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Terrorism, Media and The Culture of Fear in

The Netherlands

Lianne Bouw -s1288768 Supervisor: Dr. M.B.D. Benraad Second reader: Dr. G.M. van Buuren Institute for Security & Global Affairs Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs

Crisis and Security Management The Hague

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Table of contents 2-3

List of Tables and Figures 4

Chapter 1: Introduction 5-9

1.1. Problem outline 5

1.2. Academic relevance 6

1.3. Societal relevance 7

1.4. Research question and sub-questions 8

1.5. Reading guide 9

Chapter 2: Body of knowledge 10-19

2.1. Literature review 10-15 2.2. Conceptualization of terms 16-17 2.3. Operationalization of terms 18-19 2.4. Timeframe 20 Chapter 3: Methodology 21-36 3.1. Research design 21 3.1.1. Case study 22 3.1.2. Case selection 23-24

3.2. Specific research methodology 25-27

3.3. Data collection and analysis 28-30

3.4. Sampling of Dutch newspapers 31-32

3.5.1. Limitations 33-34

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Chapter 4: Analysis 37-70 4.1. How do media create fear in their coverage of ‘terrorism’? 37 4.2. To what extent do newspapers: A/B/ C/D create fear in 38 their treatment of terrorism?

4.2.1. Telegraaf 38-41

4.2.2. Algemeen Dagblad 42-45

4.2.3. NRC Handelsblad 46-49

4.2.4. Volkskrant 50-52

4.2.5. Analysis newspapers: A/B/C/D 53

4.3. Do newspapers: A/B/C/D favour the development of 54 a Culture of Fear in the Netherlands?

4.3.1. Telegraaf 54-55

4.3.2. Algemeen Dagblad 56

4.3.3. NRC Handelsblad 57-58

4.3.4. Volkskrant 59

4.3.5. Analysis newspapers: A/B/C/D 60-62

4.4. To what extent is there a Culture of Fear in the Netherlands? 63-64

4.4.1. Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven 64-65

4.4.2. Risk- and Crisis Barometers 66-67

4.4.3. Google Trends Analysis 68

4.4.4. Online Survey 69

4.4.5. Culture of fear in the Netherlands 70-71

Chapter 5: Conclusion and reflections 72-76

5.1. Conclusion 72-75

5.2. Recommendations for future research 76

Bibliography 77-82

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List of Tables and Figures

Table 1.1-1.4. Headlines relating to ‘terrorism’ in Telegraaf

Table 2.1-2.4. Headlines relating to ‘terrorism’ in Algemeen Dagblad Table 3.1-3.3. Headlines relating to ‘terrorism’ in NRC Handelsblad Table 4.1-4.3. Headlines relating to ‘terrorism’ in Volkskrant

Figure 1. Ranking societal questions, A Figure 2. Ranking societal questions, B

Figure 3. Individuals or family’s likelihood to be involved in disaster Figure 4. Indication of threats in the Netherlands

Figure 5. Nine terror attacks and the searching term ‘terrorisme Nederland’ Figure 6. Concerns about terrorism by LISS-panel

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1: Introduction 1.1. Problem outline

The flourishing newspaper industry of the 19th century supported a podium for excessive

examination of ‘the relationship between the West and non-Western cultures’ (Attia, 2016, 1). Scenes from colonial history dominated and these were characterized by visual representations of ‘non-white men (Africans, Arabs, Berbers or Native Americans) committing despicable crimes or acts of violence’ (Attia, 2016, 1). The targets of these crimes were exclusively white and most of the time women. Throughout and by the Western press this narrative was distributed to shape nationalist and Eurocentric worldviews (Attia, 2016, 1).

According to Kader Attia (2016), today’s media and political powers bring back to life this narrative using hegemonic Western iconography that has infused peoples’ psyche for already centuries. What media represents as new violence can be seen as ‘the conceptual construction of Otherness: the invention of evil, the most significant element of fear’ (Attia, 2016, 1). However, the conceptual construction which promotes fear does not exist on its own, because media ‘relies on certain symbols which promotes particular relationships between words, deeds, and issues’ (Altheide, 2006, 419). The use of certain symbols and words by media can activate emotions like fear in a population. Media can thus be seen as a trigger for the emotion of fear.

According to Cherine Fahd (2017), over the last half-century there has been a dramatic increase in the representation of fear in media, in particular in Western societies. Stories and images about beheadings, suicide bombs and Islamist terrorists continue to dominate media’s coverage of terrorism in the West (Fahd, 2017). One of the Western countries which extensively covered the rise of Islamic terrorism in the West was the Netherlands. In 2017, on a scale of 5, the threat level in the Netherlands was at level 4 which indicated that there was no concrete evidence of actual preparations but attacks were likely to happen (NCTV, 2017). Although there has not been an Islamic terrorist attack in the Netherlands yet, the rise of Islamic State (IS) and the terrorist attacks in Europe have increased the distrust towards the Islam. According to newspaper Trouw, the majority of the Dutch people (63 percent) believes that religion causes more harm than good (2015). Notwithstanding that it is not specified whether the Islam is meant with religion, it seems that Dutch media encourages the development of a culture of fear by making headlines as ‘We still have to fear IS in Europe’ (Volkskrant, 2017). This study will focus on how fear as a topic has been presented in news reports about terrorism and if these news reports favoured the development of a culture of fear in the Netherlands.

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1.2. Academic relevance of the study

According to Nikole Hotchkiss (2010), security strategies are historically been viewed by academics as ‘vital to the nation because they strengthen boundaries and harden definitions of citizenship, keeping “us” safe while the dangers associated with “them” were kept out’ (365). Some security concerns were decreased by the end of the Cold War, however ‘recent threats to security –as the 9/11 attacks in the United States, the 2004 Madrid bombing and the 2005 attack in London- heightened the world’s awareness of substantial risks in the contemporary era’ (Hotchkiss, 2010, 365). As a result, the concept of security enters contemporary societies all over the world: in speeches of politicians, in newspaper columns, radio waves and images of security and insecurity flash across television screens and the internet almost continually (Williams, 2013, 1).

Consequently, this growing attention led to critical examination by scholars to national security, which provided a modernized and important framework where issues as security and national cultures can be examined. This particular research is linked to the field of Crisis and Security Management, because ‘one step in understanding these processes of security is to observe the meanings and ideas that are disseminated into the public discourse primarily through media’ (Hotchkiss, 2010, 365). Moreover, this study will highlight the security debate by looking at a specific aspect, namely a culture of fear in the Netherlands.

Furthermore, to study media coverage of terrorism and the possible influence in the development of a culture of fear, is academically relevant for different reasons. First of all, as Neta Crawford (2000) argued, the role of emotions in security studies have been largely ignored and neglected (116). One of the concerns Crawford noticed is of methodological nature: ‘Valid measures of emotions are not obvious’ (2000, 118). Moreover, the way emotions interact with security and securitisations remains imprecise and inadequately theorised. However, there are important reasons to overcome these worries and to study emotions. For example, because emotions are part of the institutionalized ‘structures and processes of world politics’ (Crawford, 2000, 119). New assumptions must be explored to examine processes whereby individual emotions can become collective. This study will do so, by focusing on if and how media can influence the collective emotion of fear. And finally, this study aims to highlight the significance of emotions which is until now badly theorised overall (Crawford, 2000).

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1.3. Societal relevance of the study

Recently, new threats to the security of nation states emerged. Terrorism is one of these threats. Statistics and surveys have shown that people are more fearful of terrorism and for their security since the attacks on September 11, 2001 (Powell, 2011, 90). After the attack, 53 percent of population of the U.S.A. changed their plans and nine in ten worried about becoming victim in future terrorist attacks. After 9/11, one of the main distributors of fear was the media. The impact of terrorism came from widespread media coverage which created collective fear among the population (Powell, 2011, 92). This particular study on media coverage will be relevant for society, because citizens can become more aware of the way media presents narratives about terrorism. If people are more knowledgeable about the effects of media coverage, they can decide themselves whether they will influence their perceptions by media. Moreover, when citizens are more informed about media-framing, perhaps it will decrease the likely development of a culture of fear in the Netherlands. And finally, when analysing media strategies and techniques the outcome of what ends up in a newspaper can become more controllable.

Though, why is it so important to know the media’s role in the potential development of a culture of fear for the field of Crisis and Security Management? It is important for a society to notice a possible culture of fear at an early stage, since fear is such a powerful emotion which can easily lead to overreacting and creating new dangers instead of preventing them. Fear is recognized as one of the fundamental forces that shapes human life, so having control over the emotion of fear in a population means holding power. Control over media is thus critical for ruling fear and holding power (Altheide, 2006, 428).

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1.4. Central research question and sub-questions

The central topic of this study is the framing of fear by media in the Netherlands. Or in other words: This study will focus on how fear as a topic has been framed by media and if and how this has likely contributed to a single culture of fear in the Netherlands. In this research, the topic of fear is specified to fear of terrorism only. Moreover, the timeframe of this study is limited between 2014 and 2017. Therefore, the central research question of this study is:

‘To what extent do media create fear in their coverage of terrorism and has it favoured a ‘Culture of Fear’ in the Netherlands between 2014 and 2017?’

In order to answer the central research question of this study, it is necessary to answer the following sub-questions:

1. How do media create fear in their coverage of terrorism?

2. To what extent do newspapers: A (Telegraaf), B (Algemeen Dagblad), C (NRC

Handelsblad) and D (Volkskrant) create fear in their treatment of terrorism?

3. Do newspapers: A (Telegraaf), B (Algemeen Dagblad), C (NRC Handelsblad) and D (Volkskrant) favour the development of a Culture of Fear in the Netherlands?

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1.5. Reading guide

In the first chapter it was discussed how a problem outline led to the central research question of this study. To create a structural and clear answer, the central research question is divided into four sub-questions. Moreover, the first chapter provided the academic and societal relevance of this study.

Following to the first chapter, the second chapter will consist out of the body of knowledge which provides a literature review that discusses the main theories and literature used during this research. Moreover, this chapter will specify the conceptualization and operationalization of the terms used in this study. Furthermore, the second chapter will also specify the particular timeframe that will be used in this research.

The third chapter will consist out of the methodology. The basic research design will be elaborated at first. Thereafter, the specific case and case-selection will be examined. Next up, the specific methods that will be used in this study will be presented. Moreover, the way data are collected, sampled and analysed will be shown. The third chapter will also discuss both the general limitations as well as the limitations in terms of reliability and validity.

The fourth chapter is the actual analysis of the collected data, structured along the four sub-questions of the research. First of all, it will be analysed how media create fear. Secondly, it will be analysed to what extent media create fear in the Netherlands. Thirdly, it will be examined to what extent media framing of fear possibly favoured a culture of fear in the Netherlands. And fourthly, the question will be tested whether or not there is a culture of fear in the Netherlands.

The fifth and final chapter of this research provides a clear answer to the central research question structured along the four sub-questions. And finally, recommendations for future research will be formulated.

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2: Body of Knowledge

As explained in the introduction, this study will focus on how fear as a topic has been framed in news reports about terrorism. Moreover, it will be examined whether coverage of terrorism in newspapers favoured a culture of fear in the Netherlands. For that reason, the current state of academic knowledge about media framing of terrorism and its possible consequences will be explored. There will be looked into academic literature with the purpose to create a total picture of the concepts of media framing, terrorism, fear and a culture of fear. Following to this literature review, the concepts that were pointed out and that will be studied later on must be defined to one definition and meaning in order to create one interpretation for every reader. At the end of this chapter, it should be clear for the reader why it is interesting to look at media framing of terrorism which may have encouraged a culture of fear in the Netherlands.

2.1. Literature review

When examining newspaper coverage of terrorism, certainly, it is against expectation to present narratives about terrorism in a moderate way. However, a news cycle that continually covers terrorism in relation to political and social issues can create a mindset of ‘guilty of terror crimes until proven innocent’ (Crenshaw, 2014, 364). Moreover, according to Glassner (2004), media, among other individuals and organisations, await enormous power and money when distributing insecurities and fear. As a result of fear mongering, newspapers sell themselves to viewers and readers (Glassner, 2004, 819).

In this way, according to Glassner, achieving power and money can be reached by creating fear generated through media. As a result of this fear mongering, a culture of fear is possible to arise: ‘a society in which people live in constant fear of danger as a result of being continually bombarded with appeals to fear’ (Glassner, 1999, 7). Glassner thus assumed that the role of media in creating fear is one not to be underestimated. Yet, the role of the media in creating fear is crucial because some threats are created, provoked and generated by the use of various means and media techniques (Glassner, 2004).

Furedi (1997) has also described the prevailing culture of fear more recently. He described it as a ‘ideological fear of fear’, which has as consequence an exaggerated public expectation of, amongst other things, crime and danger, which is felt regardless of whether any actually exist. To this extent, in a culture of fear, the norm is to be scared and to expect the feared thing to happen, despite whether it actually does (Furedi, 1997).

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Before coming to media techniques which possibly influence a culture of fear, it is important to note that it is impossible to consider the public of media in terms of a static, generally passive, scared and uniform group. Moreover, it cannot be assumed that each member of the public has the capacity to deconstruct the media messages in an equal way. Individuals make choices based upon for example certain criteria, cognitive or emotional relations, belongings and trust (Sauer, 1989, 6). As Christoph Sauer argued ‘linguistic forms, as bearers of meaning, are historically determined, and each text functions as reconstruction of variation of the socio-historical determinants’ (1989, 6). For that reason, newscasters can be viewed as important figures who cultivate characteristics that are taken to be typical of the ‘target audience’ in order to establish consensus with it (Davor, 2013, 201). And as a result, newscasters can mediate newsworthy events to the public’s common-sense (Davor, 2013, 201).

However, when convincing the public of the translated narratives, persuasion works best among people who belong to the same group in terms of culture, ethnicity, ideology and linguistically. Therefore, it is important to define who/what is the object of fear (whom or what to be scared of), who is the subject (who has to feel fear), and who is the mediator (who controls the flow, degree and nature of fear in public space) (Davor, 2013, 202). In this study, the role of media as a tool in developing fear will be assessed; the ‘others’, understood in cultural, ethnic, ideological and religious senses as the ‘enemy’, will be analysed as the objects of fear; and the self-group, manipulated by the media, will be defined as the subject of fear.

When discussing persuasion by media, Fairclough and Hall used the concept of ‘naturalization’ in order to illustrate that the media can translate official viewpoints into a public manner of speaking and to naturalize these viewpoints within the horizon of understandings of the various publics. Fairclough and Hall assumed that people would rather accept the translated form of information as long as they are in line with their expectations and common sense (Fairclough, 1995, 61; Hall, 1978).

The role of media is thus extremely important, since they actively reconstruct news events on the basis of many types of discourses (Davor, 2013, 206). Even though, the role of the media is considered to be one of the most important pillars of democracy since they have to be free, impartial, professional, objective and credible (Zielonka, 2015, 265). Yet, the media as global ‘storytellers’ in today’s world, are often misused in the process of generating fear and insecurity and using fear as manipulation in the public space (Davor, 2013, 206). The three techniques that Glassner (1999) listed used by media for stimulating fear and thereby controlling the minds of the public are: repetition, the depiction of isolated incidents as trends

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and misdirection (819-823). Among other techniques, these could have led to the dominant narrative about terrorism in Western media nowadays.

Research about the role of media in creating fear of terrorism has been done by Sudeshna Roy and Susan Dente Ross, who examined the New York Times and Hindustan Times all focused on the 2008 Mumbai attacks and their Islamist perpetrators (2011). They found that media coverage tends to sensationalise terrorism by describing the attacks as ‘barbarity’ and ‘a fog of utter helplessness’ (Roy & Ross, 2011, 198-199). Moreover, terrorists were represented as ‘Jihadists only, unquestionably, unproblematically, undefinably, and singularly that’ (Roy & Ross, 2011, 200). Furthermore, Emlyn Crenshaw (2014) argued that western journalists also ‘perpetuate the flawed concept that terrorists are wholly dissimilar to other people’ by using linguistic and stylistic choices which are often subtle and unnoticed in news coverage about terrorism (364).

According to these researchers, the visualization of terrorism in the media is mostly negative. Logically, it can be assumed that describing terrorism with a negative tone only increases the likelihood of fear of terrorism. Researcher Slone (2000) conducted an experimental study in which the effects of media images about terrorism were tested on 237 respondents in a controlled environment. Slone her findings advocate that respondents exposed to images related to terrorism do raise anxiety levels (Nellis & Savage, 2012, 751). Another research about the role of media in creating fear of terrorism was conducted by Rubin et al. (2003). The outcomes of this study indicated that ‘the effect of overall television exposure and terrorism-related television exposure had no effect on fear of terrorism; however, motivation for viewing was significantly related to fear of terrorism’ (Nellis & Savage, 2012, 751). Or in other words: ‘Respondents who intentionally watched terrorism related news were more fearful and felt less safe from terrorism’ (Nellis & Savage, 2012, 751).

Moreover, in many instances’ fear of terrorism is linked with Islamic terrorism. In her study Framing Islam: An analysis of US media coverage of terrorism since 9/11 Powell (2011) stated that the Islam received negative attention, because of the many terrorist attacks committed in name of the religion. The negative coverage about terrorism increased fear among the citizens and consequently led to an unfavourable societal perception towards the Muslim community and the Islam. Powell concluded that a negative perception on the Islam is a consequence of adverse media framing (2011, 92).

The results of Powell her research correspond to the study of Das e.a. (2009) which illustrated that Dutch citizens became more anxious after seeing coverage of Islamic terrorism in newspapers. This included that Dutch citizens became inherently less tolerant towards the

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Muslim community (Das, Bushman, Bezemer, Kerkhof & Vermeulen, 2009, 19-20). Powell and Das e.a. assumed a link between the many terrorist attacks committed by Islamic radicals and the perception of fear towards the Muslim community.

So, besides selling insecurities and fear, media techniques inherently may stimulate a narrative of specific groups (Black people, Arabs, Russians and Muslims today) in a predominately negative light. As a result of a shared acknowledgment by a large number of people within social groups of entities, this process of stereotyping became public. We usually make use of prejudices when we characterize a person based on a stereotype without knowledge of the total facts. For example, Islamic revivalism and Islam are easily cut down to ‘stereotypes of Islam against the West, Islam’s war with modernity, or Muslim rage, extremism, fanaticism and terrorism. The ‘f’ and ‘t’ words, ‘fundamentalism’ and ‘terrorism’, have become linked in the minds of many’ (Davor, 2013, 201). This connection has led to the existence of prejudices towards these specific groups. The relationship between words and prejudices can also be called stereotyping or ‘othering’: ‘A social process whereby a dominant group defines the existence of an inferior group: the ‘Us’ versus ‘Them’ dichotomy’ (Davor, 2013, 212).

The process of othering was popularized by Edward Said (1977), one of the first intellectuals in the field of postcolonialism. According to Said, many Western scholars have an inaccurate yet determined idea of the East as the ‘Orient’, which is a mysterious and backward place in need of Imperial authority. In Said his book Covering Islam (1981) he argued that media ‘control and filter information, selectively determining what Westerners learn about Islam’ (Baker e.a., 2013, 17). Moreover, Said explained that ‘media portray Islam as oppressive, outmoded, anti-intellectual, restrictive, extremist, backward, dangerous and causing conflict’ (Baker e.a., 2013, 17).

Said is by no means the only researcher who has examined the representation of Islam and Muslims in Western media. For example, researcher Kenneth Wald (2007) and others analysed the media representation of Arab Muslims who were accused, but not convicted, of terrorism and they concluded that repetitional negative news coverage increased prejudgement significantly (9). Moreover, also Altheide (2003) argued that nowadays, the social process of ‘othering’ is still accurate. Altheide argued that ‘othering’ requires ‘group sense’ which can be created by the media using particular language, symbols and discourses that are symbolic and persuasive (Altheide, 2003).

Besides Glassner’s techniques for creating fear of terrorism and fear of specific groups, there are more specific media techniques used in the process of ‘othering’. The language used to illustrate the ‘other’ group is mostly language of differentiation or exclusion and usually part

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of this language involves the discourse of fear. To construct the identity of the self-group is particularly based on negative differentiation from the ‘others’ whereby the discourse of fear involves ‘evocative entertainment formats that promote visual, emotional, and dramatic experience that can be vicariously lived, shared and identified with by audience members’ (Davor, 2013, 211). Moreover, the targets of stereotyping are outgroups whose distinctiveness has been used as a mechanism for establishing a distance between the self and the other. This logic of otherness can be portrayed as a situation where a general rule (all X are Y) and empirical counterevidence (Z is an exception to the rule) are not in correlation (Davor, 2013, 212).

And finally, an important study that will be used in the analysis of this study is the already existing research of the Institute of Security and Global Affairs (ISGA): The Terrorist

Threat in the Netherlands: the risk perception and possibilities for risk communication (2018).1

This research examined the risk perception of the Dutch population on terrorist threats and what the possibilities are for the Dutch government to communicate about terrorist threats and the (counter) terrorism-policies. Another research about fear in the Netherlands has been done by Oppelaar and Wittebrood (2006), who declared that, in 2005, 59 percent of the respondents felt worried to very worried about becoming victim of terrorism and terrorist attacks (23).

Yet, according to the ISGA-research, the Netherlands is a case of ‘optimism bias’ which is corresponding with other academic literature (Caponecchia, 2012; Thoresen, 2012). By optimism bias the risk perception of an individual is lower than the collective risk perception (ISGA, 2018, 54). According to Bakker en De Graaf (2014) terrorist attacks evoke strong emotions per definition. As a result of the emotion of anger, people make a lower judgment regarding the risk perception of terrorism (ISGA, 2018). However, as a result of the emotion of fear of terrorism people often make a higher judgment regarding risk perception. Fear leads to feelings of uncertainty and a lacking feeling of control which strengthened risk perception (Fisschof, 2003).

As Debiec and Le Doux have explained ‘fear is a natural part of life, it occurs when we are threatened’ (2004, 807). Likewise, political theory emphasized the impossibility of its total elimination ‘political order without fear is the unattainable utopia’ (Davor, 2013, 201). However, above mentioned studies, researchers and thoughts form the foundation for this research and are mostly relevant to the field of Crisis and Security Management, because it suggests that news coverage about terrorism can push the reading public into certain ideas and

1 Retrieved from: https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/binaries/content/assets/governance-and-global-af

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believes that would not have been reached if those media representations were absent. Moreover, it is important to analyse the process of stereotyping and othering, because when certain ideas and believes are dominant, it can increase fear and favour the development of a culture of fear (Glassner, 1999).

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2.2. Conceptualization of terms

The process of conceptualization includes coming to one definition and meaning of the concepts that will be studied and thereafter presenting indicators to show whether the concept is present or absent for the particular case. First of all, a description of one consistent meaning of fear is needed in order to reach one definition of the culture of fear. Fear is an emotion: ‘An inner state that individuals describe to others as feelings, and those feelings may be associated with biological, cognitive, and behavioural states and changes; emotions are first of all subjective experiences which have physiological, intersubjective, and cultural components’ (Crawford, 2000, 125). In order to understand how fear as emotion arises, a simplified chain of cause and effects will be illustrated:

Fear begins with ‘a sensory perception, narrative, or memories that prompt a cascade of reactions and consequences in the brain and the rest of the body’ (Crawford, 2014, 539). There are three places a signal might travel to when a person perceives something they consider a threat. It might travel directly to the amygdala (fear centre), or the thalamus (which processes and sorts sensory information), or the prefrontal cortex (the brain area that handles complex reasoning). Whenever the signal arrives a cascade of other biochemical events occur within seconds sending messages to ‘the memory, alertness and the hypothalamus which sends neurotransmitters to the pituitary and adrenal glands that produce adrenaline, cortisol, and other hormones, affecting heart rate, digestion, and breathing’ (Crawford, 2014, 539).

Thereafter a person is thus more attentive and able to act. Or in other words: ‘Fear changes what we look for, what we see and the way we think’ (Crawford, 2014, 540). Yet, it is important to note that emotions like fear are shaped by and shape group identity, culture and institutions. Initial fear may be institutionalized in the adoption of an emotional attitude about the ‘other’ and the threatening world. Moreover, fear may be institutionalized in physical structures, in the adoption of technologies, in the development of rules of procedures and military doctrines that are intended to reduce the sense of threat and fear. However, these intentions may simultaneously and inadvertently heighten conditions that produce more fear (Crawford, 2014, 549).

After deliberating the institutionalisation of fear and the relation to the conceptualization of fear, the definition of a culture of fear can be examined. A culture of fear is a society in which people ‘live in constant fear of danger as a result of being continually bombarded with appeals to fear’ (Glassner, 1999, 7). However, what is it that people are scared for? As explained in the literature review, besides fear of terrorism alone, one of the consequences of media

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coverage about terrorism is the negative targeting on Muslims and the Islam. Hence, in order to make an accurate and precise analysis it is essential to define concepts that form the context for Muslims and the Islam. Therefore, the following concepts will be defined: ‘Islam’, ‘Jihadism’, ‘radicalisation, ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’. First of all, the Islam is an Abrahamic monotheistic religion which believes there is only one God (Allah) and that Muhammed is the messenger of God. The literal meaning of ‘Islam’ is ‘devotion’ and in religious context it can thus be defined as ‘someone who is devoted to Allah’ (Kung, 2006).

Secondly, it is extremely important to distinguish ‘Islam’ from ‘jihadism’, because jihadists claim the Islam to impose their convictions and way of life on others through violence. However, Islamic movements are often critical towards jihadism, which can be defined as ‘an extreme political ideology which aims to fulfil a divinely ordained duty to spread Islam around the world through a holy war’ (NCTV, 2016). To understand the meaning of ‘jihadism’, we must first define the concept of ‘extremism’: ‘Extremism is a phenomenon whereby individuals or groups who are motivated by a certain ideology engage in serious criminal behaviour or take actions that undermine the democratic legal order’ (NCTV, 2016, 5). The process whereby individuals or groups move from legitimate action towards extremism and consequently terrorism can be seen as radicalisation: ‘The process that involves a person’s increasing willingness to accept and act, perhaps violently, on even the most extreme implications of an ideology’ (NCTV, 2016, 6).

As said above, the most extreme implication of an ideology can be defined as terrorism. Yet, it is also important to have one definition of terrorism because the meaning of ‘terrorism’ will affect media communication and response and thus also influence the way ‘terrorism’ is portrayed in media (ISGA, 2018). Most academic definitions of terrorism emphasize a combination of the following elements: violence, politics, sociology and psychology. Therefore, the definition of Tore Bjorgo (2005) will be used in this study: ‘Terrorism is a set of methods of combat rather than an identifiable ideology or movement, and involves premeditated use of violence against

(primarily) non-combatants in order to achieve a psychological effect of fear on others than the immediate targets’ (Bruce, 2013, 27). The definition of Bjorgo (2005) will be used because it combines all the elements and also includes actual violence as well as the threat of violence (Bruce, 2013).

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2.3. Operationalization of terms

By the process of operationalization, the abstract concepts will be translated into measurable variables: indicators. However, due to the qualitative nature of this study the operationalization of terms is more an after-the-fact description than a before planned technique. Moreover, data gathering will occur prior to full operationalization (Neuman, 2014). Yet, an attempt is made to formulate the rightful order of operationalization. First of all, in order to answer the first sub-question, measurable variables must be found in literature study answering how media creates fear. There has to be searched for significant words, narratives or the use of specific language that will indicate how media may create fear.

Secondly, when answering sub-question two and three there has to be searched for these particular words and discourses found in sub-question one. Following the literature review, the researcher must examine if the newspapers described a narrative regarding ‘terrorism’ which may have increased fear and simultaneously was responsible for the process of stereotyping and ‘othering’ towards Muslims and the Islam. The negative intonation of the narrative which possibly increased fear can be found by the use of language of exclusion and differentiation. Moreover, Glassner listed three clear indicators to test whether media are stimulating fear, namely: repetition, the depiction of isolated incidents as trends and misdirection (Glassner, 2004, 819-823). However, due to feasibility issues these three indicators cannot be tested in this particular research. For that reason, the language used in newspaper headlines and articles must be examined very detailed so the researcher will make the most objective interpretation of the analysis as possible.

In addition, in the literature review it is stated that the increasement of fear instigated by newspaper coverage about terrorism may have inherent negative consequences for Muslims and the Islam. Indicators to test whether this process is the case for the Netherlands are found in Gerbner’s (1978) methods. Gerbner’s methods are based on his original work The Cultural

Indicators Project (1969). According to Gerbner’s theory ‘TV content and systematic message

patterns not only reflect underlying cultural values in society but also act as a reference of the direction of social change in society’ (Mosharafa, 2015, 24). Gerbner used his cultural indicator-approachment when analysing media. For that reason, Gerbner his approachment is also applicable to this research and can be divided into three relevant indicators. The first indicator of this approachment is the narrative of terrorism emphasizing on an association between Muslims and terrorism. The second indicator is the narrative of terrorism whereby an

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association is made between religion (Islam) and terrorism. And thirdly, the indicator of intent whereby an article is particularly positive or negative of implication.

And finally, in order to answer the fourth sub-question, it must be examined to what extent there is a culture of fear in the Netherlands. The indicator for this sub-question is equal to the results of the research by the Institute of Security and Global Affairs (ISGA): The

Terrorist Threat in the Netherlands: the risk perception and possibilities for risk communication (2018).

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2.4. Timeframe

The timeframe that will be used in this study is between 2014 and 2017. 2014 is chosen as starting point, because in this year IS captured the Iraqi city of Mosul and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the fighters, declared a caliphate over the Muslim world. 2014 is the year, whereby the group became internationally known because of coverage by ‘newspapers, on network television and across social media’ (Winter, 2018, 104). IS was at the height of its insurgency in 2014 and 2015 and captured city after city in Iraq and Syria and obtained regions from West-Africa to South-Asia. However: ‘By the end of 2016 the territory obtained by IS had shrunk by 33 percent and it had lost control of almost half the city of Mosul’ (Winter, 2018, 104). 2017 is chosen as end point of the study, because in this year IS was totally defeated in Mosul. And finally, between 2014-2017 multiple terrorist attacks claimed by IS were committed throughout Europe.

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Chapter 3: Methodology

This section will consist out of a clear methodological justification. First of all, the basic research design and a brief justification for the case selection will be pointed out. Following, the specific research methodology will be explained. Thereafter, it will be argued how the data will be collected and analysed. Directly after, is the section which will elaborate on the sampling of the four Dutch newspapers. And this chapter will end with the limitations of the research in general and the limitations in terms of reliability and validity.

3.1. Research design

The goal of this research is to find out if and how media coverage of terrorism may have favoured a culture of fear in the Netherlands. This research goal is contextualised insight, because the particular place (the Netherlands) and moments (2014-2017), the contexts, matters. In order to answer the central research question of this study, qualitative research is necessary. This research is qualitative because the focus is on conducting detailed examination of a specific case that arose in the natural flow of social life (Neuman, 2014, 201). Moreover, as a result of the single research unit (the Netherlands) qualitative research is most suitable for this study. Furthermore, as said above, this study limits to one global unit of analysis and the phenomenon will be studied as a whole. Therefore, in this study the unit of analysis is the same as the case. Or in other words, the unit of analysis will be media coverage of terrorism that might have encouraged the development a culture of fear in the Netherlands. The unit of observations are newspapers, academic literature about the discourse of fear, terrorism and media and the ISGA-research about risk perception in the Netherlands.

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3.1.1. Case study

As explained above, this study researches one single case: the Netherlands. Or in other words, to understand better what influence media coverage of terrorism might have had on the development of a culture of fear, this research will use a holistic single case study design. This particular type of design is also defined as ‘an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in-depth and within its real-life context’ (Yin, 2009, 22). There is chosen for a case study design, because this design allows an intensive study of a single case to build explanations about its context, particularity and complexity. Moreover, this design permits exploration and understanding of complex problems whereby an in-depth analysis is needed (Swanborn, 2010). This research needs an in-depth view about the influence of media coverage on a potential culture of fear in the Netherlands. And according to Swanborn, a case study design makes this possible for the reason that it enables the researcher to ‘analyse media coverage in different contexts’ (2010). So, in a case study one subject is thoroughly examined which makes a complex topic understandable (Swanborn, 2010). Furthermore, there has been chosen to study the Netherlands only, because the limited time period would not have been sufficient for answering the central research question for more than one case. And finally, the Netherlands is chosen as one single case, because all data and newspapers were available for the researcher.

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3.1.2. Case Selection

According to the World Population Review (2018) ‘The Kingdom of the Netherlands is the country that is often called the Netherlands or in Dutch “Nederland”’. Most of the country is located in Europe and borders to Belgium in the south and Germany in the East. Moreover, the Netherlands shares maritime borders with Belgium, Germany and the United Kingdom. The statistics of 2013 showed that the Netherlands existed out of 0.24 percent of the total world population of which most part of the population is Dutch (World Population Review, 2018). According to the World Population Review statistics of 2013, the total population of the Netherlands was 16.73 million people and in 2018 it was 17.08 million. The estimated population in the timeframe of this research, 2014 till 2017, is thus between 16 and 17 million people. 79.3 percent of the total population is Dutch and other minorities include: European (5.7%), Turkish (2.1%), Indo-European (2.3%), Moroccans (2.2%), Surinamese (2.1%), Caribbeans (0.9%), Poles (0.6%), Chinese (0.3%), Iraqis (0.3%) and some other groups remain the last 3.9 percent. Moreover, the religions that are practiced vary over the total population with Roman Catholic (23.7%), Protestant (15.5%), Islam (4.9%), other like Hindu, Buddhist, Jewish (5.7%) and 50.1 percent has no affiliation (World Population review, 2018).2

Besides these statistics, it is important to elaborate on terrorism in the Netherlands since this information will provide a global context to the case. As said in the introduction, no terrorist attack has been committed in the Netherlands between 2014 and 2017. However, the terrorist threat is existing due to several incidents in the Netherlands and Europe over the years (NCTV, 2016, 4). In 2005 the terrorist threat assessment (DTN)3 became ‘substantial’ as a result of the

committed terrorist attacks in Madrid in 2004 and the murder of the Dutch politician Theo van Gogh in 2004.4 The terrorist threat assessment focused on the existence of local and

international jihadist networks in the Netherlands and Europe. This specific focus was reinforced by the terrorist attacks in London subway in 2005 (NCTV, 2016, 6). Other important incidents on which the terrorist threat assessment elaborated were the ‘Christmas Day Bomber’, the ‘Stockholm Bomber’, the attempts to blow up a public transport train in Germany, the failed attack on a Cartoonist in Denmark and the attacks in more recent years on the Jewish Museum,

2 Retrieved from: http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/netherlands-population/. 3 DTN: Dreiging Terrorisme Nederland (Threat Terrorism Netherlands).

4 Dutch filmmaker van Gogh produced a short film Submission (2004) in which the treatment of women in Islam

was criticized. Shortly after van Gogh was assassinated by a Dutch-Moroccan Muslim who objected the controversial film.

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the attacks in Copenhagen, the Charlie Hebdo attacks and the failed attack on a Thalys-train (NCTV, 2016, 7).

When specifying to terrorism in the Netherlands only, there are also several incidents worth specifying. Besides the murder on Theo van Gogh in 2004, there was also an anti-terrorist action in the Hague that same year. More recently, in 2018, a nineteen-year-old man stabbed two American tourists who got seriously injured. A day after the incident it was confirmed that the perpetrator had a terrorist motive (NCTV, 2018, 2). Moreover, in 2018, a major anti-terrorist action took place in different cities in the Netherlands.5 According to the Dutch Public

Prosecution Service and Police a large-scale terrorist attack was foiled by this anti-terrorist action (NCTV, 2018).

So, in the Netherlands there has not been a major terrorist attack in the researched period of this study. Therefore, the population of the Netherlands can only perceive fear towards terrorism which is associated with terrorist attacks in surrounding (European) countries and foiled attacks in the Netherlands. As Quirine Eijkman, terrorism expert, explained: ‘The likelihood of a terrorist attack in the Netherlands is existing for a longer period of time already. However, due to the terrorist attacks in neighbouring countries such as France, Belgium and Germany people feel like the possibility of an actual terrorist attack in the Netherlands becomes more likely. As a result, people feel more unsafe and vulnerable’ (Eijkman, 2016). So, the fear people might have and the likely development of a culture of fear in the Netherlands is an association linked with fear of terrorism.

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3.2. Specific research methodology

In order to get an answer to the central research question of this study several methods will be used. As said above, the foundation of this qualitative research is a holistic single case study design of the Netherlands. In order to present a clear and structural answer, the central research question can be split into four sub-questions. These sub-questions will be answered by using the following methods: literature study, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and secondary analysis of data.

In order to answer the first sub-question, it is necessary to find out what kind of techniques the media can use to create fear in their coverage of terrorism. This part will be answered by using literature study as method. Peer reviewed articles about topics such as media, terrorism and fear will be examined. This method will be used, because academic literature will present an objective view on the subject and therefore provide a scientific explanation to the first sub-question.

When answering the second and third sub-question Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) will be used as specific method. The second part aims to answer the question to what extent Dutch media create fear in their coverage of terrorism. The third part examines whether Dutch newspapers favoured the development of a culture of fear in the Netherlands. These questions will be answered by using newspapers as primary sources. The newspapers will be examined applying to the Critical Discourse Analysis. This method will be used, because CDA focuses on dominance, ideology and the meaning-making of the use of language in the form of a discourse.

According to Alexander Spencer (2012) the incidents of 9/11 caused a discourse-centred conception of terrorism whereby terrorism is established as a result of discourse (394). Spencer explained this process as: ‘We all make terrorism what (we say) it is’ (2012, 394). Reasonably, it can be stated that ‘the real existence of terrorism’ does happen by means of ‘real people who conduct real actions’ (Spencer, 2012, 394). However, the way these actions and people are seen is the interpretation of discourse (Spencer, 2012). The discourse on terrorism that dominated the Western media is constructed out of language that pictured terrorism as an abstract threat to ‘an atmosphere of public fear and anxiety’ (Nimmer, 2007, 238). The ambiance of fear and anxiety makes it simultaneously more tolerant for dominant powers (the West) to acquire approval for implementing countermeasures (Nimmer, 2007, 225). In other words, the way we see or interpretate terrorism is the result of a dominant discourse. This dominant idea legitimizes reality. Furthermore, this Western discourse of terrorism might affect the ideology of the Islam

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as well. As Meeteren and Oostendorp (2018) argued: ‘Ever since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, counter-terrorism legislation has been argued to be globally focused on a so called “suspect community”: the “Muslim community”. The media, politicians and scholars speak about a new wave of terrorism where “Islamic” is a common key dominator’ (Meeteren & Oostendorp, 2018, 1). Therefore, the CDA method will fit best to this study because it focuses on dominance relations. Moreover, CDA is ‘primarily interested and motivated by pressing social issues, which it hopes to better understand through discourse analysis’ (Dijk, 1993, 252).

Besides the focus on dominance and ideology, the CDA also specifies the importance of language. As explained in the conceptualization, one of the main drivers for the creation of fear in media is language. Or as Jørgensen and Phillips (2002) describe it: ‘The access to reality is always through language’ (8). Moreover, discourses are understood as ‘performative, meaning-making attempts to make sense of the world through words and language’ (Baker-Beall, 2014, 216). So, in both the second and third sub-question a linguistic analysis will be drawn by means of the CDA method. Or in other words, the CDA method aims to highlight social realities and constructions through texts.

Another reason why CDA is chosen as specific method is because, as said above, the goal of this research is contextually insight. Likewise, one of the goals of CDA is to study text in context, because a particular text is produced at a certain period of time with a specific purpose and by specific authors. If the context would be excluded a certain number of crucial data for a text analysis would be eliminated as well. By using CDA specific language will thus be analysed in a specific context for a specific purpose (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002). For this study, the use of CDA aims to highlight the representation of terrorism in news coverage of Dutch newspapers and its relation to the development of a culture of fear.

And finally, the fourth sub-question is: ‘To what extent is there a culture of fear in the Netherlands?’. As stated in the conceptualization of terms, a ‘culture of fear’ can be defined as ‘a society in which certain groups live in constant fear of danger as a result of being continually bombarded with appeals to fear’ (Glassner, 1999, 7). In order to test whether a culture of fear in the Netherlands was present or absent between 2014 and 2017, this study will examine the research of the Institute of Security and Global Affairs (ISGA): The Terrorist Threat in the

Netherlands: the risk perception and possibilities for risk communication. The specific method

that will be used to answer this question is the method of secondary analysis of data. At the same time, this research will function as an attempt for a data proof if there are ‘certain groups living in constant fear as a result of being continually bombarded with appeals of fear’ in the Netherlands.

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The ISGA-research is based on among other studies, the Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven (COB)6, the Risk and Crisis Barometers (RCB), a Google Trends analysis

and an online survey (ISGA, 2018).

Firstly, the COB is planned by the Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (SCP)7 with the purpose

to get a clear overview of possible changes of personal, political and societal perspectives of the Dutch population. The sample exists out of approximately 5.300 persons with a response of 1.100 persons (ISGA, 2018, 19-20).8 Secondly, the National Coordinator for Security and

Counterterrorism (NCTV) takes an RCB survey about risk perception every six months among approximately 900 Dutch respondents (ISGA, 2018, 19-20).

Thirdly, besides taking RCB surveys, digital searching results can say something about the risk perception of the Dutch population directly after a terrorist attack. In the Netherlands, Google is the mostly used online searching machine (ISGA, 2018, 46). By the use of the application ‘Google Trends’ the relative power of certain searching terms can be analysed.9 For

example, on a random day (for example a day before a terrorist attack) there are no search relating to ‘terrorism in the Netherlands’. However, the day after a terrorist attack the relative result of this term can reached 100 (ISGA, 2018). The benefits of analysing online searching results, is that the results are not biased by socially accepted answers. By using an online searching machine, people feel alone and anonymous, so they will search for information they are actually interested in (ISGA, 2018, 22). And fourthly, an online survey was conducted by an already existing representative and Dutch panel: the LISS-panel (ISGA, 2018, 25).10

6 Continuous Research Citizen Perspectives. 7 Social Cultural Planbureau.

8 Besides the sample, the SCP also conducts a supplementary panel survey in the fourth quarter among

respondents from previous studies. Focus groups and telephone interviews are conducted to gain insight into certain themes. Based on the sample and the supplementary methods in the fourth quarter there are reports published every quarter.

9 Google Trend analysis parts of the almost three milliard searching results of Google on a daily basis. It is

possible to download these data and analyse it, there can be searched for specific geographic locations and periods in time (ISGA, 2018).

10 LISS-panel: Langlopende Internet Studies voor de Sociale Wetenschappen (Long-term Internet Studies for

Social sciences). The sample was made by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) for 4.500 households with in total 7000 respondents which is approximately representative for the total number of Dutch households (ISGA, 2018).

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3.3. Data collection and analysis

In the same manner as there are used several methods to answer the central research question, there are also several procedures regarding data collection and analysis in order to create a clear a structural answer. First of all, data that will be used in this research can be gathered and collected by using the University of Leiden Library and the online Leiden University catalogues.11 When using the online Leiden University catalogues, there is also access to the

LexisNexis database.12 This database can be used for collecting the newspapers which are

essential for answering the second and third sub-question.

Besides the methodology and data collection, the researcher has to focus on the particular way in which the data should be analysed. When answering the second sub-question, general headlines of four newspapers will be analysed in a timeframe from 01-01-2014 till 31-12-2017. As pointed out by several news discourse analysts, news in the daily press is organized by the principle of relevance (Tuchman, 1978; Cohen and Young, 1981; Van Dijk, 1983; Bell, 1991). The reader thus only needs a glimpse of the headline to get an accurate idea of what the whole report is about. Moreover, news reporters use the minimum words to express the maximum information in headlines (Teo, 2000, 13-15). Furthermore, as a result of a minimum number of words reporters can put in a headline, the researcher can assume that the words that actually made it to the headline are chosen extremely careful (Tea, 2000, 14).

Another reason why headlines are chosen to be studied, is because they are not only visible for people who have subscription to it. Newspaper headlines are visible everywhere and for everyone, because they are for example sold on street corners or they lay around in public transport, offices and houses. Inherent to this effect is that newspapers use mostly big and screaming headlines that will attract attention. So, logically we can assume that if newspapers create fear this will be reflected in the headlines of the papers. For above reasons, the second section will consist out of an overview of the headlines of all four papers relating to the word ‘terrorisme’.13 However, as explained in previous sections, creating fear of Islamic terrorism

and the possible development of a culture of fear is closely associated with fear of Muslims and

11 Leiden University catalogue. Retrieved from:

https://catalogue.leidenuniv.nl/primo-explore/account?vid=UBL_V1&sortby=rank&lang=en_US&section=overview.

12 Leiden University databases. Retrieved from: http://academic.lexisnexis.nl/. 13 Terrorism.

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the Islam as well. Therefore, there is also searched for the words ‘moslims’14, and ‘islam’15 in

the LexisNexis database between 2014 and 2017.

Noteable, the Tables (1,2,3,4) which present the headlines, consists only out of a few headlines in relation to the actual number of headlines that appeared after searching in the LexisNexis database. On the grounds that this study focuses on Dutch newspaper coverage about Islamic terrorism with mostly European countries as targets there are three criteria used for the selection of headlines in the Tables. First of all, headlines left out of the Tables are related to non-Islamic terrorism, for example cyberterrorism. Secondly, headlines related to terrorism in non-Western countries are left out, for example a headline about a committed terrorist attack in Syria. And thirdly, headlines that do not refer to ‘terrorism’ immediately are left out because the intention of this section is to get a direct sketch of the language used in headlines which may have increased fear immediately. And finally, the headlines used in the Tables are sampled over the four years period of time using the first headline of every single month of the year in order to get a global picture of the headlines used throughout the years 2014 till 2017.

In order to examine whether Dutch newspapers favoured the development of a culture of fear, a linguistic analysis will be drawn by searching for words in newspaper articles that are associated with fear of terrorism. For the second sub-question it was sufficient to look at the word’s terrorism, Muslims and Islam only, because a global sketch of the headlines had to be examined. However, in order to answer the third sub-question correctly a more precise linguistic analysis is needed because there has to be examined if the discourse of fear was present or absent. Analysing more detailed texts will help to interpret social discourses better and help to test whether or not the papers favoured the development of a culture of fear. As Phillips and Hardy’s (2002) present the following definition of a discourse: ‘an interrelated set of texts, and the practices of their production, dissemination, and reception, that brings an object into being’ (3). Or in other words, social reality is created by discourses and therefore people experience these realities through discourses (Phillips and Hardy’s, 2002). So, the third sub-question will be answered by analysing specific language that newspapers use in detailed texts to describe the discourse of fear relating to terrorism. Furthermore, analysing specific texts and language in detail may give a more accurate answer to the third sub-question than examining headlines only since the researcher assumes a relation between language, social discourses and

14 Muslims.

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reality. This assumption is based on the association made in previous studies about the link between language in media and the increasement of fear among a population.16

However, due to feasibility issues it is impossible to examine all articles published in the sampled newspapers between 2014 and 2017. As a result, the researcher only examined four newspaper articles relating to one particular event. The articles that will be examined are the first articles published by the Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad, NRC Handelsblad and the

Volkskrant after the terrorist attacks committed by IS in Paris in November 2015. These

particular terrorist attacks are chosen, because the event had a tremendous impact relating to other terrorist attacks committed by IS in Europe between 2014-2017 (ISGA, 2018). Moreover, as the case is with the headlines, several discourse analysts specified that daily press is organized by the principle of relevance (Tuchman, 1978; Cohen and Young, 1981; Van Dijk, 1983; Bell, 1991). And therefore, the researcher assumed that the first articles published after the Paris attacks will consist out of the most relevant news relating to fear of terrorism.

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3.4. Sampling of Dutch newspaper

For this research newspapers will be analysed precisely. Considering the scope of the research only four newspapers will be used. In order to illustrate an accurate representation of all Dutch newspapers, the four that will be used in this research are picked cautiously for three main reasons. First of all, the following newspapers: Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad (AD), NRC

Handelsblad and Volkskrant are picked because these are the most prominent papers among

the paid ones (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

Secondly, these newspapers can be distinguished by analysing the reading public. In the Netherlands, there are five different welfare classes. People in the first class have the highest income in society, people from the second class can be viewed as the top layer of the middle class and people from the third class are the underlay of this category. People from the fourth class have less income and are less educated and people from the fifth class are uneducated, unemployed or retired. For this research, there can be made a distinction between on the one hand readers from the Telegraaf and the Algemeen Dagblad. This reading public can be viewed as ordinary citizens with general incomes belonging mostly to welfare classes three and four. While, on the other hand, the readers from the NRC Handelsblad and the Volkskrant are represented by mostly higher educated people with higher incomes belonging mostly to welfare classes one and two (Bakker & Scholten, 2007, 7).

Thirdly, the newspapers can be distinguished following the content division which separates popular mass papers on the one hand and policy-framed papers on the other hand. The Telegraaf and the Algemeen Dagblad are popular mass papers which focus more on human interest stories. The NRC Handelsblad and the Volkskrant can be viewed as policy-framed papers which focus more on (foreign) news, context and opinion (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

After examining the reasons for choosing these particular newspapers, general information about the newspapers should be provided, in order to provide some context. First of all, the Telegraaf is the largest paper of the Netherlands and is therefore distributed over a large number of people. Examining the largest newspaper will most likely show the most precise results concerning the possible culture of fear favoured by the media. Moreover, the

Telegraaf is a paper which is independent from religious or political preferences. As said above,

the reading public belongs to welfare classes three and four and mainly aims sensational, amusement news (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

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The second newspaper that will be examined is the Algemeen Dagblad (AD) which is the second largest newspaper of the Netherlands. Moreover, this newspaper is also without political or religious preferences. The reading public of the Algemeen Dagblad is from the middle class and belongs mainly to welfare classes two and three. The public has a broad interest leaning from foreign news to sports and arts (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

NRC Handelsblad is the third newspaper that will be examined. Traditionally, this paper

focuses on a liberal reading public and advices to vote for political right-wing parties. As said above, the reading public belongs to welfare classes one or two and therefore this paper can be considered as a policy-framed paper which focuses on quality for higher educated people (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

And the final paper used in this research is the Volkskrant, which is originally intended for the Catholic labourer and was viewed as the paper for the left-wing on the political spectrum. However, nowadays the Volkskrant is a progressive paper meant for a broad audience. Yet, the reading public of this paper belongs mainly to the first two classes of the welfare grouping and therefore this paper focuses mainly on political and foreign news (Bakker & Scholten, 2007).

In conclusion, these four selected newspapers will provide the most comprehensive illustration of all Dutch newspapers. They will do so, because these newspapers are distributed among a large reading public with different educational backgrounds and various incomes. Moreover, these four newspapers can provide the most complete picture regarding the content of the newspapers.

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3.5.1. Limitations

Some complex factors appeared during this research and therefore limited the study. First of all, when measuring the emotion of fear generated through newspapers the historically defined norms and values of the case must be considered. However, for this study, these principles were impossible to measure because they are embedded in the Dutch culture for centuries. Moreover, due to the limited time frame and scope of this study just a few headlines were examined relating to the entire result of headlines. Likewise, only four news articles relating to one event were selected to examine whether Dutch newspapers used framing of fear which may have developed a culture of fear.17 Reasonably, these articles do not necessarily provide the same

answer when another event was chosen. So, the results shown do not necessarily correspondent with other timeframes and events than the particular ones used for this study. Or in other words, this research can only provide part of the truth when answering the central research question.

Additionally, in this study only one kind of media was researched namely newspapers. However, when analysing fear in media and examining whether a culture of fear is present or absent, it is strongly advised to include other powerful media as well. For example, by examining the use of language on the powerful communication tool of Social Media. Besides, measuring the nature and impact of the emotion of fear is problematic. When studying emotions, it is not easy to analyse the authentic inner feelings of a person, let alone study the emotions shared by a community. However, by analysing the newspaper articles according to the Critical Discourse Method, this study aimed to overcome the difficulty of measuring emotions. Yet, by analysing multiple headlines throughout several years and by examining four detailed texts out various newspapers, this study aimed to answer the central research question as complete and objective as possible. Notwithstanding, it is extremely important to take into account that this study represents only part of reality.

And finally, the main and most significant limitation of this research is to test whether a culture of fear in the Netherlands was present or absent between 2014 and 2017. Due to feasibility issues there were no surveys, questionnaires or interviews conducted among the Dutch population. Moreover, in this explorative study the researcher only drew conclusions through a linguistic analysis and therefore this study is biased. However, the researcher assumed that newspapers do create fear of terrorism and thereby were likely to have favoured the development of a culture of fear in the Netherlands as a result of already existing studies about

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fear mongering by media.18 So, the researcher considered that, based on other studies and

countries, there is a relation between fear mongering by media, fear of terrorism and the existence of a culture of fear. For this reason, an attempt is made to test whether a culture of fear is actually present or absent in the Netherlands. This attempt is made by using the conducted research about risk perception of terrorism by the Institute of Security and Global Affairs as an indicator for a culture of fear.

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