Fighting for peace : an exploratory study of the potential of cross-community boxing in conflict transformation for working class youth in Belfast

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Fighting For Peace - An Exploratory Study of the Potential of Cross-

Community Boxing in Conflict Transformation for Working Class Youth

in Belfast

Alex William Hanrahan

11265779

A postgraduate research thesis submitted to the University of Amsterdam

in part fulfilment of the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Resolution

and Governance.

30

th

June 2017

Graduate School of Social Sciences,

University of Amsterdam,

Nieuwe Achtergracht 166

1018 WV Amsterdam

The Netherlands.

Program Director: Dr. David Laws

Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Michelle Parlevliet

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Firstly, I want to acknowledge those in Northern Ireland who were particularly welcoming over the month of field research. I want to thank Patsy McAllister and Jimmy McGrath from Oliver Plunkett ABC, who even during their time off made the effort to come down and open up the club for me. They had the capacity to speak in length about the history of their club, the sport of boxing, and the inner workings of the sport on the island of Ireland. I will also be forever grateful for them allowing me to witness their training sessions, introducing me to their boxers, and inviting me down to the Boys Championships in the National Stadium in Dublin. Over the month they spoke with honesty and integrity and the hospitality shown will be something that will live long in the memory.

I’m also equally indebted to Terry McCorran of the City of Belfast Boxing Academy who welcomed me into his club and spoke candidly in all of our interactions. I was made to feel at ease in a neighbourhood that, traditionally, I would not have had much experience of and was naturally apprehensive entering at first. Terry made time to speak to me and air his grievances around boxing in Northern Ireland which has left his club out in the cold. His boxers were open and willing to speak informally on multiple occasions. The insights gained from these conversations with Terry and his boxers were invaluable over the course of the research. I should also like to thank all other boxers and coaches I spoke to over the month in Belfast and the Championships in Dublin. While none spoke in an official capacity, the information provided built a solid comparative base that put my research within a wider boxing context on the island.

The final person I want to thank for his time during my field research is Joe Campbell. On the first day in the field Joe met me in the famous Europa Hotel in Belfast, welcoming me in the most bombed hotel in the world. Joe provided me with his unique historical and contextual

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5 analysis of Belfast over the past fifty years, and helped explain the intricacies that permeate Northern Irish society to this very day.

Over the course of the past year there have been many people in the University of Amsterdam who have been instrumental in making this thesis happen. At the start of my time in UvA I was given a strong methodological grounding and understanding by Alex Voicu. While at the time he was fully aware it wasn’t the most exciting course in the world, it has indeed stood me in good stead during the research. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Polly Pallister-Wilkins, Dr. Anja van Heelsum, Dr. Jana Krause, and Dr. Martijn Dekker for their support and advice over the past few months, both in class and through outside conversation. Often when inspiration or clarity was needed, it was provided.

I am especially indebted to both Dr. David Laws and Dr. Michelle Parlevliet who have worked closely with me over my time in UvA. Since September, David has reinvigorated my love for academic study. He has challenged me constantly and opened my mind up to new ideas, and different approaches to research. Michelle, my supervisor, has had to deal with my somewhat erratic style of research which comes together slowly and is not without its miniature heart attacks along the way. I would like to apologise in this case for any high blood pressure I may have caused over the four or five months. All the times I drifted my focus, or became too engrossed in the practical results and needed to be redirected, she provided that direction. When confusion arose and it created a feeling of being overwhelmed, Michelle often overwhelmed herself in order to help my process, all of this while in the process of planning her wedding. I would like to wish Michelle and her husband the very best in the future and her to know that I really appreciate all that she has done over a busy few months.

I would like to also thank my friends for all the support that I have received throughout the year. From my classmates in the Methodology course, to the members of the Mediation Workshop, to my group in the Conflict Resolution class, and to my friends from all walks of life in and around Amsterdam, it was you who helped make my first year living in a foreign country an absolute pleasure.

Finally, my greatest depth of gratitude goes to my family who have been by my side along the way. To my grandfather, Capt. Bill Hanrahan, who has instilled a value for time, education, and money into me that I will never lose. To my aunt, Elaine, for enabling me to rant on American politics at length over the phone, thank you for not hanging up. To my late

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6 grandmother, Nora, for continuing to light those candles for me. To my sister, Claire, who has kept me positive in times of stress and helped to me keep focused when distractions started to creep in. To my mother, Louise, for being the tough but fair voice in my life, and who knows me and my personality better than anyone I know. Lastly, I would like to thank my father, Des, whose academic brain became particularly invaluable in the concluding weeks when I needed proof reading, opinions and guidance. You’ve been an “extremely massive” help whenever I’ve needed you most.

Ar scáth a chéile a mhairmid.

We all exist in each other’s shadow.

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Abstract

Belfast, the capital city of Northern Ireland, is a city divided along political, religious and cultural lines having emerged from decades of violent conflict. While sport is often used to express these divisions, boxing has been an exception, having been a unifying sport in Northern Ireland and possibly the only working class sport which has, until the violence of the late 20th Century, managed to avoided major sectarian division (Sugden 1995: 2010). The study sets out to build on this rich unifying history by attempting to explore the potential of cross-community boxing for ‘conflict transformation’ for working-class youth from segregated Unionist and Nationalist communities in Belfast. It identifies the conditions needed to support conflict transformation and examines whether these conditions are present to support cross-community boxing in Northern Ireland. A mixed-method research approach, was employed comprising of semi-structured interviews, participant observation (with informal verbal contact) as well as desk research, in order to explore the subject from a number of angles over the course of the study. This draws on conflict theory and on attitude theory to help understand how cross-community boxing may help bring about conflict transformation by bringing together people from different identities, in order to change their behaviour and attitudes towards one another. The study found that, while cross community boxing does have the potential for conflict transformation, realisation is largely confined to within-club cross cultural contact, where conditions such as equal status, common goals, intergroup cooperation and strong leadership from coaches are present. However, this potential is not being realised in the wider inter community settings due to a number of negative attitudes and other behaviours grouped around identity, geographical structures and the structure and regulation of boxing on the island of Ireland. The study concluded that there needs to be a major restructuring of the Irish Athletic Boxing Association in order for it to be more open to, and accommodating of, diverse views as well as societal development, and the removal of physical and psychological boundaries, before the potential of boxing can be realised for the benefit of all the community.

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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION

“By its very nature, sport is about participation. It is about inclusion and bridging cultural or ethnic divides. Sport can cut across barriers that divide societies, making it a powerful tool to support conflict prevention and peace-building efforts. When applied effective, sport programmes promote social integration and foster tolerance, helping to reduce tension and

generate dialogue” (UN Inter-Agency Task Force on Sport for Development and Peace, 2005).”

This introduction will first set the scene by bringing the reader up to date on where Northern Ireland stands today, Thursday 29th June 2017. After this it will address the research goal followed by the aims, objectives and relevance of the study before placing the study in the context of recent Northern Ireland history. After that it will state the research question ahead of providing a brief outline of the thesis.

SETTING THE SCENE

The field work for this study was undertaken in March 2017 in the wake of a bitter election for the Northern Ireland Assembly. The previous Assembly had been undermined back in December 2016 when Shin Fein, the extreme Nationalist party and second largest party in the Northern Ireland power sharing Government, withdrew its support for the Democratic Unionist Party, the largest party in the Assembly and a party that represents extreme Unionism. In the election that followed, both of these parties took seats from the smaller centrist parties, thus reinforcing traditional divisions. Today 29th June 2017, despite splitting fifty-six percent of the vote evenly between them, these parties have not yet been able to form a government. They have until next Monday 3rd. July to do so!

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THE RESEARCH GOAL

This study sets out to explore the potential of cross-community boxing for ‘conflict transformation’ for working-class youth from segregated Unionist and Nationalist communities in Belfast, the Capital city of Northern Ireland.

The central core of this study is based on the concept of conflict transformation (Lederach 2003). Around this core, the study uses theories of interpersonal contact and theories that concentrate on the changing of attitudes and perceptions, through direct contact.

Due to the limited literature specific to boxing as a form of conflict transformation the study draws on complementary work from the allied field of ‘Sports for Development and Peace.

The research is centred on the amateur boxing community in Belfast, and on just two boxing clubs in particular. This is supplemented by reference to other clubs, to representational boxing (representing one’s country) and to all Ireland, National and International governing bodies where such areas are necessary for a robust exploration.

AIM OBJECTIVE AND RELEVANCE

The topic selected for this study was chosen using a process devised by Booth et.al., (2003) in which a broad topic is narrowed down to a discrete topic for research. In this instance the broad topic was politics in sport, which has always been of interest of the researcher. This was refined to Sports for Development and Peace (SDP) and then further refined to become the potential of cross-community boxing for conflict transformation.

Initially, the broader topic had been inspired by the creation of a ceasefire in 2006 by the national football team of the Ivory Coast, which had brought a halt to a long and bloody civil war in the state. This led to a reflection about whether sport should play a much more active role in conflict resolution and specifically conflict transformation.

It is a common perception that sport and politics should remain separate. (Armstrong and Mitchell, 2008). However, it is this researcher’s belief that this stems from the perception that

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10 all sport is tribal. This is a generalization that has grown from football supporters and hooligans in particular (Dunning et al., 2002; Hanrahan 2014).

According to Bairner (2000:181,182), football in Northern Ireland reflects the societal divisions created by the partition of the island of Ireland in 1921, when Northern Ireland inherited a Protestant Unionist majority and the Irish Free State, later to become the Republic of Ireland, inherited a Catholic Nationalist majority. This division, and the internal tensions it created in Northern Ireland, led to expressions of identity through sport which, in the case of football, resulted in the withdrawal of the two predominantly Catholic supported teams from the Northern Irish league, Derry City (1985) and Belfast Celtic (1949). Boxing, however differs from this as it is an individual sport. It also differs in that it has a history of being a unifying sport in Northern Ireland, and is possibly the only working class sport which has, until the violence of the late 20th Century, managed to avoided major sectarian division (Sugden 1995: 2010). For this reason it provides unique opportunity to explore the potential of a sport (amateur boxing) for conflict transformation in the current post conflict ‘peace process’ that was brought about in Northern Ireland by the Belfast Agreement 1998.

Anecdotally, boxing is often dismissed as violent and dominated by thugs. However, it provides a way for young men and women to channel their anger and frustration in a positive manner under guidelines and rules (Hassan, 2005). Much of the academic research on boxing, and indeed other sports, and its relationship with conflict in Northern Ireland predates the Good Friday Agreement, a name commonly used to refer to the Belfast Agreement, which brought a formal end to the conflict in Northern Ireland in 1998. (Sugden, 1991; Cronin 1997; NIA 2017). The most recent findings available indicate that just prior to the Good Friday Agreement, eighty percent of boxers were working class males under the age of twenty-five; forty per-cent were Protestant and sixty per-cent were Catholic (Cronin, 1997). It was found that “administrators felt that boxing had complete cross-community contacts and that the composition of teams, the nature of competitions and coaching occurred on an integrated basis” (Cronin 1997: 138). This finding has been questioned (NIA 2001).

Finally, the long history, prevalence and importance of boxing in Ireland and especially in Northern Ireland, suggests that it is a suitable case for study. For example, in a report listing the twenty best Irish boxers of all time, thirteen originated from Northern Ireland (Flats, 2011). Boxing’s popularity there, and its links with working class youth, have led to

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11 initiatives such as the Belfast Beltway Boxing Project1 that aims to make positive changes in the lives of the young boxers. This study is intended to build on this literature by exploring the current potential of cross-community boxing for ‘conflict transformation’ for working-class youth from segregated Unionist and Nationalist communities in Belfast.

HISTORY OF NORTHERN IRELAND AND CULTURAL CONTEXT

Although this study is centred on boxing, it is impossible to explore the topic without viewing it in the wider context of Belfast and Northern Irish society.

Belfast, to this day, is still a heavily divided society along predominantly religious and political lines. The most recent census in 2011 had the religious make up of Northern Ireland at 42% Protestant and 41% Catholic (NISRA 2011). The conflict in Northern Ireland is often simplistically described along religious lines. The Catholic population is generally indigenous to the island and their political views are represented by Nationalist and Republican politicians and groups. The Protestant population on the other hand has its their roots in the Great Britain (chiefly Scotland) and their views are represented by Loyalist and Unionist politicians and groups. While this is overly simplistic, this summation is accurate for many of the divides and interface areas in Belfast (Robson 2000: 67).

Northern Ireland has four major political parties but there are two that are consistently ahead in the elections, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin (Archick 2014). The DUP, the primary Unionist party, in the recent 2017 elections received 28.1% of the vote. Sinn Féin on the other hand, the main Nationalist party, received 27.9% of the vote (BBC 2017). This in itself shows the great divide running through society and how the majority of people still vote with identity politics. Since the election, the two parties have been unable to agree to form a consociational [power-sharing] government as Sinn Fein have called for reforms in the DUP. Four months since the election took place the parliament building in Stormont, Belfast remains empty.

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is a cross-community boxing initiative, based in Washington D.C., which involves at-risk youth from the United States and Northern Ireland and takes them out of their conflict area for an annual competition. The project aims to teach these working-class youth “important life lessons” and show them alternatives to “crime and mischief, which is unfortunately a common route for many of these kids” (BBBP 2014)

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12 In the past, Northern Ireland was marred by sectarian violence and atrocities carried out by Unionist and Republican/Nationalist paramilitaries. The worst period of violence in the conflict was between 1968 and 1998 and became known as ‘The Troubles’. This was a time in which more than 3,700 people were killed and many more remain missing.

Relative to the size of the territory, which has a population of roughly 1.6 million, the effects of the conflict hit working-class families and neighbourhoods the hardest (McEvoy et.al. 2006: 82). In the capital city of Belfast, the majority of the violence and deaths occurred in areas which had the highest levels of segregation and social deprivation. These areas are predominantly situated by the ‘peace walls’ and are where a high number of boxing clubs in Belfast are situated (Mesev et.al 2009).

Due to its relatively recent past, these ‘Troubles’ continue to be a huge burden on Northern Irish society and the remnants affect the daily lives of many of the citizens there.

A major development in the history of the nation came in 1998 when the peace process led to the signing of the ‘Good Friday Agreement’. This created the power-sharing assembly that is present today and oversaw the relinquishing of direct British power from the region. It was not until 2007 however, that the British Army completely left Northern Ireland. This brought a major turning point for a place that once housed 27,000 troops (CNN 2017). Since then, violence in Northern Ireland has slowed greatly, although a joint intelligence report by the Police Service of Northern Ireland(PSNI) and MI5 found that all paramilitaries that were active during the ‘Troubles’ are still active today, albeit in criminal activity, intimidation, lower-level violence, and community control (PSNI 2015).

The ‘peace walls’ that have separated communities throughout Belfast are a particularly contentious subject, especially as the government has started the process of slowly removing them from around the city. In 2012, a report found that 41% of Protestants believed that the removal of peace walls would hasten the disappearance of their communities, this compares with only 10% of Catholics who felt the same. A relatively similar figure was given for the potential disappearance of identity in these interface areas. (Byrne et.al. 2012: 13-14). Statistics such as this illustrate why those in the Unionist community who attempt cross-community work, such as Terry McCorran, who was interviewed for this study, often face backlash from the Loyalist paramilitaries.

Northern Ireland also has to deal with the fact that it has a disproportional working class population in relation to the rest of the UK and the Republic of Ireland. Only in the past year have they recovered the number of people in the workplace to pre-2007 economic collapse levels. The GDP per head is the lowest in the UK by region and has flat lined completely

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13 since late 2010. Male unemployment is on the rise with manufacturing jobs in companies such as Bombardier and Caterpillar taking big hits. Furthermore, the challenge that is Brexit is looming over the horizon. This has only sought to further complicate Northern Ireland’s economic situation (Campbell 2017). Yet still, with all these complexities it remains that people still vote along identity lines. One such analogy which encapsulates the economic and political landscape in Northern Ireland today comes from Professor Neil Gibson who likened Ulster in ‘The Economist’ to a “moody teenager learning to take responsibility for the first time. He hopes that one day an election will be determined by economic policy. When that happens, Ulster will have grown up” (The Economist 2015). It is from here where we can see the difficult arena in which cross-community boxing has to perform.

RESEARCH QUESTION:

The aim of this study, as stated at the beginning of this chapter, is:

To explore the potential of cross-community boxing for ‘conflict transformation’ of working-class youth from segregated Unionist and Nationalist communities in Belfast, the Capital city of Northern Ireland.

The study will identify the conditions needed to support conflict transformation and examine whether these conditions are present to support cross-community boxing in Northern Ireland. The study will draw on conflict theory and on attitude theory to help understand how cross-community boxing may help bring about conflict transformation by bringing together people from different identities in order to change their behaviour and attitudes towards one another (‘the other’). This study will use a mixed methodology to advance its goals. This methodology is described in detail in Chapter 4

OUTLINE OF THESIS

Chapter 2 provides an overview of the theoretical framework used to structure the research and analyse the findings, with special emphasis on the role of contact theory and change theory within a conflict transformation paradigm. Chapter 3 provides a review of the relevant literature while Chapter 4 provides an outline of the research design and methodology, including ethical issues, limitations and timelines. The study findings are presented in Chapter 5 and discussed in Chapter 6 before finally, Chapter 7 provides a summary of the study, conclusions and recommendations for both advancing conflict transformation and conducting future research.

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Chapter 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

INTRODUCTION

This chapter will outline the theoretical framework for this study and how it is placed within a structure designed to enable an exploration of the potential of cross-community boxing for conflict transformation. In order to do this, we first need to consider what conflict transformation entails as it is the core structure on which other key theoretical frameworks are brought together. One of these, Contact Theory is used to provide an explanation for how cross community boxing may contribute to conflict transformation through, for example, increased contact leading to improved relationships. It highlights that in order for it to do so, several conditions need to be met such as having equal status, common goals, intergroup co-operation and an authority structure. The study also draws on Attitude Theory which complements Contact Theory by concentrating on the quality of change/transformation, such as its sustainability, how change is influenced by ingrained values, and the influence of motives on shaping social identity.

CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

The theoretical framework used in this study is set within an overarching structure designed to support an exploration of the potential of cross-community boxing, within a ‘conflict transformation’ paradigm, among Belfast youth. Conflict transformation therefore, is chosen as the structure within which each of the other elements, including theories, will be brought together. In order to understand why this has been chosen it is first necessary to outline what is meant by conflict transformation.

In the late 1980’s, conflict transformation marked a unique development in traditional interventional thinking which was based on conflict management and conflict resolution. Although all three are centred on conflict and intervention, they differed in their approach. In particular. conflict transformation aimed to “develop capacity” and “support structural change” rather than look for specific outcomes (Miall 2004: 17).

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15 Conflict transformation is a relatively recent theory which has been heavily influenced by others in the conflict field. Johan Galtung (1996) once stated that conflict has both constructive and destructive properties and this understanding is a major basis for the field of conflict transformation. He defined attitudes and behaviours as transformative areas which are dependent on how the conflict manifests itself in society (Galtung 1996, 116).

Azar (1990) was another whose work on protracted social conflicts gave guidance to those in the conflict transformation field. His study on protracted social conflicts focused on areas which have deep divides along ethnic, religious, cultural, or racial divides, such as Northern Ireland. This study showed how violence manifests itself through the interactions of these divisive groups at intermittent periods through time (Fisher 2001: 308). Azar’s work formed a model in which showed how a combination of grievances, context, capacity and particular actors can lead to a destructive or constructive conflict (Azar 1990). When reflecting on the divisional symptoms of the conflict in Northern Ireland, it is evident that it was the perfect storm for a destructive conflict, thus Azar’s work needs to be taken into account.

Conflict transformation became popularised from the late 80’s onwards through the work of John Paul Lederach in Central America. Lederach (2003) abandoned the notion of conflict resolution when conducting his research due to his noting of the fact that he was told on many occasions that conflict happens for a reason. The idea behind conflict transformation is that it seeks sustainable and constructive change, particularly in the “building of healthy relationships and communities, both locally and globally” (Lederach 2003). Similarly, Miall (2004) states that conflict transformation can be a catalyst for change, when addressed in the right manner. This entails moving past zero-sum outcomes where one side loses what the other gains. Conflict transformation views the social landscape as an all-encompassing arena in which the “relationships, interests, discourses and, if necessary, the very constitution of society that supports the continuation of violent conflict” may have to be transformed in order to make legitimate positive gains (Miall 2004: 4). It is compatible with the work of Galtung (1969, 1990) on addressing structural violence2 such as inequalities between communities,

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Structural violence is an institutionalised form of discrimination prevents a group from attaining their ‘fundamental human needs’ (Galtung 1969)

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16 and addressing cultural violence3, such as ingrained views towards ‘the other’ which are deemed to stem from one’s upbringing or youth socialisation.

Although focused more on large institutions, Boutros-Ghali, in his Agenda for Peace report, was another advocate for this long term, sustainable, and constructive approach to addressing structural issues in post-conflict situations. In his report he states that one must take “action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict” (Boutros-Ghali 1992).

Lederach (2003) identifies seven components that are crucial to address when adopting a conflict transformation. These include “a positive orientation toward conflict, and a willingness to engage”; to view a conflict event as part of a wider pattern of relationship and an awareness that conflict causes one to reflect on one’s decisions thus giving the potential for growth of oneself and views towards ‘the other’. A fourth component, as recognised by Galtung (1969, 1990), Boutros-Ghali (1992) and others promoting this paradigm, is the use of conflict as a means of long-term sustainable change by addressing structural and relationship issues. The remaining three components (peace as a process, the creation of inter-group networks and the importance of human relationships) are born out in the Northern Ireland ‘peace process’ with its institutional inter-government north-south, east-west structures supported by the ‘trusting’ cooperation of strong personalities (former enemies) driving it forward. These all-embracing components strongly suggest that conflict affects the personal, the relational, the structural and the cultural aspects of each person’s life (Lederach 2003). If this is so, then understanding the different components is crucial when going into the field as it allows the researcher to categorise and identify individual elements rather than thinking in general obtuse terms. It is hypothesised that boxing addresses many, and possibly all, of the seven components and, as such, appears to offer a subject for study where the application of a conflict transformational structure would be beneficial, when choosing a theoretical framework.

In the context of Northern Ireland, and this research study around boxing’s potential for conflict transformation, Rupesinghe’s approach, which favours multi-track diplomacy and interventions, is particularly relevant. He argues that all areas of society must be tackled,

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Cultural violence is the use of any form of culture or identity to legitimize violence against another group. This manifests itself either direct violence, i.e. physical or verbal, or structural violence, i.e. the system or social structure prevents a portion of the population accessing basic needs (Galtung 1990).

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17 from the grass-roots level, to civil society, to the government (Rupesinghe 1995, 1998). In the case of boxing, which the author has identified as a potential, albeit supplemental, area for conflict transformation, this is the approach that is best suited to the purpose of the study. This approach also addresses the difficulties that a practitioner may face in trying to implement change in a conflicting society. Successful multi-track diplomacy can only be achieved when internal and external actors have some form of co-ordination in attempting to implement conflict transformation. At times, one actor may hamper the efforts of another in the field without this co-ordination. Vitally, this approach states that in the field, practitioners “must pursue their aims with sensitivity to both the culture of the conflict area and the goals and constraints of other actors” (Miall 2004: 15). In Belfast, this was crucial when crossing the terrain for both interviewing and analysing boxing’s potential for conflict transformation within the wider context of Northern Ireland’s post-conflict society.

Finally, there are two key theoretical frameworks that the researcher needs to be aware of when conducting this study. They inform the context, but are especially useful when carrying out observations and interacting with both subjects and informants. These are Contact Theory and Attitude Change Theory. Each of these theories are discussed separately in the following section

KEY THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS

Contact Theory

One of the main theoretical frameworks that will be used throughout this thesis is that of the use of direct contact as a form of reducing prejudice between groups. Gordon Allport (1954) was the first theorist to popularise this paradigm in the mid 50’s with his intergroup contact hypothesis. His hypothesis was that, in order to achieve positive results, these four conditions as outlined by Pettigrew had to be met. These four conditions were: equal status; common goals; intergroup co-operation; and an authority/overarching structure (Pettigrew 1998). This framework complements Lederach’s seven components and especially his emphasis on direct interaction and social structures (Lederach, 2003).

Equal status in this case refers to the need, or precondition, that all participants are equal within the contact setting. Although equal status is often hard to exactly define in many cases, it has been accepted by many scholars (Cohen & Lotan 1995, Cohen 1982, Riordan &

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18 Ruggiero 1980, Robinson & Preston 1976) that the participants must presume and perceive each other as equal whilst in the contact setting. During the study it was important ascertain whether whether the boxers from both sides of the divide did in fact consider each other equal or not, as members of the same club and as opponents from different clubs.

Dealing with prejudices through contact also requires a goal-orientated approach according to Allport (1954). Intergroup sporting clubs are one effective means for encouraging this as they can achieve success together (Pettigrew 1998). This requires intergroup co-operation. This is a crucial condition when aiming to achieve goals and success together, with people on both sides striving towards a common goal (Bettencourt et.al. 1992). The notion of striving towards a common goal will be examined in the text to see if clubs that have boxers of Catholic and Protestant backgrounds display this behaviour. Finally, in line with Allport’s thinking, Pettigrew (1998) states that an authority is essential in order to have positive effects stemming from contact. Having this authority figure, or structure, establishes norms of what is acceptable and what is not in the social situation. This can also establish consequences or punishments for those not abiding by the systems norms.

Yehuda Amir (1969), like Allport, also emphasised direct contact, in a study undertaken for the purpose of helping Israeli schools adapt during a time of changing ethnic and socioeconomic relations. During this time he focused his work on both intra and cross-cultural studies which looked at the relations between multiple ethnic groups and the importance of contact between them. His research, similarly to Allport, indicated that particular conditions were needed for success. He found that conditions such as social standing and social setting are major factors in whether the results of contact are positive or negative as well as being crucial to the strength of the impact achieved. Amir concluded that there are seven principles that he believed addressed the conditions of where contact produced differing results. Some of his principles appear to be self-evident such as that contrast between members of ethnic groups tends to produce changes in attitude or that ‘favourable’ conditions tend to reduce prejudice while "unfavourable" ones may increase prejudice and intergroup tension. Others are more thought provoking and warn the researcher to the nuances involved in attitude change and the influence of research methodology. For example that if a change is produced, it does not necessarily follow that the change is in the direction of the attitude; that change in one context may not generalize to other aspects and that the favourable research into the effects of contact may be due to selection of favourable experimental situations. Unlike Allport (1954) and Lederach (2003), Amir’s principles

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19 address some of the minute of social interaction such as equality of status, support from authority figures, the level of intimacy produced by the contact, pleasure, reward and the importance given to the goals of those in relationship vis-à-vis the goals of their respective groups. (Amir 1969: 338)

Amir’s seventh condition where he goes on to warn that ‘unfavourable’ conditions can have the opposite effect, and in particular where there is competition between the differing groups or where the participants are dealing with outside issues (Amir 1969). These principles are supportive of anyone researching the boxing’s potential for conflict transformation. Indeed this seventh principal was to inform the researcher when confronted by competition between groups over funding, identity and the need for structural change to accommodate the complex national identities that pervade Northern Ireland.

Attitude Change Theory

The second key theoretical framework that aim to work with is that of the processes of attitude change. Herbert Kelman (1938) was one of the first main theorists in this field of study and his work will form the basis of this theoretical approach as it applies to this study. Kelman believed that it was not only important to understand if a change in attitude happened, but also what type of change had happened in a person. This related to both the intentions behind the change in attitude but also the length of time that this change is going to last for. In my study it will be important to find out how long people have been involved in boxing and specifically cross-community boxing. To truly understand the change in attitude, Kelman believed that one must look at both the ‘motivational processes’ that determine the change but also their ‘cognitive links’ or structure. He states that “changes in attitudes and actions produced by social influence may occur at different levels. It is proposed that these differences in the nature of level of changes that take place or correspond to differences in the process whereby the individual accepts influence (or conforms)” (Kelman 1938:52).

It is here in which a distinction is made between the processes of influence into three main routes: compliance, identification, and internalisation. Compliance is when an individual changes their behaviour or attitude due to the fact they are seeking a favourable reaction from another person. This relates heavily to areas in which there are systems of reward and punishment for conforming/not conforming. This is important to understand in the context of

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20 cross-community boxing. If a boxer does not want to be involved in the cross-community boxing is there going to be a punishment or not? The satisfaction here is a direct result of the social effect. Identification is when an individual identifies with the other and their beliefs. This can come about by an acceptance of beliefs due to social standing, willingness for a personal relationship, or potentially due to their beliefs influencing you resulting in unquestionable acceptance of beliefs/attitudes in the future. Here, the satisfaction of the individual is from acting in order to gain the relationship. Internalisation is when your behaviour and attitude has changed without the influence of outside actors and with full internal acceptance to the fact. This is often the result of ingrained values and in turn the satisfaction is from the development of one’s actions (Kelman 1938:53).

Shavitt (1990) conducted her research on ‘attitude objects’ in changing attitude functions. Applying her analysis to boxing a boxer might for example buy expensive boxing gloves with Union Jack flags on them. The gloves in this scenario represent a physical use (the gloves themselves), a social status (the fact they are expensive), an identity purpose (the United Kingdom flag on them), and the fact that these combined made oneself feel good. Shavitt separated these into categories which are “utilitarian, social identity and self-esteem maintenance” (Shavitt 1990: 125). All of these attitudes towards an object then represent attitudes towards the wider world around you or gaining rewards, social or physical, for oneself. Katz (1960) said that attitudes were created for a person to make sense of their environment and provide an easy point of reference. These attitudes help to form consistent opinions towards something or someone.

Closely related to this, Katz (1960) states that attitudes can serve the purpose of showing one’s core values and self-concept. This is the idea that certain motives can shape one’s social identity, which can be both private and public. Smith et al. (1956) also recognised the role of attitudes in creating and shaping a person’s identity while also having a direct influence on the ability to relate to ‘the other’. Finally, as mentioned in the previous paragraph, attitudes play many roles in the maintenance of an individual’s self-esteem. Shavitt (1990) expands on this by showing how attitudes often work as a defensive mechanism for the preservation of one’s own beliefs in time of inner conflict. This is done by “projecting one’s own unacceptable impulses onto them [those seeking to change your beliefs]” (Shavitt 1990:126). This is a point backed up by Katz’s (1960) ego-defence function and Smith et al.’s (1956) externalisation function who both share the same belief. Tesser & Campbell (1983) add to this that a person will often make social comparisons and

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21 consciously, or sub-consciously, make a decision on whether changing their attitudes is in their best interests. Understanding these motivations and processes behind attitude and how it changes is crucial to my research in Belfast and in turn understanding how boxing can make the change possible.

SUMMARY

This chapter outlined the theoretical framework for this study and how it is placed within a structure designed to enable an exploration of the potential of cross-community boxing for conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is explained along with contact theory and attitude change theory, which are important in identifying the components and conditions necessary for supporting the realisation of the potential of cross-community boxing.

The next chapter will concentrate on a review of the literature relevant to: boxing in Northern Ireland; Conflict Transformation literature in Northern Ireland; Sport for Development and Peace; Community Relations in Northern Ireland; and the reports commissioned on sectarianism in boxing in Northern Ireland.

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Chapter 3 LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter will review the available literature in a variety of areas that are relevant to this research project. These sections will have particular emphasis on: Boxing literature in Northern Ireland; Conflict Transformation literature in Northern Ireland; Sport for Development and Peace; Community Relations in Northern Ireland; and lastly review the reports commissioned on sectarianism in boxing in Northern Ireland.

BOXING LITERATURE IN NORTHERN IRELAND

There would appear to be a dearth of literature on boxing in Northern Ireland and most of what is available predates the Belfast Agreement 1998, (better known as the Good Friday Agreement). Given the changed circumstances emanating from this agreement, much of this literature may be out of date or, at least, eclipsed by the new circumstances.

In 2001, the Northern Ireland Assembly produced a research paper which provided a general overview on sectarianism and sport in Northern Ireland (NIA 2001). The paper noted that while there was wealth of distinguished research regarding the issue in Northern I, it tended to concentrate on the Gaelic Athletics Association (GAA) and the Irish Football Association (IFA), two of Northern Ieland’s largest sporting bodies. Given the date of this publication it is no surprise that most of the articles were based on data pre-1998. Nevertheless, the review mentions just two pieces of research that mention boxing. They are Sugden (1995) and Bairner (2000). Sugden is credited with having conducted a comprehensive examination of the historical development of boxing, as well as three team sports and to have explored their role in regards to community relations (Sugden 1995: 201-212). We will revert to Sugden again later in this chapter.

Bairner (2000:180) included boxing in a category of sport (along with soccer, athletics, and golf) that originated in Britian but are played universally and are no longer described as British sports. Unlike sports that he categorises as either being played predominantly by Protestants or Catholics in Northern Ireland, he states that sports in this category, which includes boxing, receive cross-community participation. Like the review (NIA 2001:1), he draws attention to the concentration of research on the two most popular sports to the

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23 detriment of sports that have smaller participation and spectatorship, which boxing would fall into.

Bairner (2000) defer to Sugden on boxing when he states:

Boxing, despite being a violent sport, has a unifying impact upon Northern Ireland and appears to be the only working class sport which has avoided major sectarian divisions (Sugden 1995:210). Sugden suggests that this is because the sport is not associated with one specific cultural tradition. Boxing is also by its very nature an individualistic sport, boxers usually train alone and therefore there is very little exchange of sectarian views or values which could lead to conflict in the sport (Sugden 1995:210)……. However, that is not to say that boxing is completely free of sectarianism.(Sugden 1995:21).” (NIA 2001:5)

CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION LITERATURE IN NORTHERN IRELAND

The following three publications will be used, along with others, to flesh out the findings of this exploratory study. The first, by Sugden (1991), concentrated his research on the notion that creating a safe space, away from the conflict neighbourhood, was essential for the success of cross-community initiatives. This work involved a football program in the late 80’s, when tensions in Northern Ireland were much higher than they are now. It also involved a team sport rather than the singular nature of boxing. Nonetheless it is another approach to sport acting as a means of conflict transformation. Sugden’s program, ‘Belfast United’, aimed to “carefully and deliberately manipulate the conditions under which sport is played in an attempt to promote better understanding between selected groups of young Protestants and Catholics living in Belfast” (Sugden 1991: 59). We will see later how similar tactics were used by the coaches in both boxing clubs studied for this thesis.

A second work by Cronin’s (1997), is much more case specific and focuses on boxing as a form of conflict transformation in pre-Good Friday Agreement Ireland. He states how the “boxing community sees itself as having risen above the sectarian animosity that plagues other sports and that is a characteristic of everyday life in Northern Ireland” (Cronin 1997:139). Cronin’s work is more heavily based around the issues of nationalism come Olympic team selection time and so will informed discussion of some of the current tensions

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24 around representation and boxing structures that are referred to in the finding section of this study.

The third publication is Hassan’s (2005) work on the life of Barry McGuigan, a world champion Catholic boxer from the Republic of Ireland, who married a Protestant woman from Northern Ireland and succeeded in uniting the nations during the fiercest times of ‘The Troubles’. He acknowledges the role of conflict transformation through regulated fighting in a boxing ring and the power that it can have. He places huge importance here on the fact that controlled violence under Queensberry rules4 create a unique environment. Furthermore, Hassan states how

“Teams of boxers and their supporters travel to and from each other’s clubs and arenas (of which there are approximately 30 in Belfast), free from the fear of molestation, to be warmly received and well treated, even though these venues are likely to be in the hearts of the most vehemently Nationalist or Loyalist neighbourhoods in the whole of Northern Ireland” (Hassan 2005:232).

SPORT FOR DEVELOPMENT AND PEACE

A study on a sport’s potential for conflict transformation would not be complete without a review of the literature on Sport Development and Peace. The following publications have been included here, as they are relevant for an understanding of some of the findings discussed below.

Giulianotti (2011) is one such person who analyses the sport, development and peace sector (SDP) and investigates the power of sport in these areas on a global scale for use by the likes the United Nations and NGOs. He looks at the concept on a large scale rather than on individual case studies. In his work, others state that “the SDP sector deploys sport as a socio-cultural tool to reduce social tensions and promote reconciliation and reconstruction, notably in post-conflict contexts (Sekulic´, Massey & Hodson 2006). Additionally, the SDP sector has endeavoured to counteract racism, intolerance and prejudice; to promote health education and gender equality; and to tackle crime and social exclusion” (Giulianotti 2011:208).

4

The Queensberry Rules are the structured boxing laws put in place to distinguish what is allowed and what is not allowed inside the confines of the boxing ring. It also governs the safety of the fighters and has mechanisms in place for both the referee and the coaches to end the fight if it is so required (Encyclopaedia 2017).

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25 Giulianotti also develops three models to be implemented for successful and effective SDP which are ‘technical’5_{, ‘dialogical’}6

and critical’7. Table A below shows these:

5

“The ‘technical’ SDP model is underpinned by a ‘realist’, positivistic, instrumental philosophy, which assumes that specific societies encounter ‘real’, objectively-identifiable social problems. In conflict situations, external agencies are understood as best placed to offer scientific, impartial analysis of problems, and to identify and implement problem-resolving strategies. The divided parties are understood as immersed in the problem, thereby lacking the training and detachment required to identify causes and solutions”(Giulianotti 2011: 215)

6_{“The ‘dialogical’ SDP model is rooted in an interpretative, communicative philosophy. It understands} conflicts as socially constructed, strained relationships between different communities that are marked by lack of social contact, trust, and effective mediation”(Giulianotti 2011: 218)

7

“The critical model features a highly reflexive, critical approach towards SDP work. The model pursues transformations in relationships between divided communities and in how SDP work is conducted. The underlying philosophy is that effective peacemaking emerges from long-term learning experiences among self-directed learners.” (Giulianotti 2011: 220)

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26 Kidd (2008) analyses the social movement of SDP as a whole and identifies areas for improvement. He states that at the time of writing there were 166 organisations who were all working under the bracket of the ‘International Platform on Sport for Development’. These organisations are active in low and middle-income countries for humanitarian relief, sports development, social development, and finally for post-war reconciliation (such as in Northern Ireland). Kidd places particular importance with the governments for implementing such policies and huge increases in funding in essential. Furthermore, he does however call it “one of the most encouraging initiatives in sport”… and that his dream would be “an internationally accountable partnership, involving governments, sports federations and NGOs, recruiting, training and deploying volunteers and professional sports leaders on a coordinated basis to programmes of demonstrated need and priority” (Kidd 2008:278). According to Levermore (2009) and Darnell (2010), it is important to understand that SDP works under a certain set of conditions that is intrinsically linked to neo-liberal economies. They say that unfortunately, sport for development and peace relies on power relations being imbalanced, and while good work may in fact be done, it can at times further strengthen the hierarchies present i.e. no direct effect on economic class of working class Unionists and Nationalists. Darnell in particular is pretty scathing in his belief that sport can aid economic development but believes that SDP should be used to “challenge the ideology of individual achievement that can be used to justify inequality” (Darnell 2010:71).

Particularly related to my work conducted in Belfast on boxing, May & Phelan (2005) are enthusiastic advocates of the work sport can do in many areas for creating social interest and investment in a number of areas. Some of these areas where improvement can come from sport are education and physical fitness; fair competition; improving cross-community relations even without the need for verbal exchanges; and moving across the societal, un-physical boundaries such as class and religion. Donnelly et al. (2011) agrees with this sentiment and whilst acknowledging that there is a certain risk in the making divisions worse, it is the hope that sport “will highlight human and cultural commonalities rather than differences” (Donnelly et al. 2011: 592). The authors do go on to conclude that greater work is needed in the area and they are an advocate for a public sociological perspective to SDP, especially in regards to research surrounding the subject i.e. “to make a difference” (Ibid: 599).

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27 Beutler (2008) is a major advocate for SDP and calls sport an ‘innovative instrument’. She believes that sport “as an international language, can build bridges between people, help overcome cultural differences and spread an atmosphere of tolerance” (Beutler 2008: 359). She is of the opinion that sport can act as a complementary tool to more traditional forms of conflict transformation. Furthermore, the tools that sport teaches, such as leadership, discipline, inclusion, tolerance and respect, are invaluable in a post-conflict situation. In a recent paper by Sugden (2015), he outlines a more critical view than Beutler (2008). Although he believes in sport as a tool for peace and development, he is more for a case specific approach towards it. From his sociological perspective he states that one need to make “informed, realistic and pragmatic judgements…to be progressive, impactful and meaningful” (Sugden 2015: 609). He goes onto say that for sport to be effective one should not automatically make grand, naïve assumptions that sport will solve every issue, or that it is possible in every conflict.

Tuohey & Cognato (2011) also discuss sport in general as a tool for conflict transformation for youth around the world. In their work they analyse how sport can be used to heal deep ethnic, religious and social divides. They say that to be effective at this, key components must be addressed. These components are “local leadership; a balance between sport and

educational content in programming; maintaining frequent, long-term integration; and structures for internal leadership development” (Tuohey & Cognato 2011:51). Kvalsund

(2007) focuses on the exact areas in which sport can have a direct influence in peace-building, particularly in post-conflict states or those enduring a latent conflict. These areas include ‘security’, ‘the rebuilding of economies’, ‘the rebuilding of the mental health of traumatized populations’, ‘the political framework’, and ‘reconciling torn societies’ (Kvalsund 2007:8-9). Ross et.al. (2008) conducted research on a program carried out in Kyrgyzstan which focused on public and sports diplomacy with the aim of creating cross-community sporting events to tackle ethnic discrimination. During the youth recreational sports programs they also carried out youth leadership and development training, along with youth tolerance training, in an effort to address the issues from multiple angles and make the progress sustainable (Ross et.al. 2008: 4-7).

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COMMUNITY RELATIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND

The community relations industry in Northern Ireland has become a major player in recent years. In the purpose of this study, it can be interpreted that boxing clubs act as un-official community based organisation and as such it is important to understand the complexities surrounding the ‘industry’. Originally the issue of community relations was seen purely along inter-community lines by the British government which led to the formation of the ‘Community Relations Commission’, which was in all accounts an abject failure as it failed to address the complexities of community relations in Northern Ireland (Robson 2006: 68). There appeared to be a major failure to address the historical and cultural complexity which surrounded the conflict, and the lack of understanding of the motives of the communities was troubling. Nationalist politics has in the past been more united due to its revolutionary politics, whilst Unionist politics has been splintered over time (Gaffikin and Morrisey 1989: Ch.5). These viewpoints are echoed in the researcher’s interviews with Joe Campbell (Interview 1 2017) and Terry McCorran (Interview 2 2017) who both tie Nationalism, in Northern Ireland, with ideology and Unionism with every day criminality. This in itself can be seen as simplistic and reports done by Devine et.al & Morrow et. al., (2011, 2013) into demographics in the North illustrate this. As a practitioner, understanding these complexities is crucial when analysing whether there is potential, or mistakes being made, toward conflict transformation.

One of the key findings in community relations was that perceptions towards ‘the other’ were more favourable in youth and the Catholic community in Northern Ireland. It was also discovered that Catholics are more encouraged about the potential for better community relations over a shorter time period than their Protestant counterparts (Devine et.al. 2011). It was also found in a later study that community relations in Northern Ireland is a particularly delicate process that can be quickly undone by “political and social turmoil” (Morrow et.al 2013). By this understanding, the current political situation in Northern Ireland is not ideal for cross-community work as the Assembly remains collapsed.

As of 2006, it was estimated that there were 5,500 community-based organisations in the territory. This in itself is one organisation for every 309 citizens of Northern Ireland which is an extremely large number. The sector has become so large that at the time it had an income of £514 million and had close to 35,000 paid employees hired (Robson 2006: 68). Although there has been this development of community relations, it is still heavily linked to

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29 reconciliation which to some remains a “dirty word” and the majority have reservations about (McEvoy et.al 2006: 81, 82, 84). In the Nationalist community, the terms of community relations and reconciliation are inseparable. They view state money and state efforts as a way of hiding the role of the British in the conflict. In Unionist circles, they often view community relations and reconciliation as a way to alienate hard-core Loyalist goals and portray these goals as impediments for peace on the island (ibid 2006: 98). When looking at boxing and it’s potential for increased cross-community relations, it is important to understand why there may be backlash towards steps the clubs are taking towards integration.

REPORTS ON BOXING IN NORTHERN IRELAND

In the years since 2010, there have been two reports written up following on from the report by Sandy Row Amateur Boxing Club (SRABC) ‘Northern Ireland Amateur Boxing: A

Decade of Sectarian and Racial Abuse'. In September 2012, the Northern Ireland Assembly

conducted the ‘Hansard Report’ which aimed to allow the vice-chairman and secretary of SRABC to air their grievances in front of a government committee. SRABC documented sectarian abuse stemming over numerous incidents over the ten years previous to the report. They alleged that this abuse ranged from verbal abuse, to bottle throwing, to being denied entry to clubs. It was also claimed that the response, or lack thereof, from the County Antrim Board, the Ulster Boxing Council, and the Irish Athletic Boxing Association (IABA) were unacceptable. The SRABC representatives made the point that under the Good Friday Agreement; all citizens of Northern Ireland are to be treated with equality and with equal representation (Hansard 2012: 1-3). The Hansard Report also acknowledged the claims that other clubs, particularly in Unionist communities, had received a similar level of abuse and was afraid to come forward, so as to not be ostracised by the IABA. SRABC did make it clear to the Committee that they did not believe the clubs were the perpetrators but that the paying public were the main culprits. During the report SRABC called for “The removal of those who have governed boxing in Northern Ireland over the last decade”, it called on the Executive to “acknowledge the seriousness of this issue which has for so long been ignored and ... to seize this issue and respond appropriately to it”, a review into refereeing, and the establishment of a Northern Irish Boxing Association (Ibid : 7,9, 14).

Following on from the Hansard Report, the IABA agreed to commission an Independent Working Group Report examining boxing in Northern Ireland, which concluded in December

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30 2013. The report established that many of the problems experienced by SRABC were a result of societal division in Northern Ireland and were not a poor reflection on the boxing clubs in Belfast. Where the issues arose is that the IABA, the Ulster Boxing Council, and the County Antrim Board had failed to accept embedded sectarianism in the way that the Irish Football Association and the Gaelic Athletic Association had, and in turn have not dealt with it sufficiently.The Independent Working Group also concluded that a separate breakaway boxing association, the Northern Irish Boxing Association, was not the answer to the difficulties as it would only enhance the ‘us versus them’ narrative. A meeting of the parties involved to establish a workable alternative was highly recommended for future development (IWG 2013: 27). A list of twelve recommendations was also provided which are particularly relevant to this research. Due to their length, these have been reproduced in full in Appendix

A.

SUMMARY

In this study, it is hoped that the above literature will inform the reader that it is important to understand and be aware of other lessons being learned and implemented by the boxers behind the scenes, intentionally or otherwise. As we can see with the likes of Tuohey and Cognato, there is recognition that the likes of educational training and leadership can be important as a supplement along with the boxing contact.

As is seen by a lot of the work on sport for development and peace (SDP), the results of the work have generally been positive in the most part and it is viewed as a highly valuable tool for conflict transformation and peace-building.

Nevertheless, cross-community boxing in Belfast is a sport that is an easy and relatively cost effective means of promoting peace, development, and integration through interaction. The idea of sport for development and peace is one that has begun to be studied mainly in the years following the creation of the Millennium Development Goals in 2000 (2005).

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Chapter 4 RESEARCH DESIGN & METHODOLOGY

OVERALL GOAL

The goal of this research paper was to examine whether or not there is potential for cross- community boxing to act as a supplementary form of conflict transformation for working class youth in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Within this it will be seen as to whether contact can bring about a change in attitudes for those on both sides of the ‘conflict’. Due to the seemingly violent nature and the social make-up of the sport, “80% of boxers were from a working-class background, all of whom were male and under the age of 25… [of which] 40% of boxers were Protestant, while the remainder were Catholic” (Cronin 1997), it appears as though it could be a route out of extreme sectarian tendencies for those who are most vulnerable. Boxing, in the researchers’ opinion, is a sport that teaches respect, discipline, healthy competition and routine. It is also offers a means of channelling built-up anger and life frustrations into a structured form of conflict. In Belfast, settings in which these traditionally opposing communities come together are rare. Boxing is one method of these sub-groups coming into physical contact. The goal was to see the result of bringing young men and women, from the hard-core of the Nationalist and Unionist communities, together in respected interaction, i.e. boxing. As such, it was imperative to interview and speak with coaches and boxers from these clubs. Given the time constraints it was the researcher’s decision that focusing on two clubs would enable relationships to build and to gain a greater understanding of the ins and outs of the boxing world in Belfast.

METHODS AND DATA

The methodology in this research paper will be a mixed methods approach. The data was collected using a combination of literature review (Hart 1998), participant observation, and semi-structured interviews. The review not only provides a theoretical context for the study but also provide complementary data from related research for the purpose of comparative analysis. The comparative analysis will be comparing the previously written data from desk research with what is found in the field. Participant observation will help in this triangulation.

Fighting for peace : an exploratory study of the potential of cross-community boxing in conflict transformation for working class youth in Belfast