The unsung peace-builders
Addressing the past and inclusivity of women in the PEACE programs
in Northern Ireland
Pearse Quinn - 11118903 Supervisor: Dhr. Dr. Martijn Dekker Second reader: Dhr. Dr. Dimitris Bouris MSc Thesis, Conflict Resolution and Governance
Harvard style of referencing Word count: 23.942 Date of submission: 26.06.2020
Table of contents
Abstract 4
Chapter 1 - Introduction 5
Setting the scene 5
Relevance 8
Structure 8
Goal 9
Methodology 10
Chapter 2 - Academic discourse and theories 14
Literature review 14
“Women, Peace & Security” 14
“Women, Peace & Security” in Northern Ireland 17
The EU’s implementation of UNSCR 1325 18
Theoretical framework 19
Conflict transformation 19
Contact theory 20
Organisation learning theory 21
Chapter 3 - Background 24
The Troubles 24
Women during “The Troubles” 26
Peace process 29
The political downsides of power sharing 30
The downsides of power sharing at a community level 31
Women’s say in the Peace Process 33 Chapter 4 - The EU in Northern Ireland 35 The EU’s involvement in Northern Ireland 35
First stage of EU intervention 35
Second stage of EU intervention 37
PEACE programs 37
Chapter 5 - Findings 40
Women as peace-builders 40
Remembrance of women’s role in the past 40
Training for Women Network 42
The necessity for contact work 43
Women’s engagement at a community level 46
Peace-builder traits of women in Northern Ireland 47
Conclusions on women as peace-builders 49
The SEUPB’s implementation of UNSCR 1325 50
EU’s espoused theory for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 51
PEACE III 53
PEACE IV 55
SEUPB’s organisational learning 57
The practitioner’s say 58
Bureaucratisation of peace-building 59
Strategies and evaluation of the SEUPB 62
6 - Final remarks 65
Conclusion 65
Abstract
The Northern Ireland peace process and subsequent peace-building efforts have seldomly been evaluated through the lens of gender equality or inclusion (Pierson and Bloomer, 2017). UNSCR 1325 is a key document which addresses the need for states to include women in all stages of conflict. The valorisation of women has proven to be at the basis of the establishment of conditions for the implementation of long lasting peace at a community level (Porter, 2003). Northern Ireland finds itself in a unique situation as the United Kingdom marginalises the region in its commitment to UNSCR 1325 as it does not recognise “The Troubles” as war. This presents an issue in regards to how a region, which is in the phase of peace-building, can benefit from a resolution which has been adopted by the majority of European countries. This thesis discusses the manner in which the EU has implemented UNSCR 1325 in its PEACE initiatives in Northern Ireland. This work highlights the peace-building potential that women have at a community level and investigates the manner in which the EU has aided the empowerment of women to become active in the process of conflict transformation. Northern Ireland.
Chapter 1 - Introduction
The first chapter of this thesis will introduce the central topic of this research: the European Union’s (EU) approach to enabling the inclusion of women in the process of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland through the PEACE projects. This section will be addressing the goal of this thesis by highlighting the relevance of such research and presenting the guiding research question of this work. Moreover, this chapter will include an explanation of the methodology that will be employed in order to gather data and the approach that will be utilised in order to understand the collected information.
Setting the scene
The current response to the COVID-19 outbreak of countries which are headed by female leaders has been praised internationally for being of a decisive nature, effective in messaging and an example of leadership (Taub, 2020; Henley and Roy, 2020). The strong and positive reactions of a few individuals acting in unprecedented circumstances should not result in the drawing of conclusions but it should be seen as an opportunity to reflect on the inclusivity and the role that women have in crisis situations. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) is a document released in line with the United Nations Millennium Development Goals in the field of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls (UN Women, 2016). The document highlights the role that women should have in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peace-keeping, humanitarian responses and in post-conflict reconstruction (UNSCR 1325, 2000). Moreover, the resolution addresses the importance of women’s equal participation in efforts linked to the maintenance and promotion of peace and security in paragraph 8:
“The Security Council […] calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender perspective, including, inter alia: (a) The special needs of women and girls during repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction;
(b) Measures that support local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and that involve women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements” (UNSCR 1325, 2000, p.3).
The implementation of the recommendations proposed by Resolution 1325 are within the responsibilities of the individual member states. One of the ways in which UN member states have tried to incorporate the guidelines of this document is by creating National Action Plans (NAP). An Action Plan is a document that spells out the actions that a national government will implement within a given time frame to meet the obligations contained in the resolution. NAPs can help to increase the awareness-raising, ownership, accountability and evaluation of a government's “Women, Peace and Security” (WPS) activities (Pratt and Richter-Devroe, 2011). Europe is the leading region for the number of created and nationally implemented NAPs with twenty five countries, of which eighteen are EU member states, committed to outlining the manner in which the resolution will be implemented in national policies (EPLO, 2013). In this context, Northern Ireland finds itself in a unique position as it is part of the UK but is also closely linked to the Republic of Ireland. The UK launched its first NAP in 2006 and the Republic of Ireland followed in 2011.
The UK’s official position on the ethno-national conflict that took place in Northern Ireland during the period remembered as “The Troubles” is that the hostilities are not to be classified as an armed conflict under international law (ibid). As a result UNSCR 1325 is considered to be not applicable to the case of Northern Ireland. However, the UK’s NAP underlines that:
“Nevertheless, some aspects of UNSCR 1325 such as participation in peace and political processes are relevant to all states and the Government will continue to work towards increasing the representation of women in Northern Ireland in public and political life” (ibid, p.75).
On the other hand, the Republic of Ireland had addressed the implementation of the above mentioned recommendations in its 2011 NAP by highlighting that:
“The Irish Government commits to […] engage with appropriate Northern Ireland authorities to encourage development of policies and measures consistent with the aims of UNSCR 1325, in consultation with civil society organisations” (DFA, 2011, p.13).
Exponents of Northern Irish civil society, however, underline that even though the Irish government did produce a NAP in 2011, the only reference to Northern Ireland was a broad commitment to working with organisations and groups in Northern Ireland. They continue by highlighting that women from Northern Ireland have been subjected to consequences of paramilitary activity, such as internment, and they played an active role at a community level during the conflict (ibid). In the body chapters of this piece, accounts of how women were called upon to be both the custodians of family life and at the same time were actively involved in the conflict will be outlined. Although women have been widely involved and affected by the conflict, they remained largely excluded from the macro level peace process, this is acknowledged in both academic literature and in official British and Irish government documents and statements (ibid).
A third actor which is heavily involved in Northern Ireland is the EU, which since 1995 has allocated large amounts of funds through the Special European Union Body Programme (SEUPB) towards peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland in the four cycles of PEACE programs. In regards to UNSCR 1325, the EU adopts a Regional Action Plan (RAP).
“The EU considers peace processes as opportunities to promote women’s empowerment, gender equality, gender mainstreaming and respect for women’s rights within resulting peace agreements and in its interventions will seek to ensure that these issues are integrated and prioritised in the subsequent peace building and post conflict reconstruction phase. The EU will seek to support women’s participation in peace processes both through diplomacy and financial support” (CEU, 2008, p.7).
In the Northern Ireland context, the EU’s RAP is central to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 as Northern Ireland appears to be neglected by the UK’s NAP and marginalised in Ireland’s NAP. The aim of this thesis is to both describe the agency that women have as peace-builders today in Northern Ireland in relation to their role during “The Troubles” and address how the EU has enabled the inclusion of women in the conflict transformation process through the PEACE program initiatives. The following sections will be highlight the relevance of this thesis, provide the structure of this work, clarify the goal of this research and introduce the methods that will be employed to answer the research question:
“To what extent has the EU, through the SEUPB, incorporated the recommendations of UNSCR 1325 in the PEACE programs to enable the participation of women in the conflict transformation process in Northern Ireland?”
Relevance
Northern Ireland is in a peace-building phase after the violence that took place during “The Troubles”. Women, as will be demonstrated in this thesis, have been undermined in this conflict transformation setting. UNSCR 1325 is a key document that sets out guidelines for the empowerment of women and their participation in all stages of conflict. The quasi omittance of Northern Ireland from the NAPs of the United Kingdom (UK) and the Republic of Ireland (IRL) highlights the necessity to understand through which body UNSCR 1325 can be effectively implemented in the region. The EU, through its RAP, pledges to incorporate the recommendations of the UN document in its peace-building initiatives (CEU, 2008). Between 1995 and 2013 there were three PEACE programs with the current PEACE IV funding cycle ending at the end of 2020. This is a relevant moment to analyse and address the manner in which these funding schemes have ensured the inclusion of women in the conflict transformation phase. This moment provides the opportunity to understand if shortcomings that have been uncovered in the past, have been taken into account in the context of the PEACE IV funding allocation. Moreover, this thesis will be addressing the involvement of women in promoting peace in post-conflict societies, an area of studies which, as the “literature review” section of this piece will be demonstrating, has been under-researched.
Structure
This work is divided into six chapters. The first segment will highlight the goal and research methodology of this research. The second chapter will be positioning this research in an academic discourse by proposing a literature review in relation to the topics of WPS in Northern Ireland and the implementation of UNSCR 1325 by the EU in its initiatives linked to conflict. The literature review will then be followed, in the same chapter, by the explanation of the key theoretical frameworks that will be utilised to interpret and draw conclusions on the acquired data. The subsequent chapter will provide a historical background of the Trouble and the Peace Process which will be integrated with two sections that discuss the role that women had in these phases of the
conflict. Chapter four will explain the involvement of the EU in Northern Ireland and will provide an overview of the PEACE programs. The fifth chapter will discuss the findings of this research by applying the theories outlined in chapter 2 in order to interpret the gathered data. This section will be introducing the case study selected, the Training for Women Network (TWN), to understand the manner in which women can gain awareness of their agency to make them active peace-builders. Finally, chapter 6 will be drawing general conclusions and providing recommendations for future research.
Goal
The objective of this research is to highlight the role of women as peace-builders at a community level in Northern Ireland and describe and critique the manner in which the SEUPB has addressed the role of women in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. The assessment of the inclusivity of these measures will be carried out by analysing the projects and allocated funding that target women, to the guidelines set out by the EU in relation to the implementation of UNSCR 1325. Firstly, this work seeks to address the role that women can have in the context of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. This thesis will begin by analysing the manner in which the legacy of this group is addressed in relation to their role in the period remembered as “The Troubles”. Moreover, the inclusion of women in the overall peace process and the valorisation of women as community peace-builders will be examined. Today a number of women’s centres across Northern Ireland are financed and are sustained by funds granted by the SEUPB. However, questions are raised around how, and indeed if, the experiences and needs of women were addressed during the peace process and are valued in the context of today’s reconciliation projects. The goal of this research will be to understand if the EU, through the PEACE projects, has enabled the empowerment of women in line with UNSCR 1325.
Methodology
Taking into consideration the time period in which this research has been conducted it is important to underline the limitations to the data gathering possibilities of this work due to the outbreak of the COVID-19 virus. Field research was carried out between March and May 2020. As a result of the pandemic, it was not possible to visit the interested region in person and to carry out face to face interactions or partake in participant observation. Both primary and secondary sources were collected by means of remote working. Two qualitative methods have been employed the first being a phenomenological method of research and the second an evaluation method.
This research is of a qualitative nature, this entails that the focus will be on human behaviour from a participant perspective. Phenomenology deals with realities that are treated as a phenomena. Welman and Kruger (1999) argue that phenomenologists are interested in understanding social and psychological behaviours from the perspectives of people involved. This first part of this research will be exploring the day to day struggles and community role of women in Northern Ireland from the late 1960s until 1998. Moreover, this section will describe the way in which the experiences of women and the manner of addressing their past has shaped their role in society today. According to Stones (1998), the operative term of phenomenological research is “describe” and phenomenologists are concerned with understanding social and psychological phenomena from the perspectives of people involved. A researcher applying phenomenology is interested in understanding experiences of the people who are involved with the issue that is being researched (Greene, 1997). Narrative interviews, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and secondary sources will be analysed in order to retrieve and analyse data.
A second qualitative method will be employed in order to draw conclusions on the way in which the SEUPB has implemented in its structure and goals the possibility for women’s participation in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. Evaluation research will be employed. Weiss (1998) defines methods on how to study programs and policies. The author explains that an evaluation of a given policy is carried out by comparing explicit standard set out by the policy and the assessment of the outcomes of a given program. The application of this method can lead to the improvement of programs. By triangulating the data received from the initial phenomenological findings, the study of the allocation of the PEACE program funding and the analysis of the action plans of the EU in
relation to the adoption of UNSCR 1325, an assessment of the SEUPB’s commitment to include women in the conflict transformation process will be proposed. The data which will be employed for this evaluation will be retrieved by performing document analysis, narrative and semi-structured interviews.
The following sections will provide an overview of the specific methods of research which will constitute the data set which will be analysed in chapter 5.
Narrative, semi-structured telephone interviews and in-depth email interview
Purpose sampling was the basis of the individualisation and selection of interviewees for this project. A range of both practitioners and individuals who were directly involved in the conflict partook in the project. The objective of these conversations was to gain information directly from those who were affected by the conflict and who are active in the conflict transformation efforts.
Semi-structured telephone interviews were carried out with the policy officer of TWN, the Assistent project manager at the Glencree Centre, the project manager of The Next Chapter Programme, the Senior Policy Officer of Equality Commission, the Coordinator of the Foyle Women's Information Network (FWIN) and the Political Counsellor of the European Commission’s Representation in Ireland. In these types of interviews, the interviewer uses a combination of both structured questions and unstructured questions with the goal of gaining an insight into the meanings of a subject’s experience (Halperin and Heath, 2020). These front line practitioners were able to provide an overview on the application process for SEUPB funding, their first hand view on the prioritisation and inclusion of women in the PEACE programs, and the results of addressing the past and empowering women through their projects. Because of the highly sensitive nature of this topic and the impossibility of arranging face to face meetings, there were difficulties in having direct contact with women that took part in the projects who had been affected by the conflict. However, one of the underlining features of the work of practitioners is the regular and direct interaction with the target groups of the policies, this entails that these workers have had the chance to engage and learn about the issues that affected and still takes its toll on women today. These interviewees not only were be able to describe the state of women but they were also be able to comment on how different initiatives have affected different communities as they have worked in Loyalist, Unionist and reconciliation centres. These accounts constituted primary sources that, combined with existing
secondary data, were used to describe the experience of women during “The Troubles” and provided their views on the SEUPB’s commitment to including women in the PEACE program schemes by those who are called upon to implement these initiatives.
Moreover, a narrative type of telephone interview was carried out with Tommy McKearney, a survivor and former IRA member who took part in a 53 day hunger strike in 1980. This type of interview technique is more open, meaning that the interviewer poses open questions and allows the interviewee to answer in a narrative form (ibid). The interviewee was able to provide information in regards to the possibility and major challenges of achieving reconciliation at a community level in Northern Ireland from the experience of someone who had been gravely affected by the conflict. Moreover, the interviewee was able to provide his view on how, from his personal involvement, he perceived the role of men and women during the conflict.
Finally, an in-depth email interview was carried out with Bernadette McAliskey, one of the most prominent civil rights activist during The Troubles. These types of interviews are sometimes the only way to contact busy public figures and allows the formulation of concise questions and answers (ibid). This interview focused on the legacy of the conflict and the role of the EU in Northern Ireland.
Focus groups
The research contains two facilitated discussions which took place via video telephoning. Focus groups bring people together who shared a same experience and have the function of extrapolating information that may not be achievable via individual interviews (ibid). Due to travel limitations, these focus groups were carried out via video telephony.
The first focus group (Focus group 1) brought together a project officer and project coordinator of TWN. This meeting took place in order to obtain in-depth and first hand accounts of how organisations engage and facilitate the inclusion of women in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. By debating topics such as the role and the addressing of the experience of women during “The Troubles”, EU funding allocation for women and the peace-building role that women can have at a community level, the interviewees were able to debate the main issues of their work within their organisation and in relation to the broader context of reconciliation in Northern Ireland.
The second focus group (Focus group 2) brought together the two TWN practitioners of the previous group experience who were able to facilitate a meeting with two participants of TWN projects. One of them being from a Protestant, Unionist and Loyalist background and the other originating from a Catholic, Nationalist and Republican area. In this interaction the two project participants were able to debate contentious issues and outline their perspective on the conflict and of the “other”. The TWN practitioners were able to further their explanation of their methods and goals by involving the two project participants who provided their personal experiences in the context of these SEUPB funded projects.
Document analysis
Document analysis is a form of qualitative research that was carried out in order to determine the EU’s approach to the implementation of UNSCR 1325. In this method documents are interpreted by the researcher in relation to an assessment topic (ibid). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFR) (2016), the Council Conclusions on promoting gender equality and gender mainstreaming in crisis management (2006), the Comprehensive Approach to EU Implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and 1820 on WPS (CAEU) (2008) and the EU Action Plan on Women Peace and Security (WPS) 2019-2024 (EUAP) (2019) were analysed in order to map the EU’s commitment to the UN resolution. Moreover, project review documents by the SEUPB and organisations involved in the women’s sector were analysed in order to draw conclusion on the process of organisational learning of the SEUPB (Argyris and Shön, 1997). The PEACE III Operational Programme (SEUPB, 2006a) and Citizens’ Summary PEACE IV programme (2014-2020) (SEUPB, 2016b), the “Review of PEACE III and Considerations for PEACE IV” (NIVCA, 2012) and the the TWN’s Submission to the Committee of the “Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women” (CEDAW) (2013) were utilised to study the EU’s action in relation to its operational plan for the implementation of UNSCR 1325.
Chapter 2 - Academic discourse and theories
The second chapter of this work will focus on presenting what the academic discourse surrounding the topic of “Women, Peace & Security” is and the approach that other academics have taken in order to draw conclusion on the implementation of UNSCR 1325. Moreover, an explanation of the theoretical framework that will be employed to interpret the collected data will be outlined.
Literature review
This research will be of an exploratory nature, this means that it will be focusing on the key aspects of what is considered to be an under-researched problem (Stebbins, 2001). The Northern Ireland peace process and subsequent peace-building efforts have seldomly been evaluated through the lens of gender equality or inclusion (Pierson and Bloomer, 2017). This section aims at situating this research in the broader context of the role of women in relation to peace and security and the EU’s incorporation of the recommendations of UNSCR 1325 in peace-building initiatives. Moreover, it will enable the outlining of a theoretical framework that will be employed in order to analyse and understand the gathered data. This section will provide the reader with an overview of the academic literature pertinent to the general topic of “Women, Peace & Security”, what has been analysed in regards to this topic in relation to the Northern Ireland case and an overview on the discourse linked to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 by the EU.
“Women, Peace & Security”
It has been internationally recognised that a “gender-blind” approach to conflict resolution and reconciliation efforts has been one of the features that has resulted in the failure of achieving durable peace in post-conflict areas (Ward, 2006). Porter (2003) argues that the inclusion of women in informal peace segments of peace-building permits the establishment of conditions for the implementation of long lasting peace at a community level.
Literature pertinent to the contribution of women in the processes of conflict resolution remains underemphasised (Adijei, 2019). However, scholarly attention in regards to this field of studies has seen a steady increase in the past twenty years. Coincidentally, within this timeframe UNSCR 1325
has been adopted an incorporated in eighty-three UN member states, which still only constitutes 43% of the UN member states. In combination with seven other UN Security Council resolutions, the UNSCR is part of the broader WPS agenda (Coomaraswamy, 2015). Although this is an increase in the inclusion of women in the field of conflicts, it is still an indication of the marginalisation of women.
Research prior to the UNSCR 1325 tends to mainly focus on how women have been excluded from partaking in peace processes and how women have been neglected from having a seat at the table in the planning of conflict transformation processes. Byrne (1995a) points out that the exclusion of women from peace processes is linked to the frequent exclusion of women from positions of decision-making. The vast majority of peace agreements reached since 1990 fail to reference women and address their concerns, such as gender-based violence. The focus of the pre UNSCR 1325 literature also centred around the victimisation of women because of the consequences of war and how they have been omitted from the post conflict reconstruction period (Fukuyama, 1998). The authors highlight that even if women have faced exclusion from peace processes, they have often been active players on a local level in opposing militarism and promoting peace.
After the publication of UNSCR 1325, research has focused on the implementation of these recommendations and the effect that these have had in peace processes. The findings of a study that analysed eighty-two peace agreements in forty-two armed conflicts between 1992 and 2018 concluded that women’s direct participation in peace negotiations had the effect of a more durable peace (Krause et al, 2018). What is also highlighted in this study is the role that women’s civil society groups have in peace processes. Collaboration between diverse women groups which include women civil society groups and local women’s civil society activists, have been crucial for addressing social inequalities and for the inclusion of women in the conflict transformation phase (ibid). There is general consensus in regards to the positive effects of the inclusion of women in the processes of peace-peace-making, peace-building and peace-keeping. Each of these peace phases will be explained and integrated with how academics have discussed the role of women in each stage.
As defined by the UN, peace-making includes a variety of processes that have the goal of suspending and ultimately ending conflict and wars. This stage characteristically takes place at a time where there are high levels of mistrust between the belligerent parties. As a result, these
initiatives tend to be fragile and are followed by peace-keeping programs (UN, 2020). In the context of the growing literature on women’s contributions to peace processes, the role that women have had as peace-makers is the least researched (Porter, 2003). It has been highlighted how in certain societies it is difficult for women to even be taken into consideration for participation. Many societies remain strongly opposed to the inclusion of women in formal peace negotiations because, for them, war and peace are exclusively the business of men (Mpoumou, 2004). However, Jama (2010) notes that although women have typically been excluded from decision-making processes, they have used their traditional roles in society in order to take up the role as a first channel for dialogue between parties in conflict. These examples further reinforce the argument that women are able to have wide influence at a community level but struggle to be included in the negotiation phase of conflicts.
Peace-keeping is centred around activities that seek to prevent the resurgence of violence. These initiatives are commonly carried out by multinational military, police, civilian, and observer forces (Fortna, 2008). Since the adoption of the UNSCR 1325, the UN has urged states to deploy more women as part of their peace-keeping contributions. The involvement of women in peace-keeping operations has the goal of inspiring women and girls in the local environment to push for their own rights and for participation in peace processes (Simić 2010). Hudson (2005) acknowledges that ever since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, there has been an increase in women taking part in peace-keeping initiatives. However, Karim and Beardsley (2013) underline the fact that even though there has been a rise in the numbers of female peace-keepers, these tend to be employed in areas where a minimum level of risk is present (ibid).
Peace-building is characterised by long-term initiatives that aim to reconcile post-conflict communities. It includes activities aimed at addressing physical and structural sources of conflict (Galtung, 1976b). There is a conspicuous amount of literature that connects women and successful peace-building. Scholars note that among all the stages involved in peace processes, women’s roles are particularly relevant in the peace-building stage. (Porter, 2007). According to Mindry (2001), in post-conflict situations women are more prone to assume the role of putting the “fabric of life together”. Moreover, Mazurana and Susan (2002) illustrate how women’s role in peace-building is usually undermined as it is intertwined with women’s everyday tasks. Women play important roles in peace-building without themselves or the larger community noticing it (ibid).
What remains problematic is that according to Cornwall, Harrison and Whitehead (2007), women’s involvement in peace processes is reduced to a “technocratic category”. The authors explain that the inclusion of women seems to be more of a “tick box” exercise rather than being an inclusive and productive involvement (Adijei, 2019).
“Women, Peace & Security” in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland is praised by many scholars as being unique in regards to the visibility that women had in the political sphere during the conflict. Ward (2006) describes the main female actors in the conflict namely the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Dr. Mo Mowlam who oversaw the negotiations of the peace treaty from the British side. Liz O’Donnell was the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and was part of the IRL’s negotiating team. Lastly, a multi-ethnic group, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, was one of the parties who had a seat at the table during the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) talks. Ward (2006) critiques the fact that the British and Irish government, even though pledged in the GFA, have not made significant steps to ensure gender parity at both a public and political level. Even though the Department of Foreign Affairs stated that the upsides of involving women in conflict resolution was clearly evident in Northern Ireland, where women played and continue to play a pivotal role in building peace and are essential contributors to the ongoing process of fostering reconciliation, these types of statement are considered by Ward (2006) to be of a rhetorical nature. This reading of the Northern Irish situation ties with “tick box” exercise brought forward by Adijei (2019).
Donahoe (2017) explains that women, even though they have played a central role in the conflict resolution phase, are still heavily under-represented at a political level. What the author does, however, highlight is that women are the leading figures in regards to the development at a community level through bottom-up practices. Two reasons for which women take the leading role in these practices are identified by the author of “Wee Women's Work:" Women and Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland. Firstly, because these initiatives are of an apolitical nature. Secondly, the author describes how “in an environment where women are expected to play traditional roles, community development is interpreted as an extension of these roles allowing women to navigate through the constraints of a gendered public space and employ their roles as women to seek change that does not threaten the political status quo” (Donahoe, 2017, p.3).
A central question raised in the literature regarding WPS relates to how women can be further integrated in the post-conflict reconciliation dialogue and in what way they are facilitated to continue their activities of community builders. This research seeks to add to this discourse an analysis of how the EU, one of the biggest funders of reconciliation initiatives in Northern Ireland, has facilitated through the PEACE programs the inclusion of women in the process of peace-building.
The EU’s implementation of UNSCR 1325
Martinelli (2015) discusses the manner in which the EU has included UNSCR 1325 in a broad spectrum of policy frameworks and policy tools but criticises the lack of implementation of these recommendation in the structure of the EU. The author describes how in 2015 none of the EU Special Representatives at the time were women and in the past only two females had held these high level positions. Martinelli (2015) continues by showcasing data on the lack of women’s presence in jobs related to peace processes as in 2013 only 4 EEAS managers were women and only 24 of 133 heads of EU Delegations or missions outside of EU headquarters were women.
The authors of Gender, Peace and Security in the European Union’s field missions highlight the EU’s issue in translating the EU Gender Policy into action (Olsson et al, 2014). The work assesses current EU missions namely the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM) in Georgia and the European Union Police Mission for the Palestinian Territories (EUPOL COPPS) – and provides observations in regards to the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX Kosovo). The assessment reviews the work of the selected missions that was ongoing in 2013. The report concludes that there is a need for grater strategic gender mainstreaming. The authors highlight that in the analysed missions there is a lack of concrete formulation of objectives in regards to the inclusion of women. These, in light of their findings, ought to be more explicit, in line with UNSCR 1325 and related directly to the mandate of the missions.
Both authors highlight the disparity between the EU’s claims, or espoused theory, and its actions, or theory in use (Argyris and Schön, 1997). This thesis seeks to study this relationship in relation the EU’s implementation of UNSCR 1325 and PEACE programs in Northern Ireland.
Theoretical framework
This work seeks to investigate the inclusivity of projects centred around the facilitation of the involvement of women in the conflict transformation process in the SEUPB’s structuring of PEACE projects. As these initiatives seek to support the peace process in Northern Ireland and promote reconciliation at a community level, they fall within the paradigm of conflict transformation which will be utilised as the focal theory of this analysis. Contact theory will be linked to this conflict intervention theory in order to, in the analysis chapter, describe how these theoretical frameworks are central to the reconciliation of women at a local level and their empowerment for becoming community leaders (Allport, 1954). Moreover, the learning organisation theory in combination with the theory of action brought forward by Argyris and Schön (1997) will be utilised in order to evaluate the manner in which the PEACE programs enable women’s valorisation and growth in the conflict transformation phase (Malek and Hilkermeier, 2001).
Conflict transformation
Miall (2004) discusses three separate modes of conflict intervention, namely conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation. Firstly, conflict management is commonly carried out by actors who are in a position of power and have the capabilities of reassuring the parties involved in a given conflict in order to achieve political goals. Bloomfield and Reilly (1998) explain that conflict management is the positive and constructive handling of difference between opposing groups. It addresses the issues related to managing conflicts, those being how to deal with it in a constructive way, how to bring cooperation between diverging groups, and how to design a practical, achievable, cooperative system for the management of difference.
Secondly, Miall (2004) frames conflict resolution as the work of skilled but powerless third-parties working unofficially with groups involved in the conflict in order to reach an agreement in order to solve queries between conflicting parties. The tasks of these parties range from understanding and engaging with the issues that are at the source of the conflict to finding ways to bridge divisions between groups. Conflict resolution attempts to encourage parties to shift from zero sum, destructive patterns of conflict to positive-sum constructive results (ibid).
What these two modes of conflict intervention undermine is the opportunity to construct and grow vertical relationships and to develop dialogue and cooperation between factions that can have a long lasting effect. This opportunity, however, is central to the conflict transformation approach (Lederach, 1996). Theorists who engage with conflict transformation build upon a plethora of theories from distinct schools. Galtung (1976b) provides a range of concepts that are central to the understanding of conflict transformation. The author explains that conflicts by nature present both life-affirming and life-destroying forms which are manifested through actions. Once a conflict has come to being, it morphs and undergoes a series of transformational processes, namely articulation or disarticulation, conscientisation or de-conscientisation, complexification or simplification, polarisation or depolarisation, escalation or de-escalation. Disagreements and incompatibilities that are at the root of the conflict and worsen during the conflict period may be overcome by efforts to compromise. The author traces the manner in which individuals can change what seem to be immovable asymmetric relationships. One can enable a shift from unbalanced to balanced relationships achieved through a range processes which include confrontation, negotiation and development.
The idea behind conflict transformation is that it seeks sustainable and constructive change, particularly in building healthy relationships and communities (Lederach, 1996). Similarly, Miall (2004) states that conflict transformation can be a catalyst for change when addressed in the right manner.
Contact theory
Contact theory is viewed as being central in relation to the long term goal of eradicating sectarianism at both the individual and group levels in post conflict societies (Knox and Quirk, 2000). Allport’s (1954) contact hypothesis is useful in outlining the nature and what leads to ethnic divisions in societies. The premise of this theory is that under appropriate conditions interpersonal contact is one of the most effective ways to reduce prejudice between groups that are at conflict with one another. There are a few conditions that need to be put in place in order for contact theory to be successful. An equal playing field is the starting point for contact theory. This entails that all actors are called upon to engage equally in the relationship. Specific groups are viewed as been better functioning when the participants share similar backgrounds, qualities, and characteristics. Moreover, it is essential to define a common goal. This is an objective that all parties have at heart
and that can only be achieved through cooperation. These engagements need to be long enough to allow possible developed anxiety to decrease and for the members of the conflicting groups to feel comfortable with one another (ibid).
Connolly (2000) explains that it is through contact theory that one can understand the incongruences between different societal groups. What sustained contact provides is the possibility to challenge stereotypes, ingrained images and prejudices. By facilitating contact for a prolonged amount of time it is possible to develop positive attitudes towards what is identified as the “out-group”.
Organisation learning theory
Malek and Hilkermeier (2001) frame the European Commission (EC) as a learning organisation. The executive branch of the EU is one of the key actors in the process of EU policy making.. Fitzmaurice (1994) describes the EC as the “animator, impresario and manager of EU policies” which is able to influence and bring forward new modes of governance (Lebessis and Paterson, 1998). The EC is associated with the role of practicing and experimenting innovative forms of policy-making (Christiansen, 1996).
Organisational learning finds its roots in individual learning, a concept brought forward by Argyris and Schön (1997). The authors emphasise that learning involves the detection and correction of error. Argyris and Schön (1997) provide a theoretical framework in relation to theories of action. The authors distinguish two types of theories, namely espoused theories and theories-in-use. Espoused theories are those that an individual claims to follow while theories-in-use are those that can be inferred from action (Argyris and Schön, 1997).
Malek and Hilkermeier (2001) explain the typologies of strategic organisational responses which learning organisations can employ when reacting to new demands. The authors identify what changes, in relation to resistance or conformity to organisational knowledge, groups can take in regards to their initial espoused and theories-in-use.
Firstly, the strategic responses in relation to espoused theories can be divided into three different dimensions. A congruent change in the espoused theory takes place when the changes made are in
conformity with the demands of the integration principle. Disgruent changes occur when the espoused theories resist the integration principle. Finally, the espoused theory may not be modified by the organisation meaning that the new organisational knowledge has no consequences for the stipulation of a new espoused theory (ibid).
On the other hand, the strategic response to theories-in-use can take four forms. It may occur that the existing theory in use remains unaltered which would entail that the introduction of the integration principle had no impacts. What may also take place is that the theory in use may change peripherally which would mean that the organisation included new rule elements inline with the requirements of the integration principle. What may also take place is that in line with the integration principle, the theory in use changes in its underlying normative/cognitive assumptions through congruent learning processes. Lastly, the theory can be deemed as valid and is confirmed (ibid).
Organisational learning is described as being based on organisational knowledge. Duncan (1979) describes this as the knowledge which is available to organisation’s decision makers and which is relevant to organisational activities. Organisational knowledge can be used in order to determine organisational actions with respect to a specific outcomes and it is subject to different kinds of learning processes. Argyris and Schön (1997) introduce two different types of modes of learning namely ‘single loop learning’ and ’double loop learning’.
Firstly, single-loop learning is one kind of organisational learning process. In single-loop learning, people, organizations or groups modify their actions according to the difference between expected and achieved results. The central mechanism of this learning process consists of self-regulative processes in which feedback from the results function as stimuli for changes within a pre-defined system (Argyris, 1976).
While, single-loop learning is characterised by a change in action in order ultimately fix or avoid mistakes, double-loop learning seeks to modify the underlying causes behind the problematic action. These causes may be linked to organisational policies. In double-loop learning the organisations rethink their guiding principles which result in the restructuring of organisational norms, and consequently the probable restructuring of strategies associated with these norms, which have to be embedded in the maps which encode organisational theory-in-use (Argyris and Schön, 1997).
Note Fig. 1 and Fig. 2 : Reprinted from https://organizationallearning9.wordpress.com/single-and-double-loop-learning/
Malek and Hilkermeier (2001) underline that changes to the espoused theories, for example changes in policy set up, do not naturally translate to a change in the actions of the organisation in regards to a given issue. Changes to the espoused theory have the immediate effect of showcasing that the organisation is taking action towards a certain issue. However, to asses whether changes on the level of the espoused theory have any impact, the theory-in-use need to be examined.
The employment of theory of action linked to organisational learning will be employed to draw conclusion on the EU’s espoused theory and theory-in-use in regards to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in the PEACE initiatives.
Chapter 3 - Background
The third chapter of this academic research will centre around providing the historical background related to the conflict in Northern Ireland. The reader will be presented with an overview of “The Troubles” and the Peace Process. Linked to these topics there will be two sections that will describe the role that women had in the two phases of the Northern Irish conflict. This focus on women is included in this background section as the analysis will be predominantly focusing on the PEACE III and PEACE IV time frames. In this chapter traits of how women uniquely engaged with the conflict will be highlighted and will be taken into account in the section regarding the role of women as peace-builder in today’s conflict transformation process.
The Troubles
“The Troubles” is the term employed to describe a period of ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland which began in the late 1960s between British Unionists, who were mostly Protestant and wanted Northern Ireland to be part of the UK, and Irish Nationalists, who were of a Catholic minority and advocated for the counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Derry/Londonderry and Tyrone to be part of a united Ireland. The antagonism between these two groups reflects an older historical conflict between England and Ireland. (McKittrick and McVea, 2002). The question of territory is an issue that dates back to the 17th century when plantations, lead by a Scottish - Presbyterian, were imposed on the Catholic majority population. By the end of the century what had been a Catholic dominated territory, now presented a number of English built urban centres and Protestant settlements in the countryside, mainly concentrated in the nine counties of Ulster. The 19th century saw large levels of migration with millions of Irish leaving their home country and a large number of people moving from rural to urban areas. The rustic areas were segregated and this divide was reflected in the manner in which inhabitants settled in the major urban areas (Anderson and Shuttleworth, 1998). These episodes of territory grab have been demarcated by lines that reflect the religious differences between the antagonistic parties. The question of land persists and remains an issue in current Northern Ireland.
Between the 1870s and the First World War the Irish Home Rule Movement gained momentum. In 1801 the Kingdom of Ireland had been merged with the UK under the Act of Union 1800. Irish
opposition to the merge had resulted in scattered acts of violence throughout the 19th century. Home Rule was granted in 1912 by the British Government which prompted the mobilisation of the Ulster Unionists who formed the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in order to combat what they viewed as a dangerous and unacceptable devolution of powers. A counter paramilitary group known as the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was established by the Irish Nationalists (Jackson, 2003). The clash of these two groups brought the implementation of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 which granted in 1922 the rise of an Irish Free State and ensured that home rule was conceded to six Ulster counties which still remained part of the UK (Darby, 1995).
The border erected in 1921 is depicted as ‘religious frontier’ that divided ‘two nations’ on the island of Ireland (Heslinga, 1971). However, it must be highlighted that the Irish border itself is not an accurate representation of the ethno-cultural cultural divide of Irish Catholics and Ulster Protestants. Northern Ireland is in fact an example of a bicommunal system where two communal groups make up at least 80% of the entire population (Schmitt, 1988). The latest census indicates that 48% of the resident population are either Protestant or brought up Protestant, while 45% of the resident population are either Catholic or brought up Catholic (Krausova, 2014). The divisions between these two groups are not delineated by physical barriers but are exasperated by cultural, religious and historical differences that constitute invisible borders which have affected the lives of both Unionists and Nationalists.
Nationalists have traditionally viewed the separation of the island an unnatural. The erection of a border is considered as an imposition by a foreign oppressor which is the UK. Discrimination of what is a largely Catholic population is seen as inevitable as the group is trapped within the boundaries of a state which they do not recognise as being their legitimate law enforcer. On the other hand, Unionists, view the partition of the island as an inevitable act. The two distinct groups have incompatible differences on a political and cultural level. Moreover, the Unionists share an unsettling feeling of being the minority on the island. These are considered to be unbridgeable stances which have lead to a period of protracted hostilities between these two groups (Schmitt, 1988).
The conflict exacerbated in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Catholic community of Northern Ireland was subject to what Galtung (1969a) would define as structural violence. This form of social injustice can be understood as a political institution which can prevent people from attaining their basic needs or fulfilling their potential. It can take many forms, including intentional deprivation or
social exclusion. In other words, the violence is produced, and reproduced, within existing structures, fuelling direct violence and legitimised by cultural forms of violence (ibid). In Northern Ireland employment, housing and political representation were heavily segregated in favour of the Protestant community. This resulted in the mobilisation of a Northern Ireland civil rights movement which advocated for the end of gerrymandering, the abolishment of discrimination related to housing and the right to vote (Ferguson et al, 2018). A series of demonstrations took place to protest against these measures. October the 8th 1968, day of the second civil-march in Derry/Londonderry supported by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), is seen as one of the turning points of the conflict. The peaceful demonstration was confronted by a wall of police officers which in the words of MP Gerard Fitt used “stormtrooper tactics at their worst”, and injured more than thirty people (BBC, 1968). What followed were three decades of conflict between unionists, nationalists and the British army which were characterised by rioting, targeted killings and internments.
Women during “The Troubles”
This period of “The Troubles”, which was characterised by unemployment and poverty, saw women becoming a bigger presence in the working environment. Gender equality, however, was not at the centre of the political discussion. Women were not granted equal pay and female breadwinners were still expected to carry out domestic responsibilities and care for children (Donahoe, 2017). Roulston (1996b) also adds that because of the deeply segregated communities, the Northern Irish political apparatus was cautious about reforms that might alter local sensibilities. This ensured that religious conservatism was at the forefront in determining women’s rights and gender roles in Northern Ireland.
The violence that characterised “The Troubles” caused the death of almost 3200 people, of this total 200 were women (Sutton, 1994). What this figure demonstrates is that women were, compared to men, less affected by physical violence. This total, however, is not representative of the longer-term impact of this period of violence on women.
Campbell (1992) writes that “Irish women are every bit as revolutionary as Irish men and their resistance is every bit as fierce, be they IRA Volunteers, Sinn Fein activists or campaign organisers and protesters”. Women were involved in a plethora of different ways in the armed struggle that took place the late 1960s to the mid 1990s. The provision of safe houses, the hiding of weapons, the
transportation of both messages and arms, were actions that women, predominantly on the Republican spectrum, carried out. Moreover, women took part in major operations, the myths of whom were celebrated during and in the aftermath of the conflict.
A female exponent of the Republican struggle who’s career spanned the breadth of the Troubles was Bernadette Devlin McAliskey. In the late 1960s she emerged as the leader in Northern Ireland of the student movements that were taking place internationally. McAliskey gained a seat at Westminster at the age of twenty-one and is remembered for the active role she played in the demonstrations of the Civil Rights Movement for which she served two jail sentences under the accusations of inciting violence. “Bernie” gained the media’s attention when she slapped Reginald Maudling, Home Secretary in Parliament, after he claimed that the Bloody Sunday incident of 1972, in which British paratroopers opened fire on thirteen Catholic civilians who were demonstrating peacefully, was provoked by the protesters. The civil right’s activist survived an armed attack in which she suffered gun shot wounds and continued encouraging action against injustices in Northern Ireland (Hozier, 2020). Other examples of key female combatants are Dolours and Marian Price. The two sisters came from a background of IRA militants which encouraged them to join the paramilitary organisation at the ages of 18 and 21. The Price sisters are notoriously remembered for their involvement in the 1973 car bombing of the Old Bailey in London which attracted a large amount of media attention. The hunger strike that followed their arrest made them somewhat of a symbol of the Republican struggle (Keefe, 2019). Their actions made them bastions for militant Irish republicanism in a period when idealised images of ‘revolutionary’ women was gaining international recognition (McCartney, 2019).
On the other hand, in regards to the Loyalist paramilitary groups Buckley (1997) explains that the role of women appears to be more marginalised and not many combatants are willing to give an account of their experiences. The policy officer at TWN also explains that:
“In our projects we have brought in former female combatants. We had both nationalist and unionist women take part. One thing that really struck me personally was it was very difficult to get a woman who was a unionist / loyalist, ex combatant to talk. Whereas nationalist Republican combatants are very proud of the fact that they fought in the war and they were an ex combatant for a Republican army. And looking more into that, TWN did some research and a lot of the reasons why women from Loyalest /
unionist backgrounds don't want to speak is because they hold the guilt and shame for carrying out that role as women. While Republican nationalists have a pride of fighting for their freedom.” 1
Sensationalised stories have resulted in some women being remembered for their involvement in paramilitary operations. What recent in peripheral areas, where over two thirds of the population lived, has pointed out is that most women had such large commitments to family and employment that they had little time to get involved with other activities (Morgan, 1995). Most women, therefore, had little opportunity to influence the course of the conflict at a belligerent level. However, their preoccupation with home, helped in the sustainment of relatively 'normal' life and to control physical violence by preventing a major breakdown in social structures (ibid).
Women’s activism in Northern Ireland is remembered as focussing mainly on the “bread and butter” issues. This means that their activities aimed at addressing issues at a community level rather than having political ends. Families and communities were the central target groups of female grassroots activism. They mobilised in order to guarantee training and education for out of work community members,, after school activities for youths who had historically turned to participation in violence, and other initiatives that were more of a social characters rather than a political stance (Donahoe, 2017).
What united women from Republican and Loyalist backgrounds was that the highest profile grass roots peace initiatives were headed by women and the majority of activists within these groups were female. Examples of these actions can be found as early as 1970 when Ruth Agnew, a Protestant, and Monica Patterson, a Catholic, collaborated to form “Women Together”, this encouraged women from all communities to engage as peace-makers by attempting to stop fights and organising rallies. They also had a comforting function as they would organise vigils for those who had lost someone during the hostilities (Semmel, 2016). Another example of women’s activism which was recognised internationally was The Peace People Movement. Betty Williams, a Protestant, and Mairead Corrigan , a Catholic, created the group after Corrigan’s three nephews had been hit and killed by a car after a British soldier shot its driver. The group mobilised by organising peace marches and rallies on the island of Ireland and abroad. In 1976 Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize (Callaghan, 2003).
Focus group 1 , TWN Policy Officer, 28.04.2020, video telephony. 1
Although a small percentage of the deceased during the Troubles, women played an active role in the conflict and endured immense hardships. State policies such as internment had the effect of gentrifying the experience of the conflict (Donahoe, 2017). Internment was controversially introduced in August 1971 by Unionist prime minister Brian Faulkner, under the auspices of the Special Powers Act. This meant that civilians could be detained without trial on the suspicion of aiding paramilitary groups (Spjut, 1986). This brought an added task for women who had to endure the hardships of caring alone for the needs of the family in a context poverty and increasing militarisation. On the one side this created new ties of solidarity amongst women and contributed to a new sense of female independence and self-identity. On the other hand, this reality put women, the safeguards of families, under great stress as issues such as internment and paramilitarism created a sense of fear and anxiety for husbands and sons who could be harmed or arrested at any moment. Many women took drugs in order to be able to better to cope with the situation (Donahoe, 2017)
At the height of the Troubles the Northern Ireland Women’s Right Movement was created in 1975. This group aimed at tackling issues such as domestic violence, sex discrimination, and birth control. Moreover it sought to challenge gender stereotypes and gentrified roles in society. At the core of the movement was the objective of improving women’s lives by bringing individuals from different communities together. It was from this organisation that the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition emerged which ensured the participation of two women, Monica McWilliams and Pearl Sagar, in the negotiations for a peace agreement that would end the on the ground hostilities (Cowell-Meyers, 2014).
Peace process
The Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday of the year 1998, is a peace agreement between the government of the UK and of the Republic of Ireland, it is also an accord between most of the political parties in Northern Ireland. The signing of this document offered “a truly historic opportunity for a new beginning” with a focus on achieving “reconciliation, tolerance, and mutual trust and vindication of the human rights of all” (GFA, 1998). The GFA brought the devolution of powers as it provided “for a democratically elected Assembly in Northern Ireland which is inclusive
in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community” (ibid).
A power-sharing system of government was put in place based on Lijphart’s (1968) consociational model. Power-sharing is a governance model that is described as being capable of delivering democracy, stability, and inclusion in deeply divided societies. Garry, Matthews and Wheatley (2007) argue that this exceptional model of governance has the make up for generating a secure and peaceful polity in which all groups are included in decision-making. The pillars of the reformed governmental set up in Northern Ireland revolve around cross-community power sharing ensured by a multi-party executive cabinet in which the First Minister and deputy First Minister have equal powers and cannot be in position without the other holding office. A Single Transferable Vote system was put in place in order to guarantee proportionality in the matter of electing Members of the Legislative Assembly. Moreover, minorities were guaranteed veto rights in the matters of certain Assembly decisions which included the election of the speaker, changes to Assembly rules and budget allocations. This system also allowed for autonomy in the matters of cultural concerns (Lijphart’s, 1968).
The political downsides of power sharing
What is important to scrutinise is the role that an agreement has in the context of negotiations between two antagonist groups. The signing of an accord may be interpreted as the definitive act to end hostilities between the interested groups. However, peace agreements do not spell the resolution of tensions, hostilities and violence as a whole at the local level. In Sisk’s (2009) view, power-sharing leads to what he describes as a “cold peace” in which the parties cease to employ violence but still refrain from embarking on a serious process of reconciliation. It is argued that institutional structures should encourage moderate behaviour aimed at preventing the resurgence of violence. Consociationalism attempts to generate cooperation among autonomous groups while integrative governance models work to transcend group differences to cooperate around common goals. Many believe that there is merit in power-sharing at the early stages of the post-conflict situation, to get the different parties at the table, but it does not account for the deeper divisions in society (Vaughan, 2018). Moreover, in the long-term, a consociational or integrative model can entrench division, where integration might actually be possible. In addition, power-sharing is seen as promoting political representation along the ideological lines that had characterised the conflict. This results in
the polarisation of the parties involved in the governing of the country and employment of ethnic differences as demarcators of political membership (ibid). These dynamics drive voters to aline on what can be interpreted as ethnically-framed politics. Ultimately this system prevents the development of issue-based politicking and the creation of a common civic identity (Finlay, 2010).
On an institutional level segregation is guaranteed by the features of power sharing in itself. When entering Stormont, all assembly members are required to identify themselves as either nationalist unionists or other. The single-transferable-vote ensures that a candidate is required to achieve only a minority of votes, which for the Northern Irish Assembly is equal to 14%, in order to meet the required quota. What this entails is that a candidate will be successful by simply ensuring the vote of the core of one’s constituency. In Northern Ireland elections have, therefore, been of a communal affair which has been granted by the set up of the power sharing electoral system and has contributed to the polarisation of the political scene which has seen a spillover effect at a community level (O’leary, 2005).
The downsides of power sharing at a community level
One of the major downsides of consociationalism is the long-term distancing effects that this model has at a local and social level. Tajfel’s (2001) theory of social categorisation is applicable to the pre and post GFA Northern Irish context. The author argues that people divide the social sphere they are part of into two categories: ‘us’ and ‘them’, or ‘ingroups’ and ‘outgroups’. This division is exasperated by the maintenance and celebration of cultural difference that further polarise society. Examples of these differences may be found in the manner in which the education system is structured, the question related to the valorisation of the Irish language and the role that parades have in enforcing these communal differences.
The education system in Ireland remains of a segregated nature. The majority of children with a Catholic background are enrolled in schools that are run by the Catholic Church while the majority of state schools are predominantly Protestant. The voluntary mobilisation of parents has brought about the establishment of non-denominational schools, however, these only account for 10% of the entirety of the scholastic system. Moreover, the churches have not been involved in the development of an integrated scholastic system. The efforts to create a united system have predominantly come from grass roots movements headed by families which underlines the problem
