the educational system, which is further conversed in the next section.

2.2 Genders, Education and Development

In recent past, international development actors and educational policy-makers have paid a particular attention to the development of women and gender equality (Simons, Olssen & Peters, 2009). The term ‘gender’ is often complex to define and is used somehow differently according to each author’s perspectives. Since this research makes the use of Bourdieu’s theories, and Feminist Reproduction Theories more globally, it appears appropriate to define gender from a similar perspective. For instance, Humphreys, a structuralist and post-colonialist describes gender as follows;

“The term ‘gender’ […] refers both to the categories of ‘male’ and ‘female’, ‘men’ and ‘women’ what has been termed ‘gender ascription’ and to the socially constructed identities enacted in social relations between males and females and within gender categories” (2013:767).

This following section will underpin the key debates around the concept of gender from a feminist perspective and with the implication of Bourdieu’s work, feminist reproduction theorists, and transformative theorists.

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2-2-1 Gender and Education in the Eyes of Feminist Reproduction

Theory: Limits and Possibilities

Feminist theory has contributed to the conviction that access to education should be equal (Tamboukou, 2015). Since the 1970’s academic feminists have analysed social inequalities in education through the notion of gender. Among the main focuses;

“The problems of biological determinism (...) Gender construction, patriarchy, policy making in education; open and hidden practices of sexual discrimination and patriarchal structures in schools; as well as cultural representations of gender relations in the language, discourses, and curricula of schooling”(Tamboukou, 2015).

Current debates around gender and education touch several themes. Since the 1990s, intersectionality theory has enlarged the concept of structural inequality by analysing the interaction between social categories such as class, ethnicity or gender (Tamboukou, 2015; McLeod, 2005). However, academics argue for the existence of a research gap in the difference between theoretical concept, policymaking process and the local implementation which this research could contribute to (Tamboukou, 2015). This research focuses predominantly on feminist theorists who reconceptualised and re-used the concepts of Pierre Bourdieu within the gender dimension such as a ‘gender capital’ and through the construction of gender roles in education and schooling (Tamboukou, 2015; Dillabough, 2006).

From the early 1970s feminist theorists have investigated the different forms of oppression in the educational system regarding gender and its relation to other social categories such as sexual orientation, ethnicity, and class. In recent years, diverse feminists have paid particular attention to the work of Pierre Bourdieu mostly around the concept of habitus and its eventual use for gender habitus (McLeod, 2005b; Adkins, 2005). Authors like Julie McLeod (2005a) and other colleagues use gender habitus as an ‘ontological complicity’, which implies that the concept is theoretical and empirically present in the fields “through durable ways ‘of standing, speaking, walking, and thereby of feeling and thinking,” (Reay, 1995: 354 cited in McLeod, 2005a). Gender habitus as much as any other habitus is a useful concept to analyse the strain between family, cultural capital and school. Skeggs (1997, cited

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in Lovell, 2000), defines three types of cultural capital; one ‘in an embodied state’ fixed within the attitudes and thoughts; two ‘in the objective state’ through the aspect of cultural commodities and three ‘in institutionalized state’ across the appropriation of educational skills. Across those three stages come the questions around the structure of domination and more particularly masculine privilege (Bourdieu, 1998; Dillabough, 2004). Dillabough (2004) as well as Adkins and Skeggs (2004), argue that the production of a patriarchal structure and the condition of gender equality today is based on the historical gender role and the sexual division of labour, which maintained symbolic domination through gender habitus. Once again masculine domination is not only perceptible but can be recognised over ‘linguistic performance’ or ‘body representation’ (Bourdieu, 1998; Dillabough 2004). Gender habitus within the fields shapes gender identities and its social ‘nature’, which leads individuals to reproduce gender norms and domination to an extent that it can be translated as ‘natural’ (dis)abilities. It makes each individual’s resistance possible but restrain the social and cultural structure (Bourdieu, 1998; Dillabough 2004). The reproduction of male privilege is transmitted through the primary unit of socialisation (family) and followed by the educational system through hidden narrative within the curriculum suggesting gender positioning in the society. Consequently, each individual shapes themselves from their biological sex to the gender ‘stigma’ they acquire depending on their class position. The cultural understanding of masculinity and femininity generates gender unbalance and social inequality in the broader society (Bourdieu, 1998; McLeod, 2005a; Dillabough, 2003). Cultural inequalities yet understood as ‘natural’, engenders a level of ‘consent’ that, once again, limits the possibility of resistance (McLeod, 2005b; Dillabough, 2004). Lovell shows that educational performances impact on the construction of both gender identities:

“The recent dramatic closing of the gap between genders in educational achievement in Western society, and the predictable 'moral panic' over 'underachieving boys' is surely related to the manner in which the labour market is shifting. Working-class femininity may begin to have a competitive market advantage compared to the attributes of traditional working-class masculinity, and this shift may have profound effects on 'la domination masculine’”. (Lovell, 200:42)

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Nevertheless, a number of limits and discussions emerge from reproduction theoretical framework. Feminist theorist like Dillabough and Adkins have argued that adapting Bourdieu’s work to feminist theory can be a useful tool in social research methodology. However, it might be contradictory since Bourdieu has for many years under-conceptualized gender in his frameworks (Dillabough, 2006; Adkins, 2005). After a number of criticisms in the academic world, Bourdieu addresses the question of masculine privileges in his essay, La Domination Masculine (1990). However, Lovell (2000), as well as other feminist theorists, criticises this publication. He argues that Bourdieu tends to identify women’s position as ‘profitable’ ‘exchangeable’ and as objects rather than subjects. Women’s status is often closely related to sexuality, which can be considerate as ‘oversocialization’ (Lovell, 2000: 31). As Bourdieu himself notes, gender habitus can dangerously correlate with the regular process of socialisation (Bourdieu, 1998). Adkins also underpinned the limit of social reproduction concerning the notion of social capital viewed as internalised in ‘the primary unit, which is the family’ (2005). To her, this vision of the ‘family’ is highly standardise and heteronormative.

Another limit to Bourdieu’s work is the issue beyond inequality of class and gender. Bourdieu tackles social class inequalities and later on with La Domination Masculine, gender inequalities. However, while most women experience subordination by men, It has been argued that women from different classes and ethnicities may experience discrimination differently as well (Connell, 2014; Dillabough 2004). Thus, in this contemporary world, where women may experience different level of domination depending on the social field they are in (private space /public space), Bourdieu’s notion of identity tends to lean toward ‘unitary’ scheme rather than the multiple subjectivities encountered in different contexts (McNay, 1999 cited in McLeod, 2005a). Bourdieu’s conception of habitus is certainly useful to explain social reproduction, however, it limits the understanding of changes and differences across history (Arnot, 2000 cited in McLeod, 2005). Additionally, Bourdieu have struggled to properly define the difference between the impacts of gender habitus on identity in the field. If identity is built within ‘gender’ habitus, the division between habitus and identity is somehow blurred (McLeod, 2005a).

Finally one of the greatest ongoing discussions around Bourdieu’s work is the simplistic dualism between ‘‘structure’’ and ‘‘agent’’ (Bourdieu, 1998; McLeod, 2005b, Dillabough 2004, Adkins, 2005). Most feminist authors warn about the risk of using reproduction theories for its simplistic and restrictive view on cultural determinism and the self. Nevertheless,

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Bourdieu acknowledges the theoretical frictions between agencies and structure and/or objective and subjective (Dillabough, 2004; McLeod, 2005a).

To conclude this part, despite the relevance of engaging with gender equality opportunity in school, feminists have, over the past decades, raised new questions about educational discourse and practice in the construction of gender roles and identities (Tamboukou, 2015). Bourdieu himself talks about the different effects of the social field toward each individual. When the ‘rule of the game’ is experienced unevenly, the agency can play important role in changing the habitus (McLeod, 2005a). Which means that, for those who see Bourdieusian theories as deterministic and rigid, it is time to consider a more ‘flexible’ conception of the field toward the habitus. Butler calls the field a ‘pre-condition for habitus’ rather than a fixed stage for individuals (McLeod, 2005a). Consequently, Bourdieu’s work allows authors like Adkins or McNay to use a more transformative view within certain continuity through, “the re-inscriptions of gender in new social and political times, and by inference, across different cultural and historical spaces” (McLeod, 2005a: 23). Myanmar is currently undergoing a cultural and historical change, as the educational system launched new reforms. Therefore the next section examines the role of educational policies in gender positioning.

2-2-2 Education Policies and Gender

The following section will discuss the challenges of educational policy-making in maintaining unequal gender positioning and its coordination from the national to local level.

Since the beginning of the millennium, academics have criticised education policies for having limited insight on gender inequalities (GEN, 2015; Marshall, 1999). With the diffusion of a ‘uniform’ and ‘singular’ view on gender hierarchy in global and local curriculum (MacDonald, 2016; Khoja-Moolji, 2015), education tends to reinforce exclusion of girls through global and cultural productions of masculinity (Marshall, 1999). Feminist authors like Marshall (1999) and Lingard, Rawolle, & Taylor, 2005) call attention to gender inequality in the early stage of policy making. The production of masculine domination has generated a higher number of men reaching higher education and therefore reaching policy-making careers. Thus, for decades, men have defined researches topic of gender studies. Consequently, gendered researchers have been ‘controlled and depoliticized’ by the dominant group, namely men (Marshall, 1999).

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The diffusion of the modern school system around the globe has created a number of issues in term of skills, knowledge and principles. Countries usually referred as the ‘Global South’; have tried to correlate with the global educational ‘norms’, sometimes with the support of international actors (DeJaeghere & Vavrus, 2011; Stromquist, 2006). Rarely questioned, national and international actors have pushed countries and their agendas to increase the gender parity in school enrolment (Verger et al., 2012). Yet, the notion of social capital in the content of curriculums and structural inequalities are often not discussed. In addition, local training for a formal teacher around gender equality is largely ignored because national curriculums, reforms and policies continue to be under local authority (Stromquist, 2006; Lingard et al., 2005). Consequently, the dialogue between, national government, educational policy-makers, teachers, and students seems asymmetric and fails to ‘bridge’ educational policies to address divers youths’ needs (Stromquist, 2006).

In conclusion, nowadays, a Bourdieusian perspective is not only used by sociologists. Research in the development field has used and reinterpreted Bourdieu to an international scale. In the context of globalisation, educational systems seem to be shaped by ‘universal trends’ (Paine & Zeichner, 2012). Globalisation is spreading modern schooling around the world generating competition in adjusting countries’ educational system (Lingard et al., 2005). The intermediation between the local and global context in education policies is sometimes superficial. Education policies desire to change and ‘adapt’ to a global level, yet do not always ‘fit’ into local environments (Paine & Zeichner, 2012). It is commonplace that policies perpetuate social exclusion by reinforcing inequalities between students who are familiar with pedagogies inspired from the western education system and those who do not (Valentin, 2012; Paine & Zeichner, 2012). However, academics such as Lingard, Rawolle, and Taylor suggest that a number of practices remain local with ‘habitus’ in the field, making interrelation between local/national policies and structural inequalities more complex (Lingard et al., 2005). The disparities between local practices and national policies have released an important debate in the context of Myanmar’s formal educational reforms. Local voices are often unheard which reinforce the gaps between student’s views and the policy-making process (Higgins et al., 2015). Therefore, the next section looks closer at relation between the different concepts used in this theoretical framework from a student’s perception within the conceptual scheme.

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2.3 Conceptual Scheme

The subsequent scheme demonstrates the interconnections and dynamic of the concepts of education and gender. The following layout highlights the links between the study’s theoretical notions and the particular context of Myanmar’s Formal Education System (FES). This research pays attention to disregarded voices in the educational setting.

‘Student’s Perception’ is the leading notion to the main concepts. During the fieldwork, it became clear that the perception of the students on their educational system and gender positioning was more relevant that the concept of ‘Formal Burmese Education Practice’ itself. Hence students’ perception is key to understanding the relationships between gender positioning, education, as well as understanding students dissimilarities with other actors like teachers, policy-makers, and curriculum-makers.

Within the ‘Formal Burmese Education Practice’, it is relevant to look at youth’s

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perception of the institution itself, the pedagogy employed, and the core of the curriculum (Bernstein, 1977). Those practices are linked with what is related to ‘Gender Positioning’, how gender topics are put in place in the educational practice, and why gender discussion is placed that way. When observing in depth the students’ perception of ‘Gender Positioning’, the research mostly focuses on the feelings of physical discrimination according to each gender, symbolic violence directed against males or females, and gender norms and roles implied in the curriculum to analyse how students place themselves in their education and regarding their gender. Because the government of Myanmar is processing new educational policies, the study intends to examine the changes between the ‘Formal Burmese Education

Practice’ and the new policy strategies inaugurated by education’s actors. The educational

adjustment brings in new opinions regarding teacher’s pedagogy, new curriculum

outlines, and more generally the new policy-making strategies to reform the educational

institution. By exploring the resemblance and difference to each one of student’s ideas, this study aims to ‘bridge’ students’ opinion of their own education, their gender positioning AND new reform actions.

After defining the research’s theoretical framework all along this section, the following chapter features the research design and methodology.

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III- RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

This chapter defines the methodological frameworks of this research. It discusses the study’s epistemological stance, the unit of analysis along with sampling methods. This chapter also reviews the methods used to collect and analyse the data. Finally this section discusses ethic considerations and limitations.

3.1 Ontology and Epistemology

Ontology is central to position the researcher’s way of thinking (Bryman, 2012). This study tries to look at the fact, the experience, and the superstructure. Indeed, this research interprets the production of events on the fields as real but experienced differently for each individual according to their own reality. Here, the production of knowledge is aligned with critical realist thought. This means that the notions of ‘super-structure’ and ‘power-structure’ are taken into account. For instance, social hierarchy, oppression or gender inequality should be addressed, analysed and understood as a social structure and power relation without pretending a full objectivity from the researcher since each individual’s reality is plural and experienced differently (Bryman, 2012).

Epistemology enables researchers to reflect on the different forms of knowledge, and gives certain answers to the questions raised (Sumner & Tribe, 2008; Bryman, 2012). It is important to explain how this research interlinks several epistemological paradigms. The study majorly takes a positivist stance. Since the 1990s, structuralism and post-positivism have been part of an epistemological discussion vis-à-vis the production of fact, truth and knowledge (Simons, Olssen & Peters, 2009). Post-positivists believe that researchers are not independent from the fields and that both can influence each other. In this project, post-positivism is associated with constructivists that firmly hold that individuals are influenced by their historical, social, political and cultural background. The post-positivist view matches with the idea that the structure ‘limits’ individuals in their actions (Collins, 2009; Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). This structure reproduces social inequalities implicitly since individuals are ‘unconscious’ of their social and cultural embedment (Bourdieu, 1973; Mills, 2008).

To tighten up the research standpoint, post-structuralist thought engages with feminist epistemology to examine systematic power relations and oppression of women in gender

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hierarchy. Post-structural feminism tends to focus on the social construction of gender alongside intersectionality which implies that gender identities overlap with other social identities like sexuality, culture background, class, disabilities. The theoretical base starts from reproductive theory designed by Bourdieu. Contemporary authors like Dillabough (2003; 2006) Tamboukou (2015) or Adkins (2005) state that this theory needs to be revisited and readapted to the social field where the research is in place. Therefore, this research includes interpretivism in its epistemological reflection, which suggests more understanding toward student’s experience of gender in the educational context (Sumner & Tribe, 2008; Bryman, 2012).

3.2 Unit of Analysis and Sampling

The unit of analysis is student’s perception of gender positioning in education. Previous reports such as Higgins et al. (2015) revealed that a number a youths have expressed disappointment toward the FES. In Myanmar, youth tend to be un-represented by the system (Lopes Cardozo et al., 2016). Therefore, the study focuses particularly on the experience of high school students in FES about gender positioning. The units of observation is each individuals’ own experience (students, teachers, policy-makers) as well as groups sharing a common view on research matters according to their gender, age, class or ethnic groups. To comprehend the gaps between youth discourses on gender in education and the process towards adoption and implementation of new educational policies, this research also includes teachers and policy makers as units of analysis. A small amount of data on teachers and policy makers is necessary to justify the disparities among different levels of governance.

The sampling process was somehow restricted by the access in the field. As Myanmar just opened its doors to the rest of the world, it is still quite problematic to access public institutions and public figures. Observation inside governmental schools remained nearly impossible. Consequently, the study took the form of snowball sampling. Snowball sampling suggests that the researcher develops a network from multiple first contacts with other possible individuals that will already be relevant for the research (Bryman, 2012). That way, the first contacts, known as gatekeepers, pre-select ‘relevant’ contacts. The first main gatekeepers were given through KantKaw Education Centre (KKEC) within the organizations Thabyay Education Foundation (TEF). The centre hosts about 60 graduated students from all around Myanmar and gives them the opportunity to develop new study subjects such as

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Figure 2, TEF rooftop / open space for students

peacebuilding, environmental studies or gender studies to “promote positive social change and development” (TEF, 2016). Additionally, the centre allows students to study abroad thanks to scholarships and international partners. Some of the students agreed on being interviewed, surveyed and becoming part of discussion groups. The second main gatekeeper was given through preliminary contacts with my thesis supervisor. A former teacher, who works on multiple projects, introduced me to teacher’s trainer. Her extensive network in the educational world gave me the opportunity to interview high school students (outside the structure) and teacher trainees (inside the structure) without formal consent of Myanmar’s government. In this case, snowball sampling allowed me to find an adequate number of respondents in a short amount of time.

3.3 Methods

As Manson well thought once, validity signifies that ‘you are observing, identifying, or “measuring” what you say you are’ (1996: 24 in Bryman, 2012:389).

This research method consists of Mixed Methods Sequential and Qualitative Embedded Design with the support of quantitative data to complete the findings (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). The research thrives to answer a relational question (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011) and is interdisciplinary as several social disciplines play a role simultaneously (such as sociological theory and ethnographic fieldwork) (Sumner & Tribe, 2008). This study includes the perspective of each targeted individual, specific contexts and the multiples ‘realties' explained by each respondent depending on age, status, class, ethnicity and gender (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). I choose to prioritize qualitative methods because it is matching with the complexity of core concepts in the research questions, ‘educational practices’ and ‘gender positioning’. To strengthen the research’s validity in this short time frame, I include some space for quantitative methods (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). During the fieldwork, I carefully mixed the methods (qualitative and quantitative) and the types of data collection to ensure an effective triangulation, which reaffirm the validity and reliability of the research

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evidence (Sumner & Tribe, 2008; Hutter & Bailey, 2011). Both collection and analysis were done simultaneously, in the tradition of qualitative research design, which occurred during and after the implantation of the design (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Qualitative methods also allow acknowledging the role of the researcher in the social context, which seems essential since the researcher will be an outsider, unaware of Myanmar’s social norms (also see section 3.6) (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). As my academic background lies in Anthropology, ethnographic approaches and broadly qualitative methods are the research methods I am the most familiar with. Embedded design allows me to use mixed methods while still majorly focusing on the traditional qualitative research design (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). As explained by Creswell and Plano Clark (2011) after designing the qualitative methods, I evaluated an overall of quantitative methods where the qualitative data need to be reinforced or completed. I then collected the quantitative data while collecting and analysing qualitative data. Finally, I interpreted the quantitative results to understand ‘unseen’ qualitative data outcomes (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). During the fieldwork, I have gathered five types of data. Four are qualitative (interviews, focus groups discussion (FGD), field notes and textbook analysis). One is quantitative (questionnaire). The next sub-parts of this chapter specify and discuss each method I used.

3-3-1 Semi-Structured Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

The primary data collection method is interviews. This study uses semi-structured interviews to obtain an in-depth understanding of the perception of the participant about the research topic, which is how students perceive or remember gender hierarchy in formal high school education. I have completed 21 interviews. However, the length and approaches to each interview is, in some way, different. I have interviewed 11 male and female, former and current high school students by themselves. I have, also interviewed former high school students from the KKEC. Here, on students demand, I conversed with two students in the same time, twice with one male, one female, and once with two male students. Although I was hesitant at first about having two respondents in the same time, it turned out that this choice of method was appropriate in term of dynamic, response, and comfort. When there is only one respondent, the relation researcher (‘questioner’, ‘teacher’) versus respondent (students) tends to place the researcher in a power position, sometimes making the interview slightly uncomfortable for the respondent. Teachers, in Myanmar, are highly respected and

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students tend to identify the researcher with one of them. However, with two respondents, the researcher’s positions seem less ‘esteemed’. The conversation is more casual. Moreover it appeared than students feel more comfortable to talk about their experiences if the other student does. Furthermore, this study includes other type of interviews such as; a short meeting with one of the curriculum team projects called CREATE at the Yankin Education College, an interview with two teachers (one male, and one female) as well as a short discussion with one assistant teacher trainee from Thingangyun Education College. Finally, I spoke with one association worker from the NGO and research centre called Rainfall. Briefly, Semi-structured interviews allow researchers to collect a large amount of detailed information about the subject matter. Consequently, it will lead to a deep understanding of student perception during data analysis, which is part of the research aim (Bryman, 2012).

I have furthermore, completed three focus group discussions (FGD). The first two Focus Group Discussions were mixed, with four high school students, (two males, two females), one with five former students (three males, two females). Those FDGs were meant to understand the dynamics between the two genders. The last FGD included eight teacher-trainee female students. Having (only) female respondents allowed me to comprehend gender relation from a female point of view, the power relation they experience and the female’s perception of (patriarchal) society.

The aim is to understand the general perception of gender within the social context of Myanmar as well as students interactions when interacting with each other (mix-group or female-only) (Bryman, 2012).

The analysis of the qualitative data was carried out partially during the fieldwork (open coding, major theme selection), yet, mainly upon my return. The interviews and FGD were recorded and transcribed, after that all written materials were, in the second step, inserted into the programme Atlas.ti. The documents were organized consistently with major topics using open coding so as to explore the field, in order to become familiar with possible data until

Figure 3, picture with a teacher trainer and students who participated to a FGD. Photo shared with permission

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saturation (Boeije, 2010). Then, I proceeded to axing coding, which is the preconception of category (thanks to repetitive codes during the first stage). This process helps to conceptualise the data coded (Boeije, 2010). Codes were categorized according to their themes or concepts (Rote learning, Gender silence, Social Norms, Structural Discrimination etc.). This system supports interlinks between concepts and enable to analyse and categorize respondent’s quotes.

3-3-2 Field Notes

Additionally, I wrote about thirty pages of fieldworks notes as I drew my methods through ethnographic design to ensure the continuity of relevant observation through my fieldwork experience (Bryman, 2012). When using a large number of qualitative data, external validity can be challenged. However, it can be supported, as Geertz (1973a, cited in Bryman, 2012) suggested, with thick descriptions, which is possible through observation notes.

3-3-3 High School Textbook

To grasp the ideas transmitted through the formal curriculum and understand the relation with student’s discourses, I use discourse analysis. Discourse analysis fits with the epistemology and the relevance of the research, because it is aligned with post-positivist and post- structuralist as well as feminist reproduction theory since authors consider discourse as having a role in the reproduction of inequalities between, gender, class, ethnicity and sexual orientation (Bryman, 2012). I have been trying to highlight major themes in the English textbook, grade 10, in order to understand what is transmitted to the student through stories, wording and so on (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Through the textbook, I attempted to look for divers representations of gender across pictures, their differences and their meanings. I also searched for possible sentences exposing gender bias. It is relevant to analyse this textbook because in on hand, all Burmese sentences are translated in English, which allows the researcher to analyse the content (Dillabough, 2004). On the other hand, it allows the study to triangulate with formal data, as well as keeping an eye on the wording of public educational discourse on gender (Stromquist 2006). This minor text analysis supports the research analysis and add further in-depth to the study method. It moreover, strengthens the research validation and contextualisation.

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3-3-4 Quantitative Surveys

Concerning the secondary data collection, I have distributed 55 questionnaires including two different ones (See appendix 2). One questionnaire was designed for students (51), the other for teachers (four). Those questionnaires allow me to draw a general quantitative frame to answer demographic questions about population such as age, social groups, religion, education and gender experience such as gender stereotypes. It was also an asset to ‘break the ice’ with the respondents, and acknowledge the subject matter we discussed in depth if an interview or FGD occurred (Bryman, 2012). These data are a useful tool to triangulate with the qualitative interviews, which can reinforce the external validity of the result (Bryman, 2012).

The survey was composed of 26 questions. It gathered about 1455 answers. After entering the data on an excel sheet, information was transferred into IBM’s Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) programme. The ‘descriptive statistics’ tool was used to analyse demographic data and compare nominal answers.

3.4 Ethics

In this research, ethical considerations have played an important role in internal reliability, validity and to ensure the safety and protection of research participants, translators and researcher. As I was alone during the fieldwork, I could only rely on respondent’s validation, triangulation, the interviewee’s point of view, and the translators to ensure that other individuals have agreed on what I saw and heard (Bryman, 2012). To stay authentic in the research, I tried to fairly represent students, by understanding their social context, their ideas, and empower their voices (Bryman, 2012). Each contributor to this research has voluntary consented to participate. Participants clearly understood their right to confidentiality/anonymity (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Authors like Creswell, Plano Clark (2011) or Bryman (2012), advise using consent forms to assure ethical principles. To some extent, consent forms were essential to re-assure participants. However most of interviews/ FGD/ questionnaires were effectuated without the official permission of Myanmar’s Government. Consequently, ‘formal consent’ in some case, has positioned respondents into an unconformable position (Bryman, 2012; Metro, 2014). Although I clearly specify the purpose of the research and the option to answer the questions or not in the

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questionnaire (see appendix 2), verbal consent seems sometimes more appropriate in a conflicting context between participants and government. Therefore, by assuring a well defined ‘face-to face’ consent; all participants of this research were genuinely aware and informed (Metro, 2014; see appendix 2).

Furthermore, to protect the participant, I decided to use Pseudonym instead of their real name (Guillemin, 2004). That way, I assure the confidentiality and safety, ‘Do not harm principle’ by never revelling participant identities. Before leaving for the fieldworks in Myanmar, I signed “the personal declaration of responsibility” (Bryman, 2012).

3.5 Limitations

Several limitations need to be considered for this research. External reliability is one the main limitation of the research study. Accesses to schools through official requests have been impossible, time being restrained (two months on the fields) and my demands being sent back and forth to different officials. I have visited one high school, two colleges, and some of the current high school students through informal channels. Consequently, the data was collected by snowball and random samplings, in relatively small amount, and with a constant changing social context, which makes this study hard to replicate. Snowball sampling can bias result because of the ‘pre’ selection by another respondent, thus may not be representative of the all population in Myanmar (Bryman, 2012).

Diverse respondents, from different places in the country with similar answer have shown somehow, replicable patterns. However, there is no possibility to prove external reliability. Nonetheless, as Guba and Lincoln (1994 in Bryman, 2012) have highlighted that reliability and validity notions, lack to considerate qualitative characteristic. Indeed, those concepts tend to presume that only one ‘social reality’ is possible, which can perhaps undermine the work of qualitative research and its multiple social spheres.

I also encountered some language limitation. First of all, I do not speak Burmese, and some of the respondents did not speak English. In this case, I had the support of translators. Yet, as Burmese is only one of the hundred languages spoken in Myanmar, translation can be difficult as not everyone speaks the same ‘dialect’ nor uses the same words for the same things. For instance, in Burmese there is no word to translate ‘gender’. For the questionnaire, most of the time students were able to understand the questions asked. However written questions and verbal discussion required a translator for current high school students.

Students' perception of gender positioning in the formal educational system in Myanmar

CONSIDERING THEIR VOICES