An assessment of the thatch harvesting programme at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park

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An Assessment of the Thatch Harvesting

Programme at the Golden Gate Highlands National

Park

By

Anna-Lee Marié Kernan

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements in respect of the Masters Degree qualification

MAGISTER SOCIETATIS SCIENTIAE

In the Department of SOCIOLOGY

In the Faculty of HUMANITIES

At the

UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE November 2016

Bloemfontein, Free State Province, South Africa

Supervisor: Prof André J. Pelser (Department of Sociology, UFS)

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Declaration

(i) I, Anna-Lee Marié Kernan, declare that the Master‟s Degree research dissertation that I herewith submit for the Master‟s Degree qualification M. Soc Sc at the University of the Free State is my independent work, and that I have not previously submitted it for a qualification at another institution of higher education.

(ii) I, Anna-Lee Marié Kernan, hereby declare that I am aware that the copyright is vested in the University of the Free State.

(iii) I, Anna-Lee Marié Kernan, hereby declare that all royalties as regards intellectual property that was developed during the course of and/or in connection with the study at the University of the Free State, will accrue to the University.

Anna-Lee Marié Kernan

Bloemfontein, Free State Province, South Africa.

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Acknowledgments

I would not have been able to complete this dissertation without the help and ongoing support of several people.

I would first like to offer my gratitude to the National Research Foundation and the University of the Free State Rectors Bursary for offering their financial support, without which this study would not have been possible.

I would like to thank South African National Parks, and particularly the management of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park, for their support during the planning and fieldwork stages of this study. I also gratefully acknowledge the contribution made by the Vegetation Specialist of South African National Parks with regards to the current status of the grasslands as a result of the harvesting programme. Opinions expressed in this dissertation and conclusions that are drawn, are however my own and do not necessarily represent the official views of either South African National Parks or that of the management of Golden Gate Highlands National Park. I would like to give a heartfelt thanks to Mr Mofokeng who offered significant insight regarding the thatch harvesting programme and who also played a key role in locating the beneficiaries during the fieldwork stage of this study.

To my partner Louis Fourie, thank-you for your unswerving patience, understanding, and support through the long hours spent developing this dissertation.

Finally, with utter reverence and respect, I would like to offer my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Prof André J. Pelser for believing in me even when I did not believe in myself, for always being willing to take time out of his extremely busy schedule to offer me advice, guidance and unconditional support, and most importantly, for inspiring me to persevere and pursue my studies.

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Abstract

In many African countries, poverty rates often swelling beyond the national average are most prevalent in those rural communities bordering protected areas. As a result, national parks are progressively expected to navigate past the conventional primary focus on biodiversity protection to also, whilst conserving biodiversity, contribute towards improving the well-being of those communities adjacent to conservation areas. One such initiative is the thatch harvesting programme at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park in South Africa.

As the sustainable impact of this programme had not yet been evaluated, this study served to explore the extent to which the thatch harvesting programme had aided in augmenting the well-being of its beneficiaries. Applied within both a quantitative and qualitative context, an outcome analysis was used to determine the degree of this programme‟s success, the challenges that it faces, the extent to which it has improved the well-being of the participating beneficiaries, the degree to which it has reached the intended population, and finally, how the benefits of this programme might be enhanced in the future.

With this in mind, the five dimensions of well-being as described by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment were pertinently used to determine the programmes impact on the direct beneficiaries, and an evaluation of the impact of this programme on the park, the broader community, as well as on the commercial buyers that purchased the thatch, was also piquantly explored.

Upon analysis, a number of key findings emerged.

 The programme has indeed improved the beneficiaries‟ well-being by augmenting their material well-being, health, social relations, and environmental safety, subsequently providing them with more freedom of choice. However, very few of the beneficiaries used the income generated from participating in the programme to pursue sustainable economic activities.

 This programme faces several administrative and logistical issues such as lack of sufficient advertising, delayed permit retrieval, unclear selection processes, and lack of supervision during harvesting.

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 The impact of this programme on the ecosystem of the harvested areas has not yet been quantified.

 Anecdotal evidence points towards grass being illegally harvested. Therefore, benefits that should extend to the local communities are contracted.

 Many beneficiaries lack the knowledge, skills and training regarding correct harvesting methods. This restricts accrued benefits and threatens the programmes long-term sustainability.

Drawing from this, there are a number of ways in which the impact of this programme may be further endorsed.

Strengthen the administration process of the programme by: a) Ameliorating the application process for beneficiaries. b) Extending the period for harvesting.

c) Establishing clear boundaries of allocated harvesting areas. d) Supervising, monitoring and regulating the harvesting process.

e) Developing clear communication lines between stakeholders and potential sponsors.

f) Supplementing advertisements for the programme.

Augment an inclusive decision-making approach by:

a) Involving and supporting participation of the beneficiaries in the decision-making process.

b) Edifying beneficiaries regarding the need to protect the ecosystem services of the park.

c) Promoting conservation practice amongst the beneficiaries.

Promote workshops and training sessions by:

 Involving beneficiaries and engaging outside companies to offer training and/or workshops for the beneficiaries.

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Extend the impact of the programme through future research by:

 Exploring potential entrepreneurial readiness.

 Identifying specific adaptive management approaches.

 Monitoring a greater number of potential areas supporting grass species suitable for harvesting.

In conclusion, although there are some significant challenges faced by the thatch harvesting programme, it has nonetheless augmented the overall well-being of its beneficiaries. However, specific interventions need to be considered in order to further improve the beneficiaries‟ access to capital, therefore enhancing their capability to meet and sustain their needs.

Abstrak

In baie Afrikalande is die armoedekoers dikwels bokant die nasionale gemiddeld, veral onder gemeenskappe rondom beskermde gebiede. Die gevolg is dat daar toenemend van nasionale parke verwag word om, benewens konvensionele bewaringsdoelwitte, ook „n bydrae te lewer tot die verbetering van omliggende gemeenskappe se welstand. Een so „n program is die oes van dekgras in die Golden Gate Highlands National Park in Suid-Afrika.

Aangesien die volhoubaarheidsimpak van hierdie program nog nie voorheen geëvalueer is nie, het hierdie studie ten doel gehad om te fokus op hoe die oes van dekgras die programbegunstigdes bevoordeel het. Toegepas binne „n kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe konteks, is „n uitkomsontleding gebruik om verskeie aspekte van die program te bepaal: die mate van sukses, die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, tot watter mate die welstand van die begunstigdes verbeter het en die program die omliggende gemeenskappe bereik het, en laastens, hoe die voordele van die program in die toekoms verbeter kan word.

Met die bognoemde ingedagte, is die vyf dimensies van welstand soos beskryf deur die Millennium Ecosystem Assessment gebruik on die impak van die program op die

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begunstigdes, die park, die wyer gemeenskap, en die kommersiële kopers van die dekgras te ondersoek.

Tydens die data analise het „n aantal sleutelbevindings na vore gekom.

 Die program het inderdaad die begunstigdes se welstand verbeter deur toevoegings te maak tot hulle materiële welstand, gesondheid, sosiale verhoudinge en omgewingsveiligheid. Derhalwe het hulle „n groter vryheid van keuse bekom. Baie min van die begunstigdes het egter die inkomste vanuit die program gebruik om volhoubare ekonomiese aktiwiteite na te streef.

 Heirdie program word gekonfronteer deur verskeie administratiewe en logistieke probleme soos onvoldoende advertering, die vertraagde uitreiking van permitte, „n onduidelike keuringsproses, en onvoldoende toesig gedurende die oesproses.

 Die impak van die program op die ekosisteem van areas waar daar geoes word is nog nie gekwantifiseer nie.

 Anekdotiese bewyse dui op gras wat onwettig geoes word. Die gevolg is dat voordele wat na die plaaslike gemeenskap moes vloei sodoende verlore gaan.

 Baie van die begunstigdes gaan mank aan die nodige kennis, vaardighede en opleiding in korrekte oesmetodes. Dit beperk opgeloopte voordele en bedreig die langtermyn volhoubaarheid van die program.

Met die voorgaande in gedagte is daar „n aantal maniere om die program in die toekoms te verbeter.

Versterk die administratiewe proses van die program deur:

 Verbetering van die aansoekproses van die begunstigdes.

 Verlenging van die oestydperk.

 Bepaling van duidelike grense vir die toegekende oesgebiede.

 Toesighouding, monitering en regulering van die oesproses.

 Die ontwikkeling van duidelike kommunikasielyne tussen belanghebbendes en potensiële ondersteuners.

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Ontwikkel ‘n inklusiewe besluitnemingsbenadering deur:

 Die betrekking en ondersteuning van deelname van begunstigdes in die besluitnemingsproses.

 Opvoeding van begunstigdes ten opsigte van die behoefte om die ekosisteemdienste van die park te beskerm.

 Bevordering van bewaringspraktyke onder die begunstigdes.

Bevorder werkswinkels en opleidingsessies deur:

 Die betrekking van begunstigdes en buite maatskappye in die aanbied van opleiding en/of werkswinkels vir die begunstigdes.

 Ontwikkeling van „n stimulerende entrepreneuriese omgewing.

Uitbreiding van die impak van die program deur middel van toekomstige narvorsing deur:

 Potensiële entrepreneuriese gereedheid te ondersoek.

 Die identifisering van spesifieke aanpasbare bestuursbenaderings.

 Monitering van „n groter aantal potensiële areas wat grasspesies onderhou wat geskik is vir oes.

Ten slotte, alhoewel daar „n aantal groot uitdagings deur die program in die gesig gestaar word, het dit nietemin die algehele welstand van die begunstigdes verbeter. Spesifieke ingrypings ten einde die begunstigdes se toegang tot kapitaal te verbeter moet egter oorweeg word, om sodoende hulle vermoë om in hulle behoeftes te voorsien te verhoog.

Keywords: Protected areas, poverty alleviation, conservation policy, integrated

conservation and development programmes, Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, ecosystem services, human well-being, outcome analysis.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background and rationale

No matter our social status, or where we are geographically situated, the well-being of all people is entirely dependent on the services that our ecosystems have to offer (Haines-Young & Potschin, 2010). However, approximately 60% of the earth‟s ecosystem services are being utilised in an unsustainable manner that has resulted in the continued degradation of the environment. This predicament may have some significant implications with regards to development and poverty alleviation strategies wherein societies must, in order to survive, be able to acclimatise to any long-term alterations of the environment (Haines-Young & Potschin, 2010).

Taking this into consideration, development agencies and conservation organisations such as the World Conservation Union, World Bank, Birdlife International, the United Nations, the World Wide Fund for Nature and Fauna as well as Flora International, have served to reinforce a number of conservation practices and policies in which the link between environmental degradation and improving the lives of rural communities has been piquantly accentuated (Dudley, Mansourian, Stolton & Suksuwan, 2008).

The central emphasis that has emerged from these accents is that protected areas – and national parks in particular - cannot be viewed as isolated from the economic and social context within which they are located. Worldwide – and particularly in the developing world – protected areas are progressively expected to navigate past the conventional primary focus on biodiversity protection to also, through the process of conserving biodiversity, contribute to improving the well-being of those communities adjacent to conservation areas through the delivery of social and economic benefits (Dudley et al., 2008). To be more precise, it has become essential that the goals of protected-areas management and biodiversity conservation become acquiescent with the socio-economic expectations and needs of the local communities

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surrounding national parks (Roe & Walpole, 2010; Ghimire, 1994; Pelser, Redelinghuys & Velelo, 2013).

In many African countries, poverty rates often swelling beyond the national average are most prevalent in those rural communities bordering protected areas (Hulme & Murphree, 2001). This prevalence is strongly indicative of a poor level of well-being, which according to the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA) encompasses not just access to material well-being, but also portends to the ability to have access to health, security, social relations and ultimately freedom and choice (MEA, 2003). Taking this into consideration, one example in South Africa where protected areas have been influential in attempting to augment these dimensions of well-being within neighboring communities is the People and Parks Programme (P&PP) of South African National Parks (SANParks). This programme was implemented post-1994 as an intermediary that endeavors to address the various socio-economic inequalities that were often ignored or sidelined in favor of conservation during the apartheid rule. Following the post-1994 political dispensation, the policy of SANParks became entrenched in the conviction that biodiversity conservation should be directly linked with the needs of those communities neighboring the country‟s‟ national parks, subsequently opening up possibilities for augmenting the well-being of these communities (SANParks, 2014a; Cock & Fig, 2000). In an attempt to improve the well-being of these neighboring communities, a number of initiatives have been implemented by various parks across South Africa. These initiatives include health programmes, the development of cultural resources, heritage management, environmental education, the interpretation of medicinal plant use, the unlocking of economic opportunities in the form of job creation, and the carrying out of an assortment of arts and crafts projects (SANParks, 2014a; Cock & Fig, 2000).

Emanating from the above, the proposed study focused on the Golden Gate Highlands National Park (GGHNP) located in the Eastern Free State (see Figure 1.1), and the role of the park as a vehicle for improving the overall well-being of those living within the surrounding communities. The study area falls within the Thabo Mofutsanyane District Municipality (TMDM). This district is classified as having one of the highest poverty rates in the country with many of these poor living on the outskirts of the GGHNP (Puukka, Dubarle, McKiernan, Reddy & Wade, 2012;

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South African Institute of Race Relations, 2013). Subsequently, the overall socio-economic profile for the TMDM reveals a district in which the majority of the local community – particularly those on the north-eastern boundaries of the park - are hamstrung by low literacy and/or education levels, a high unemployment rate, and low levels of human development (Dudley et al., 2008).

Figure 1.1 Location of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park

(COPA-Academy, 2014) The relationship between socio-economic development and the services that the ecosystem provides is complex and highly interdependent, thus making the very survival of protected areas such as the GGHNP and the people surrounding it strongly dependent on a mutually beneficial interaction (Swain, 2013). In fact, protected areas such as the GGHNP have a powerful potential and capacity to influence human well-being through the generation of social, environmental and economic initiatives that may not only benefit protected areas but also the local communities surrounding them (International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, 2005). Drawing from this, in order to enhance a reciprocal relationship between the people and the parks, there is a need to explore and augment the potential benefits of these initiatives.

Golden Gate Highlands National

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During the apartheid dispensation South Africa was governed by a system that imposed an uneven distribution of resources. Despite the fact that South Africa underwent major political changes in 1994 wherein the new government sought to empower equal rights and improve resource dispersion, the country continues to face major challenges regarding inequality and impoverishment (Zizzamia, Schotte, Leibbrandt & Ranchhod, 2016). The continued prevalence of inequality is strongly indicative of a poor level of well-being (MEA, 2003), which goes beyond the simple access to materialistic possessions, and encompasses many other facets that may impact an individual‟s perceived quality of life. Taking this into consideration, it has become essential to seek out opportunities that may at least to some extent, augment the well-being of those most vulnerable to inequality. Many of these vulnerable communities live just beyond the boundaries of South Africa‟s protected areas, and as such, the potential role that these protected areas might play in tackling the socio-economic needs of their surrounding communities need be systematically and thoroughly assessed.

Drawing from this, South Africa has increasingly put emphasis on the role that protected areas may play as vehicles for socio-economic development (Conner, 2007). As previously mentioned, a number of initiatives were launched following the post-1994 dispensation which have served to underline the important role of SANParks with regards to sustainable economic development and their ability to augment well-being within their neighboring communities (Pelser et al., 2013). One such initiative is the thatch harvesting programme offered at the GGHNP. This programme is one of several projects1 aimed at transferring social and economic benefits accruing from biodiversity protection to the impoverished surrounding communities. These projects aim to augment prospective employment opportunities by means of commercial access permits and park assisted entrepreneurial endeavors (Golden Gate Highlands National Park Community Based Conservation,

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Apart from the Thatch Harvesting Programme, the GGHNP manages a number of other poverty alleviation projects such as the Expanded Public Works Programme, the Working for Water Programme, the Working on Wetlands Programme and the Working on Fire Programme. These programmes have generated a number of permanent positions and have also created hundreds of temporary employment opportunities. Other programmes offered at the GGHNP include the Teacher Development Programme, the Kids in Parks Programme, Environmental Education and Awareness Programmes, the Imbewu Programme, and the Eco-Schools Programme; all of which aim to provide environmental education and to strengthen relations with the local community (SANParks, 2013).

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2012). Within its seasonal curriculum, the sustainable impact of the socio-economic benefits accruing from this programme – both for the direct beneficiaries and the broader community - had not yet been evaluated and thus formed the focal point of this study. SANParks too expressed the need for this programme to be evaluated in order to ultimately strengthen its potential impact. More specifically, this study set out to explore and answer the following seven interrelated research questions:

a) To what extent has the thatch harvesting programme at the GGHNP benefited the communities bordering the park?

b) What evidence is there to indicate that the thatch harvesting programme has improved the community‟s experience of well-being?

c) To what extent and in what ways does this programme benefit the most vulnerable and poorest section of the community?

d) What are the multiplier effects (if any) stemming from the programme?

e) What obstacles has the thatch harvesting programme experienced since being launched?

f) What additional interventions are needed to strengthen and maximise the impact of the said programme in order for it to effectively enhance the well-being of those within the target community?

g) To what extent has this programme impacted the SANParks constituency and the park‟s conservation mission?

1.3 Research aims and objectives

Essentially, the broad aim of this research venture was to assess how the thatch harvesting programme at the GGHNP had contributed to human well-being within the park‟s neighboring communities, with specific objectives targeting the following issues:

a) Gauging to what extent this programme has contributed to the well-being of the programme‟s direct beneficiaries2

;

2_{It is important to note here that the term „direct beneficiaries‟ also includes their households, as their household} members are equally dependent on the income derived from participating in the programme.

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b) Identifying and assessing second3 and possible third order impacts of the programme in the neighboring communities and beyond;

c) Identifying the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and potential threats faced by the thatch harvesting programme;

d) Devising possible guidelines that would aid in strengthening the socio-economic impact of the thatch harvesting programme.

1.4 Value of this study

In a poverty stricken district such as the TMDM, efforts to align poverty alleviation with SANParks conservation policy have become paramount. In line with this policy, the GGHNP has launched several integrated conservation development programmes, one of them being the thatch harvesting programme. Subsequently, the outcome of this study was to provide SANParks with an updated assessment of the thatch harvesting programme held at the GGHNP wherein its impact on the well-being of all relevant stakeholders was pertinently explored. Based on the findings presented within this study, potential opportunities were also discussed. These recommendations may serve to further strengthen and improve the impact of this programme for those benefitting and which may thus augment SANParks objectives towards enhancing park constituency. Moreover, these findings may also aid in bolstering the potential development of small enterprises which may thus serve to empower both the direct beneficiaries as well as the neighboring communities in which they reside.

1.5 Breakdown of the chapters to follow

Having disseminated the background, purpose and value of this study, Chapter 2 will encompass a theoretical background in which the interface between ecosystem services and that of human well-being is explored and pertinently addressed. Chapter 3 discusses the methodology that was used to conduct the study, whilst

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The first order impact evaluation focused on those directly benefitting from the intervention such as immediate beneficiaries and their households, as well as the park itself. The second order impact assessment looked at the impact of this initiative on the broader community, and the third order impacts were those beneficiaries that do not include the first two categories, such as the businesses sector.

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Chapter 4 focuses on the development of conservation policy, with specific attention being paid to South Africa‟s resource use policy that has subsequently come to embrace a philosophy of community engagement and integration. The results and findings of the study are discussed in Chapter 5, followed by the conclusion and recommendations in Chapter 6.

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CHAPTER 2 LINKING HUMAN WELL-BEING WITH ECOSYSTEM

SERVICES

About this chapter

This chapter serves to unravel the multifarious relationship between human well-being and the Earth‟s biosphere. It begins with defining human well-well-being in terms of its subjective and objective indicators, and goes on to discuss the numerous values that we place on these indicators within both an internal and environmental context. The perception of well-being relative to one‟s capabilities and needs is then conceptualised and melded with the various forms of capital required to meet this complex array of facets. Following this, these assumptions are further intertwined within the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment which proposes an operational methodology that is later utilised within this study.

2.1 Introduction

„Biodiversity‟ is seen and valued through a diverse and wide range of actors, and the meanings and values given to biodiversity can often have acute and multifaceted implications (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000). Approaches aimed towards increasing the well-being of individuals through environmental management can present numerous lasting and cost-effective resolutions that can frequently be collaborated with the empowerment of women, education, and enhanced governance. In recent years, the need for more efficient management of ecosystem services, coincided with the needs and values of neighboring communities, has become increasingly acknowledged by numerous governments as a means for improving the quality of life and well-being of their respective populations (MEA, 2003).

However, whilst policies have come to integrate human well-being with biodiversity conservation, there are still some formidable obstacles, both internationally as well

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as locally, that need to be addressed. Internationally, many states continue to struggle with the implementation of policies, leading to a number of contradictions and inconsistencies in the development and practice of biodiversity conservation. At a local level, many individuals‟ capabilities continue to be thwarted by these inconsistencies, and more often than not the values and human needs relative to specific populations have been overlooked (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000). The

Capabilities Approach, developed by both Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, has

become increasingly influential in this regard. This approach seeks to help policy-makers understand the contexts within human life, thus offering them the opportunity to construct intervention policies that are meaningful and that will empower and show respect for people, rather than simply mirroring the predilections of the intellectual elites (Nussbaum, 2011).

Consequently, when undertaking practical work be it constitution building, policy making, needs assessments, and/or the participatory monitoring or the collection of data, it is essential that one construct a list of dimensions pertaining to the subject of interest. Taking this into consideration, this chapter serves to highlight some key elements pertinent in determining human well-being, and thus draws upon the minds of a number of influential theorists within the field of human development. Following this, an integrative analysis of the various dimensions relative to the concept of human well-being and its complex relationship with that of ecosystem services will be discussed in order to create a full-bodied perspective that is later applied to this study.

2.2 An integrative definition of human well-being

It is widely agreed that wealth does not necessarily equate with happiness (Wilson, 2012; Costanza, Fisher, Ali, Beer, Bond, Boumans, Danigelis, Dickinson, Elliot, Farley, Gayer, Glenn, Hudspeth, Mahoney, McCahill, McIntosh, Reed, Rizvi, Rizzo, Simpatico & Snapp, 2007). When assessing the conditions under which people live, or when policies are proposed in an attempt to improve the well-being of a populace, assumptions are created according to the typical characteristics of a good life, in other words what makes people feel happy and content. Many tactics have been

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developed in order to analyse these characteristics. However, there is still much conjecture as to the elements pertaining to human well-being, as many of the underlying assumptions have seldom been extensively analysed and verified (Costanza et al., 2007).

Drawing from this, it is essential that one establishes key questions pertaining to happiness and human well-being. For instance, what is happiness? What constitutes happiness? How can happiness be measured? What fundamentally influences how happy people are? For many years researchers have sought to understand human experience and the concept of happiness and human well-being in order to develop ways to measure and improve its feasibility. Indeed, there are various disciplines including economics, medicine, environmental science, psychology and sociology, which have frequently used the term „quality of life‟ to measure this human experience (Wright, 2012). However, as is evident in many literature pieces, there is a constant discrepancy in the search for a conceptual definition for quality of life. Nonetheless, it is generally agreed that a person‟s sense of well-being can be tangibly attached to that of his or her happiness or unhappiness, or satisfaction or dissatisfaction with life, thus providing some insight into the concept termed „quality of life‟ (Wish, 1986).

Therefore, for the purpose of this study the term „quality of life‟ is regarded as an epitome used to measure the degree to which subjective and objective human needs and values are met, as well as the level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction in various areas of life as experienced and perceived by both individuals as well as groups (Costanza et al., 2007). That said, in order to fully grasp this concept, the following section will serve to further evaluate and dissect this matter in detail.

2.2.1 Subjective and objective (social) indicators of quality of life

It is essential to unravel the meaning of quality of life due to its remarkable potential pertaining to improving lifestyle objectives and major policy. Most recently, research on quality of life has been divided into two essential methodologies of measurement, namely the „objective‟ or social indicators of well-being and subjective well-being (Costanza et al., 2007; Diener & Suh, 1997). The first of these methodologies -

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objective well-being (OWB) - makes use of both economic, social, and health indicators, as well as quantifiable and observable variables such as life expectancy, literacy levels, and economic production, all of which serve to reflect the degree to which human needs have been met and which are deemed essential for a good life. These indicators are contrived through the use of indices such as the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita as well as the Human Development Index (HDI) as proposed by the United Nations (Costanza et al., 2007). These indices in turn allow researchers to gather standardised data that is not susceptible to local adaption or social comparison. In other words, this methodology serves to minimise the degree to which quality of life is misconstrued by an individual‟s comparison to the lives of others within both their local area and other sources beyond, such as the media. For instance, a person‟s quality of life cannot simply be considered high because others within their vicinity are miserable.

However, whilst these measurements may provide researchers with an indication of the extent to which the social and physical needs are being met, they are limited and do not encompass other elements essential to quality of life such as psychological security and life satisfaction (Costanza et al., 2007). In addition to this, indices such as economic progress do not necessarily guarantee that other important characteristics such as crime are absent. Rather, its indicators are limited to factors such as the augmentation of a healthy environment or increased leisure time. Thus, by analysing the quality of life of a society solely in terms of economic, social and health indicators, it clearly depreciates fundamental elements such as self-development, love, and acquiring meaning in life (Diener & Suh, 1997).

Taking this into consideration, in order to successfully measure quality of life it is necessary to also consider individual perceptions of well-being, which now leads us to the second measurement, namely subjective well-being (SWB). This measurement pertinently focuses on individually, and thus subjective, reported levels of contentment, happiness, fulfilment, pleasure and other such forms of human experience and cognitive satisfaction (Costanza et al., 2007; Diener & Suh, 1997). This indicator is also grounded on the supposition that in order for researchers to understand the individuals‟ or groups empirical quality of life, it is necessary to diametrically investigate how they feel about life within the perspective of their own

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standards and values (Diener & Suh, 1997). Subsequently, SWB consists of three interconnected parts namely pleasant affect, unpleasant affect, and life satisfaction. Affect pertains to those moods, emotions, attitudes, and beliefs which individuals can perceive as being either pleasant or unpleasant, whilst life satisfaction refers to an individuals‟ cognitive perception of satisfaction with their lives according to the values that they attach to things. All three of these components represent the various facets within people‟s valuation and judgement of their circumstances and lives. This method of assessing SWB not only considers the absence of negative experiences, as was traditional in the clinical models of mental health; but also evaluates the presence of positive affects in areas such as leisure and work. Conversely, whilst one domain in an individual‟s or group‟s life may be high, perceptions of SWB in the others might be low. Thus, it is essential that all three of these components be separately assessed in order to gain a greater understanding of the overall SWB (Diener & Suh, 1997).

However, there are some methodological flaws that make it difficult to demarcate preference adaption as well as eliminate an individuals‟ comparison bias of perceived well-being relative to their peer groups, which in turn may hinder the ability to ascertain absolute terms which are needed in order to record true quality of life (Costanza et al., 2007). Additionally, the choices that people make may not necessarily make them happy, and may also conflict with normative ideals. In other words, people may often perceive that by gaining something they want or value this will lead to happiness. Indeed, people may also desire something that is not necessarily good for them. This indicates that individually perceived happiness may not be an exact predictor of whether or not these perceptions will enhance their SWB (Diener & Suh, 1997).

Drawing from this, in order for researchers to gain a grounded perspective on that which is quality of life, it is necessary to combine these various elements, consequently allowing researchers to scientifically and pertinently address the complexities of human endeavor and human life experience (Costanza et al., 2007; Diener & Suh, 1997; Argyle, 2001). The overall quality of life can then be determined by both the degree to which groups or individuals are content in their life experiences as well as the level to which their needs are being met. By incorporating both

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„objective‟ and „subjective‟ variables, it becomes possible to gain a clearer picture of the true meaning of quality of life on both temporal and multiple spatial scales (Costanza et al., 2007).

As proposed by Costanza et al. (2007) in their book Human Needs and Quality of

Life, by assimilating both these variables quality of life can thus be defined as the

degree to which objective human needs are being met relative to individual or group experience pertaining to their SWB. Human needs are essentially the basic needs for reproduction, subsistence, affection, security, identity and so forth. SWB is measured through the responses of either individuals or groups regarding their values and perceptions pertaining to life satisfaction, welfare, happiness and utility. The correlation between perceived happiness and the above-mentioned, express that human needs and values may largely depend on elements such as the cultural context, temperament, education, information, mental capacity and other such factors, in a somewhat multifarious way. Furthermore, this link can be pertinently affected by the credence and value to which individuals, cultures and groups give to these human needs comparative to others (Costanza et al., 2007), and which therefore also merits further discussion.

2.2.2 Values

According to Wright (2012), the term ‟values‟ refers to an individuals‟ understanding of what it means to „live well‟. The principles pertaining to both human and environmental values remain steadfast. However, the weight that these values have in our lives may change over time, as do our perceptions.

2.2.2.1 Human values

The concept of human well-being can be identified as the ways in which different actor‟s appropriate different values towards something (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000). This means that values play a fundamental role in a system of beliefs and attitudes, through which both individuals and groups analyse the world around them. Bengston

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(2000) stated that an attitude is a learned predilection toward an object that can be either unfavorable or favorable. Beliefs mirror what individuals view as true about an object, and which is often a reason for adopting a particular attitude towards an object.

Both beliefs and attitudes may change subject to new information, life experience, persuasion, and the development of other learning opportunities. However, values are inherently central to a person‟s system of beliefs and attitudes, and tend to be more constant and impervious to change. These elements also serve to create a robust system of different beliefs, attitudes and values found within a community. For this reason, simply „educating the public‟ about services such as protected areas management will doubtfully be enough to produce the desired effect (Bengston, 2000). This means that altering the individuals or groups beliefs may not necessarily deal with their overall attitude about an object or practice. Subsequently, rather than educating the public, researchers should instead listen to and work collaboratively with the public and other stakeholder groups involved. According to Bengston (2000), this is much more likely to be effective.

2.2.2.2 Environmental values

Based on the aforementioned assumptions, it is clear then that the values of people in society determine what is good and to what extent something is good. Relative to the value of the environment, this resource serves to not only provide utilities, but is also valued for its culturally meaningful, life supporting, and scenic qualities as well (Bengston, 2000). Subsequently, the majority of individuals value the environment, both non-instrumentally in ways that go outside their desire to reach self-interested goals, and instrumentally for the benefits that they obtain from the lands. Over the years, environmental ethicists have become increasingly interested in the credence and attributes given to environmental values, and how these values have contributed to human well-being and perceived needs (Haider & Jax, 2007). Conceptualising the thoughts of Bengston (2000), Blaikie and Jeanrenaud (2000), Figure 2.1 serves to illustrate the various elements pertaining to environmental values

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Figure 2.1 Environmental value system

(Bengston, 2000; Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000)

- Direct and instrumental/use values

Nature is often valued for its usefulness: it satisfies a predilection, provides a function, and meets various human needs (Bengston, 2000). These values are assigned to something because of the satisfaction and enjoyment that can be obtained through the use of biological resources. When an object is utilised as a method to satisfy a need or as a means to achieve an end, either the relation or entity can then be classified as an instrumental value. Thus, through the

economic/utilitarian perception of the value of nature, the efficacy of the environment

is articulated through individual preferences or an accumulation of preferences (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000; Bengston, 2000). In addition to this, the consumption of environmental resources refers to consumptive use values which are the values placed on those resources that are consumed directly without having passed through a market. Consumptive use values are especially significant to the rural populace in developing countries where these biological resources are used and collected as a source of subsistence. Pressures to conserve biodiversity have consequently resulted in reduced access to these resources, and for the poor and politically weak

Environmental values: A conception of what is "good" Direct and instrumental/use values: * Means to an end * Usefulness

Econonomic/ utilitarian values:

* Preference satisfaction

Comsumptive use values:

* Resource consumption

Life support/ ecological values:

* Maintains eco-services

Indirect and non-instrumental values:

* An end in itself * Good in its own right

Aesthetic values:

* Beauty

Inherent moral / spiritual values:

*

Love, affection, reverence, respe ct

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this has typically impacted them severely (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000). For life

support/ecological values, the functions and services of the environment are

essential because the well-being of humans greatly depends on them. This value is unlike economic value in that life support values cannot be adequately evaluated by an individual‟s willingness to pay for environmental services and functions. Consequently, the cumulative willingness to recompense life-sustaining environmental services cannot be meaningfully measured for their importance, as these benefits subsist whether individuals are conscious of them or not (Bengston, 2000).

Because different values are attributed by different actors to various aspects of biodiversity, and that they also yield from different functional benefits; identifying the different values of biodiversity is a complex task because of the need to determine the benefits, values, uses, definitions of biodiversity, and the level of realisation within the population in question (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000).

- Indirect and non-instrumental values

Non-instrumental values are characterised by what is good in its own right. For example, an object can be „good-in-itself‟, thus making it intrinsically valuable to individuals. According to Bengston (2000) an aesthetic value can be characterised as a non-instrumental value because the merit lies within the environment‟s beauty which in turn conceptualises what is „good‟. Aesthetic values therefore coincide with nature‟s value as an entity of perception and knowledge, which is one of the reasons that some areas have become protected and developed into national parks and sanctuaries.

Lastly, a moral/spiritual value is also considered a non-instrumental value in that individuals may value an entity morally when they look upon it with affection, love, respect and reverence (Bengston, 2000). Spiritual values can also be seen as an attachment orientation towards nature‟s heritage value and sense of belonging. Drawing from this, both human values and environmental values clearly play a fundamental role in creating a deeper understanding of how humans both

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instrumentally and non-instrumentally perceive and give credence to the value of life and nature. They are therefore, not unconditionally and collectively applicable as is the case in moral/spiritual value, but depend largely on the interconnectedness between humans and nature (Blaikie & Jeanrenaud, 2000). Thus, these perceived values, be it either individual or in a group, are dependent on the values and meanings that people attach to their life experience. These values can in turn be utilised in determining what constitutes towards improving the needs of individuals and groups (Bengston, 2000).

Drawing from this, in order to scrupulously understand the level of human well-being experienced by both individuals and groups, scientists require knowledge of the conditions that influence their interpretation of their lives, and subsequently the value that they place on these perceptions (Diener & Suh, 1997). These conditions can also be directly associated with an individual‟s capability to achieve that which they value being or doing, and which can be analysed in terms of the Capabilities

Approach as proposed by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum.

2.2.3 The Capabilities Approach

The term 'capability' consigns to an individual's or group‟s freedom to endorse or attain valuable functionings (Alkire, 2002). In order for this to be achieved positive resources required to develop these capabilities needs to be made accessible (Alkire, 2005). However, before determining what resources need be made available it is important to first comprehend the various facets pertaining to a person‟s capabilities. This concept has, during the last two decades, become increasingly significant in the forces driving sustainable human development (Nussbaum, 2007). During this time various postulations have lead to the development and amplification of the Human Development Approach, also recognised as the Capabilities Approach. This supposition was first put forward by the philosopher and economist Amartya Sen and has, since the 1990‟s; become increasingly utilised by numerous international agencies focused on human welfare, and which has also become an essential component employed within the Human Development Reports of the United Nations Development Programme (Fukuda-Parr, 2003; Alkire, 2002;

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Robeyns, 2006). Expanding on this, and parallel to Sen‟s initial formulation of the Capabilities Approach, is the refined works developed and posited by Martha Nussbaum, wherein she explores a more definite and normative list of capabilities which she proposes can be formally used and implemented, within context, throughout all nations (Alkire, 2005). Subsequently, the following section aims to briefly unpack the works of these two prominent theorists and serves to examine the importance of determining ones capability in order to sustain and augment those dimensions relative to human well-being.

2.2.3.1 Amartya Sen (1933 - )

Amartya Sen posited that in order for capabilities to be accomplished, and justice to be guaranteed; every individual deserves the opportunity and freedom to actualise and achieve a „good life‟ (Anand, Hunter & Smith, 2005; Sen, 2009). To accomplish this, freedom of choice and access to primary goods needs to be made available. This means that individuals should be free to determine what they want or value and to ultimately be able to actually choose what they want. Sen considered these two elements to be both intrinsically and instrumentally valuable to fulfilling human needs, and essentially one‟s quality of life. Therefore, how free individuals are to choose from a variety of commodities depends on how effectively their subjective sense of well-being will improve (Fukuda-Parr, 2003).

Furthermore, Sen portended that development involves expanding the extent to which people can be or do things, such as to be knowledgeable, well-nourished and healthy, and to be able to take part in community life (Sen, 2005). This means that development is essentially about removing the impediments that restricts a person in life, which include elements such as ill health, lack of political and civil freedoms, illiteracy, and the lack of access to essential resources. Subsequently, Sen proposed that freedom endowed is not considered an end in its own right but rather a positive step towards productively impacting human development (Fukuda-Parr, 2003). According to Sen (2005), well-being and quality of life thus encompasses a belief that people are free to live lives they believe to be valuable. However, merely being free to make a choice may not be adequate enough. It is also vital to have the power

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to exercise a choice. This means that the adjacent association between freedom and power to choose can be mirrored within the capabilities that an individual or group is able to wield, and which therefore exceeds simple economic notions (Sen, 2005). By asserting that there is an association between well-being and capabilities, Sen posited that through promoting capabilities, social change and economic processes may be ultimately advanced. For instance, with improved education comes improved rational thought and the ability to interact in sophisticated discussions and attain innovative insights, all of which enable individuals to expand their creativity and ideas for themselves.

There is also no question that well-being is experienced and observed diversely amongst individuals. For instance, collective action amongst underprivileged people residing in an interwoven community is paramount to their perception of well-being, whereas collective action as a capability for an affluent group is considered redundant as they benefit from access to a diverse number of primary goods. Thus, the values that people attached to objects are subject to both social and economical influences, be it directly or indirectly (Sen, 2005). That being said, for the purpose of operational methodologies it is important that one is able to conceptualise and categorise the various capabilities pertaining to human well-being, and whilst Sen‟s approach is primarily concerned with identifying capability for the purposes of a quality-of-life assessment, his point of view does not propose an explicit account of basic justice and therefore does not provide a precise catalogue of capabilities (Nussbaum, 2011; Robeyns, 2005). In response to this, and in an effort to extend Sen‟s approach towards a more methodological outlook, Martha Nussbaum proposed a number of key categories that may be normatively utilised to determine human capability.

2.2.3.2 Martha Nussbaum (1947 - )

Drawing from the works of Amartya Sen, the philosopher Martha Nussbaum further extenuated the Capabilities Approach by developing some key elements relative to human capability. She postulated that justice should be identified in terms of an individual's or group's capability to be and do different things (Holland, 2008).

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Therefore, in order to identify the extent to which this form of justice is being carried out, it is important to discern these capabilities in measurable terms. By making use of a human rights approach, Nussbaum went on to develop a list of ten „Central Human Capabilities‟, comprising of bodily integrity, the development and expression of senses, imagination and thought, bodily health, life, practical reason, emotional health, affiliation (both political and personal), play, control over one‟s environment (both social and material), and lastly, the ability to have relationships with other species and the world of nature (Nussbaum, 2007; Robeyns, 2005). Drawing from this, the following list provides a more detailed catalogue of these capabilities (Nussbaum, 2007; Holland, 2008):

1. Bodily integrity. An individual should be able to move freely from one place to another, have occasion for sexual satisfaction, have choices on the subject of reproduction, and have security against assault, including both domestic violence and sexual assault.

2. Sense, imagination and thought. People have the right to be able to use their imagination, their thought, their senses and their ability to reason. They must be able to do these things in an informed and cultivated way which can only be developed through adequate education and training. Individuals must also be able to experience and produce works and happenings through their own choice via the use of thought and imagination. The ability of people to use their own minds is essential to the notion of freedom of expression, both artistically and politically, as well as the freedom to exercise their religious beliefs. This also leads to people being able to enjoy pleasurable experiences rather than non-beneficial pain.

3. Bodily health. This element portends towards people being able to have quality health, including having access to adequate shelter, nourishment and reproductive health care.

4. Life. Rather than dying prematurely, or living a life not worth living, individuals have the right to be able to live a life of normal length.

5. Practical reason. Essentially this entails the ability of people to develop perceptions of what is good, and to reflect critically about the development of their lives.

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6. Emotional health. Here individuals have the right to be able to attach to people and things outside of themselves, to return affection to those who love and care for them, and to grieve for the loss of them. An individual‟s emotional development should not be impaired by anxiety and fear, but should rather be characteristic of experiences such as longing, loving, grieving, justified anger and gratitude. Consequently, supporting this form of human association is crucial in developing emotional health.

7. Affiliation.

a. People should be able to have, on a social basis, the right to non-humiliation and self-respect. Thus, individuals should be regarded as dignified human beings whose worth is equivalent to any other. This can only be achieved through non-discrimination relative to sexual orientation, religion, sex, race, caste, national origin and ethnicity.

b. Humans should also be able to engage in numerous types of social interaction, be able to live with others, be able to envision the circumstance of another, and acknowledge and display concern for other people as well. 8. Play. This is the ability of people to play, laugh and take pleasure in recreational

activities.

9. Control over one’s environment.

a. Materialistically. This element portends to the ability of people to hold and have rights to property on a basis that is equal to other individuals. Therefore, they must have the right to, on an equal basis to others; be able to seek employment and be liberated from unjustifiable search and seizure. Within the workplace, people must also have the ability to perform as human beings, be able to develop meaningful associations of reciprocated recognition with other employees, and to exercise practical reasoning.

b. Politically. Individuals should be able to participate efficiently in the political options that preside over their lives. Individuals should also have the right to participate politically in the protection of freedom of speech and association. 10. Relationships with other species and the world of nature. This element signifies

the ability of people to live with relation to and concern for plants, animals and the entirety of nature.

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It is important to note that the above-mentioned elements cannot, without the risk of distortion, be valued separately. Rather, the Capabilities Approach is resolutely pluralistic in that the credence given to capability achievements essentially varies both in quality and quantity to different people (Nussbaum, 2011).

Furthermore, according to Nussbaum (2007), generating capabilities requires institutional and material support, as well as practical implementation from governments. A critical element pertaining to the development of human rights lies in producing societies in which all children grow up with a reasonably good set of opportunities, and wherein their need for health care, education, political participation, bodily integrity, practical reason and choice are fulfilled. In that same breath, it is also fundamentally important that the world develops to a point where people treat non-human animals affably as well as progress in the protection of their habitats (Nussbaum, 2007). It is therefore necessary that governments be required to ensure that ecological conditions remain operational and are not reduced to a point at which it can no longer provide those experiences and resources essential to enabling individuals or groups in accomplishing a capabilities threshold level and ultimately an increased quality of life (Nussbaum, 2007; Holland, 2008).

With this in mind, policy must conscientiously serve to generate prospective opportunities to support these various human capabilities, whilst also taking into consideration the diverse number of ways that any distinct need can be met and valued (Costanza et al., 2007). One way of representing these opportunities is through identifying the different forms of capital such as built, social, human and natural capital. In the spirit of linking human well-being with ecosystem services, the following examples offered will also pertinently address how these forms of capital, which also form part of meeting various human needs and capabilities; can be directly linked to the role that conservation may play in fulfilling them.

2.3 Capital and opportunities

There are five types of capital that have been distinguished through policy and culture that are used to provide opportunities. The first, human capital; can be defined as the embodiment of information, knowledge, skills, experience and

An assessment of the thatch harvesting programme at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park