Feeling at home between the past and future : a sociological research study on the experiences of feeling at home of refugees living in Dutch asylum seekers' centres

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Voorwoord

Na een periode vol indrukwekkende verhalen, buitengewoon leerzame momenten en hard werken, presenteer ik hier, ter afsluiting van de master Sociology, mijn scriptie ‘Feeling at home between the past and future’. Het betreft een onderzoek naar het thuisgevoel van vluchtelingen in een Nederlands asielzoekerscentrum. Het afgelopen jaar kenmerkte zich door zowel verfrissing als uitdaging: het volgen van een nieuwe studie aan een voor mij onbekende universiteit. Daarnaast betekende een volledig Engelstalige master een sprong in het diepe. Ik ben de uitdaging vol goede moed aangegaan en ik hoop met deze thesis deze periode succesvol af te sluiten.

Graag zou ik een dankwoord uit willen spreken aan Jan Willem Duyvendak, niet alleen voor de supervisie, maar ook voor de grote inspiratie voor het onderwerp van mijn thesis en daarmee het delen van een interesse. Het was een eer uw inzichten en ideeën te mogen ontvangen. Ook wil ik andere professoren en docenten van de Universiteit van Amsterdam bedanken die mij het afgelopen jaar op verschillende manieren hebben uitgedaagd om het beste uit mezelf te halen.

Daarnaast gaat een dankwoord uit naar Elena Valbusa, projectleider van InclUUsion aan de Universiteit Utrecht, die mij erg geholpen heeft met het vinden van respondenten. Ze heeft mij de mogelijkheid geboden mijzelf verder te ontplooien in de functie van groepscoördinator bij een conferentie georganiseerd voor en door vluchtelingen studenten.

Bovenal wil ik al mijn respondenten bedanken. Ik heb veel bewondering voor hoe zij zich allen hebben opengesteld en hun indrukwekkende en emotionele verhalen met mij hebben gedeeld. Ik wens jullie veel goeds voor de toekomst: dat jullie je maar erg welkom en thuis mogen voelen in Nederland.

Een laatste dankwoord gaat natuurlijk uit naar mijn familie en vrienden, voor het volle vertrouwen gedurende mijn hele studie. De vele uren die sommigen met mij hebben doorgebracht in de bibliotheek waren zeer bemoedigend.

Ik hoop dat u als lezer van deze thesis, in welke rol dan ook, veel plezier beleeft en waardevolle inzichten opdoet, zoals ik dat ook heb mogen doen.

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Abstract

Background: Since 2011, the protracted conflicts of the Syrian Civil War have generated

substantial refugee migrations to neighbouring countries or Western states. A considerable part of both Syrian refugee population and refugees from other countries in war are sheltered in the Netherlands. Most refugees in the Netherlands are currently sheltered in asylum seekers’ centres for approximately one year before receiving a residency permit. Therefore, studying this population’s experiences in an asylum seekers’ centre is of great importance. This research sought to examine the possibilities for feeling at home in this specific setting.

Methodology: In order to provide an answer, a qualitative research method was used. In total,

16 interviews were conducted with refugees, who were either living in an asylum seekers’ centre in the Netherlands or had just been assigned to a house of their own. Nine male and seven female respondents participated in this research. The age of the respondents varied from 18 to 45 years old. Though the majority of the respondents had a Syrian nationality, also other nationalities participated in this research, including Iranian, Egyptian, Burundian and Turkish respondents.

Results: Results show both contributing and lessening factors to feeling at home within an

asylum seekers’ centre. On a micro-level, factors that appeared to contribute to develop a sense of belonging are social contacts, participation in activities, feelings of safety and an establishment of common ground with regard to certain types of behaviour. The unstable housing situation and a lack of privacy appeared to be problematic to developing a sense of feeling at home. Zooming out, three themes arose out of the analysis, including spatiality, temporality and agency. The extraordinary circumstances in an asylum seekers’ centre are of substantial importance to consider when examining the experience of feeling at home. This emotion should be understood in relation to the past experiences of home by refugees and their future plans. The respondents experience a lack of control of their own lives, as expressed by the most basic human needs, such as the lack of privacy and the inability to prepare one’s own food. Also, the uncertainty with regard to transferring to other residency centres played a role in the experience of feeling at home.

Conclusion: It can be concluded that refugees are, under certain conditions, able to develop a

moderate sense of feeling at home within an AZC.

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Chapter 1: Introduction

“Don’t judge a book by its cover”. I heard this well-known saying used by a refugee during a meeting I attended. At this assembly, refugees were preparing a conference with the goal of creating awareness of the situation of refugee students. I observed how a discussion intensified when the topic arose of them always being defined as ‘refugees’. They wondered how one could feel at home in a country where one is always defined as ‘the other’. Their message was clear: They wanted to continue their lives as regular students in order to feel at home.

“Feeling at home” is included in the vocabulary of most people, which results in the concept’s appeal to the human imagination. However, an exact definition is hard to provide. For most people, feeling at home is an emotion that they take for granted. One feels at home within a dwelling, a city or a country, but these circumstances do not apply to everyone. Record numbers of people are changing their residencies across nations, either voluntarily or because of forced movement (Levitt, 2004). Therefore, a distinction should be made between mobility related to opportunity and mobility related to necessity (Bauman, 1998; Long, 2013). After all, refugees are forced to flee their countries, leave their residences and create new homes in societies that are unfamiliar to them.

Since 2011, the protracted conflicts of the Syrian Civil War have generated substantial refugee migrations to neighbouring countries or Western states (Jenkins, 2004; Sharara & Kanj, 2014). This increased movement has contributed to the formation of new diaspora populations (Jörum, 2015). For instance, almost 13 million Syrians – half the country’s population – have been displaced (Ferris & Kirisci, 2016). Although the vast majority (87%) remains in nearby countries, a substantial portion (28,400) of the Syrian refugee population is sheltered in the Netherlands (UNHCR, 2007a, p. 16). The country currently faces a sizeable influx of refugees arriving from Syria and other nations embroiled in war.

Since the establishment of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 1950, the Netherlands has helped people who have been forced to flee their countries because of persecution, war or violence (UNHCR, 2017b). The UNHCR is charged with supervising international conventions that provide for the protection of refugees. For over 65 years, the agency has assisted refugees with rebuilding their lives in countries that offer them safe environments.

Assuming that feeling at home is a fundamental need, how do refugees manage to achieve that sentiment in new dwellings that are far away from their previous homes? Most

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9 refugees in the Netherlands are currently sheltered in asylum seekers’ centres for approximately one year before receiving a residency permit, though some requests are ultimately rejected (COA, 2017a). As a result of the ongoing conflict in their native country, Syrians and refugees from other countries in war are unlikely to return home in the near future, and they will hence need to rebuild their lives in Dutch society. Therefore, researching this population is of great importance. Given that period of residency in the asylum seekers’ centres (AZC, as translated from Dutch) is increasing due to growing numbers of refugees and lengthening waiting periods, studying this population’s experiences in the AZC is an interesting line of inquiry. Related to the experiences of refugees in the centres is determining whether efforts to improve their stays are needed.

It is interesting to examine whether refugees are able to create a sense of belonging in an asylum seekers’ centre or in the broader contexts of the neighbourhood or city in which they reside. Most research concerning this topic has focused on the concept of feeling at home in combination with migrant experiences. Assuming migrants move voluntarily, the incentives for leaving their native countries differ from the motivations of refugees. With respect to refugees, they have often fled from war without their families because of the high costs and risks that such a flight entails. Therefore, they might still live in fear about the conditions in which their loved ones remain. This persistent fear may influence their sense of feeling at home. However, similarities to voluntary migrants can also be found, such as home-making practices in new dwellings and attempts to belong in a different country. Thus, insights from previous research were integrated and a scientific gap was simultaneously filled by examining the experiences of refugees.

The question central to this research project was: In what ways do refugees experience the emotion of feeling at home during their stay in Dutch asylum seekers’ centres?

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Chapter 2: The COA and the asylum procedure

2.1 Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers

Prior to discussing theoretical concepts, a description of the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA) and the asylum procedure is needed. The COA is the Dutch organisation that is responsible for the reception, supervision and departure of asylum seekers coming to the Netherlands (COA, 2017a). The Ministry of Security and Justice oversees the organisation and the COA provides safe accommodations for people in vulnerable positions. An average asylum seekers’ centre houses approximately 40 different nationalities. The residents look after themselves as much as possible and are responsible for keeping their houses orderly.

The website of the COA (2017a) states that the agency considers it important that asylum seekers settle down as quickly as possible and adjust to Dutch society, which is why the organisation focuses on strengthening the self-reliance of refugees. For instance, the COA offers programmes and lectures for adult asylum seekers and opportunities to enrol in courses or to exercise. The document on housing regulations (COA, 2017b) provides insights as to how the residents of an asylum seekers’ centre should behave. In the light of this research, examining whether these rules affect the refugees and their experiences of feeling at home could be interesting. As one example of expected behaviour, refugees cannot change the furniture or other items within their residence. Another example is that refugees must provide entrance to COA employees at any time. There are also mandatory inspections of rooms, which could possibly undermine refugees’ perception of the residences as their own home. Furthermore, smoking is not allowed in the residences and any visitors must sign in at the reception. Although these regulations are intended to protect refugees, the rules also limit their freedom in a certain way. For this reason, the setting of an asylum seekers’ centre represents a relevant research object.

2.2 Procedural description

Describing the general asylum procedure applicable to refugees entering the Netherlands is also of interest. When a refugee first enters the country, he or she goes to the nearest police station. After identification and registration, the refugee is transferred to a reception centre in Ter Apel (IND, 2017). Upon arrival, the refugee undergoes further investigation: his or her fingerprints and photographs are taken, while any luggage is inspected. The next step is for refugees to be transferred to a process reception centre, where they can prepare for their

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11 asylum procedure. Here they are provided with information about the asylum procedure and meetings with lawyers are arranged. Refugees are sheltered at a variety of reception sites, and the types of locations depend on the current phase of their asylum procedure. Some refugees enter the Netherlands by plane, and their asylum procedure is slightly different. They instead report to the Royal Netherlands Marechaussee. The asylum seekers’ centres are for regular housing. The target group for this current research arrived during the great influx of refugees, which frequently resulted in individuals living in emergency centres or crisis emergency centres. An emergency centre is a more restrictive temporary site and there is less privacy and no possibility for cooking. Crisis emergency centres are located in facilities such as sports halls. The refugees can only stay in these locations for short periods of time. While there are multiple types of residencies, this thesis treats them as one, since these locations all share the characteristic of being temporary, and further distinctions would be too difficult. Terms such as ‘camp’ and ‘asylum seekers’ centre’ are used interchangeably.

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Chapter 3: Feeling at home

Multiple theoretical notions are outlined in this chapter, including definitions of feeling at home, an explanation of feeling at home in the current era of transnational mobility and examples of home-making practices.

3.1 Definition of feeling at home

Emotions are problematic to study since there can be a lack of congruence in talking about emotions and the actual experiences of emotions (Duyvendak, 2009, p. 258). The sense of feeling at home is especially difficult to measure, because the emotion is more implicit. In contrast, anger, fear or happiness are more explicit and therefore easier to observe or to identify. How can one explore the sense of feeling at home when the concept is hard to define? In this research an attempt to define feeling at home is made by drawing on concrete, measurable factors, such as safety, trust and shared norms and values. In addition, home-making practices and the importance of social contacts are examined.

Since a number of researchers have ventured to provide a definition of feeling at home, an overview will be presented. These definitions concern mainly minor differences in emphasis. According to Duyvendak, Reinders and Wekker (2016), a large body of research perceives the home as a domestic place. The home can be understood as a location that reflects the self because of the objects, memories, home-making practices and design that transform a house into a home (2016, p. 88). Also, the home is considered an ideological space, which can be understood as a site where people can celebrate their personal liberties and be autonomous, safe and sheltered (Duyvendak, Reinders & Wekker, 2016, p. 88).

Duyvendak (2011) establishes three concepts to define home: familiarity, haven and heaven (p. 38). Familiarity refers to feelings of home based on recognition of the place, norms, habits and practices (Duyvendak, Reinders & Wekker, 2016, p. 93). ‘Haven’ is defined as a safe, comfortable and predictable place, where people can feel at ease. This concept concerns a physical space, whereas ‘heaven’ is understood as a feeling or emotion. Specifically, ‘heaven’ refers to the experience where one can truly be himself or herself and feel connected with likeminded people (Duyvendak, 2009, p. 258).

In their examination of social capital, Forrest and Kearns (2001) describe eight dimensions, four of which are relevant to this research. These dimensions are discussed by providing a definition and possible integration for the current research. The first one is belonging, which can be understood as a concept that is used interchangeably with the notion

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13 of feeling at home. They define belonging as people feeling connected to their co-residents, as well as to their home area. In light of current research, it would be interesting to investigate whether refugees actively seek connections with other residents, especially since refugees often have to share rooms with people they may not know. In addition, examining whether refugees develop a sense of belonging in relation to their rooms would be another intriguing area of investigation. This line of inquiry could also evaluate which factors bolster or undermine the feeling of belonging.

The second dimension is safety, which entails that people feel safe in their neighbourhood and are not restricted by fear in their use of public space. The COA tries to create a safe environment by setting rules, norms and values. Researching whether refugees experience feelings of safety in their rooms and shared spaced such as kitchens and corridors would provide valuable insight into the efficacy of COA rules. Do refugees indeed experience feelings of safety in both their rooms and shared spaces, such as the corridors and kitchen?

The third dimension is trust, which considers whether people feel they can trust their co-residents and the local organisations responsible for administering the area. In this case, the local organisation is the COA, and examining how refugees experience contact with the agency is therefore useful. To what extent do refugees trust COA employees, and do refugees feel as if their needs and concerns are taken seriously by the organization?

The final dimension of Forrest and Kearns (2001) that this thesis discusses is the presence of collective norms and values. Considering the variety of backgrounds among asylum seekers, a question exists about whether centre’s residents share common ground regarding certain types of behaviour and the level of importance assigned to those behaviours.

The preceding description implies that home is seen as a desired place. However, the role of gender differences should be taken into consideration, since women may perceive home differently than men. For instance, they might experience home as a place of hard, unpaid labour (van der Horst, 2004, p. 38), instead of as a place for relaxation. The traditional view that women are primarily committed to the house while men do paid work outside the home might still be present in Middle-East cultures (Whiteoak, Crawford & Mapstone, 2006, pp. 81-82). Although this perception about gender roles is changing, researching whether differences exist between male and female refugees would be an interesting approach. Also, cultural differences possibly exist between the Middle-East and Western world with regard to the extent to which one attaches value to a dwelling. A cross-cultural perspective should hence be kept in mind. As a result, feeling at home should not be defined too

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14 strictly, since individuals can understand the concept differently. Nevertheless, this paper assumes that the emotion of feeling at home appears to be important to most people and for this reason, people will strive to either achieve or maintain this feeling (Duyvendak, 2009, p. 259).

3.2 Transnational mobility

In academic literature, a shift can be observed from regarding the home as stable, fixed and singular to a focus on the role of movement in constructing a home. Drawing on Gilroy (1993, as described in Sirreyeh, 2010, p. 214) “there has been a shift from a focus on the roots of home to the routes of home”. Home used to be transparent in the sense that it was simpler: where one was born, determined where one lived (Graham & Khosravi, 1997, pp. 124-125). Developments such as globalisation and an increased number of migration flows have caused threats to ‘traditional’ communities (Graham & Khosravi, 1997, pp. 124-125). These changes can be perceived as a danger to the stability that a home promises (Christou & King, 2010, p. 640).

At present, the world is marked by cultural- and social complexity, due to the mixtures of people from different backgrounds. The current trend of frequent movement has changed the meaning of place and space (Duyvendak, 2011, p. 8) and feeling at home is not necessarily rooted to a specific spot (Duyvendak, 2011, p. 112). This inclination suggests that human beings are capable of feeling at home in areas far from familiar surroundings. Physical structures such as houses might not be necessary for feeling at home, and one could experience feelings of belonging without becoming attached to a precise location. Duyvendak (2011) identifies two groups, the universalists and the particularists. Universalists state that mobile people cannot develop thick attachments to places and that those places eventually become interchangeable (p. 9). In contrast, particularists posit that place becomes increasingly significant in a ‘generation of social distinction’ (Duyvendak, 2011, p. 10).

There is not a uniform view within the academic field about the possibility for belonging in regard to frequent residential mobility. Gustafson (2009) discusses several studies that indicate the feeling of belonging grows stronger over time, and people who frequently move have more difficulties developing a strong sense of local belonging (p. 493). However, other studies suggest that mobile people can possibly develop territorial belonging (Gustafson, 2009, p. 493) and hence do not form attachments to any particular house. Research on diasporic populations indicates that migrants occasionally develop a sense of belonging to both sending and receiving countries (Gustafson, 2009, p. 494) and therefore

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15 they feel connected to both places, which results in a sense of being ‘in-between’ spaces (Sirreyeh, 2010, p. 214). It could be that refugees do not experience feeling at home in either their native or receiving country. For people such as refugees who live in diaspora, it is possible to feel at home in the area of settlement and also maintain a sense of identity that is not dependent on their current location (Blunt, 2007, p. 689; Safran, 1991).

The literature regarding transnational mobility discusses more often the ‘homes’ that are left behind, rather than ‘nations’ (Bose, 2006, p. 58). However, it should be noted that the concept of place differs in scale (Lewicka, 2009). Not only could one experience feeling at home in a room, this emotion can also occur at the levels of a neighbourhood, city or country. The extent to which one attaches to a specific location differs from person to person.

3.3 Home-making practices

Boccagni (2014) addresses the day-to-day aspects of home-making practices. He draws on previous research when discussing the notion of home-making, which he defines as “a variety of social processes of (re)attribution of meaning and emotional attachment to speciﬁc places, relationships and circumstances, to be “domesticized”–that is, translated into distinctively domestic spaces (homes)” (Boccagni, 2014, p. 280). It is important to note that this emotionally and morally laden process is based on both interpersonal relationships, and material spaces and objects. This assessment is confirmed by Nowicka (2007), who states that home can be understood as a place where relationships to objects and persons can be formed (p. 5). In other words: home is where ‘space becomes place’ (Nowicka, 2007) and can be regarded as a site of attachment (Sirriyeh, 2010, p. 216). For this reason, “space is always in a process of becoming. It is always being made” (Massey, 1994).

For example, a masonry wall with a roof does not create a home. Symbolic value should be attached to a material place. It is about the activities in that building, created memories and social interaction. The process of home-making can result in a house feeling like home. These process of attaching value to a place implies that building a home takes time (Duvvendak, 2011, p. 37).

Taylor (2013) discusses the representation of a lost home. Not only have refugees abandoned their physical houses, they have also left their constructed homes. The representation of a home is formed by perception and memory. Refugees cannot practice their daily routines and visit usual places such as shops, streets, mosques or nature. They have to reconstruct spaces of familiarity in a new environment. In addition, rituals, such as the celebration of religious feasts occur in another location. Boccagni (2014) also emphasises that

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16 migration entails both an annihilation of one’s previous domestic spaces and attempts to recover them (p. 279). Despite his focus on migrants, Boccagni’s observations might be applicable to refugees as well. The question is to what extent it is possible or desirable for refugees to recover their homes when considering the barriers they face due to strict regulations of the asylum seekers’ centre.

3.4 Social contacts

As previously discussed, social relationships are of great importance in the experience of feeling at home. Duyvendak and Wekker (2015) argue that feeling at home is a relational emotion. One feels at home in a certain environment when surrounded by particular people (p. 10). Boccagni (2014) argues that the spaces in which people feel at home, are circumscribed by the material buildings that host them, and also by social relationships (p. 279).

Forrest and Kearns (2001) also emphasise the importance of social contacts. People have contacts on city-wide, national, international and virtual levels, which may increase the importance of local social contacts. “[..] Local social interaction and the familiar landmarks of the neighbourhood may take on greater significance as sources of comfort and security” (Forrest & Kearns, 2001, p. 2129). Building local contacts is vital to feeling at home, especially when individuals are moving transnationally.

Considering the lost home Taylor (2013) discusses, family, closest friends and even acquaintances are important to feeling at home. For instance, a supermarket employee, the doctor or dentist can provide a sense of familiarity.

In The Politics of Home, Duyvendak (2011) states that a familiar place is not sufficient for one to truly feel at home. Homogeneity plays a key role, which means that individuals feel at home with their own people and in their own physical or symbolic places. (Duyvendak, 2011, p. 111). Observing how this process works in an AZC is interesting as over 40 nationalities suddenly find themselves living together. Do residents consider the centre’s inhabitants to be homogeneous, because they have all fled their home countries and subsequently found themselves in an insecure situation and unfamiliar surroundings? Or is there a perception of heterogeneity due to factors such as different cultural backgrounds, which subsequently results in a decreased sense of feeling at home?

Another interesting angle to examine is whether refugees attach meaning to social interactions with the host country and community. One may assume asylum seekers find such connections important when they have their futures planned in the Netherlands. Contact with natives might contribute to the integration process, since they can learn both the language as

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17 Dutch habits. In order to become self-reliant it is useful to develop close social ties with the native Dutch population (Crisp, 2004, p. 2).

To summarise, a house can be perceived as a home when the dwelling is a familiar and safe place, where one can feel comfortable and trust their co-residents and share norms and values with them. The trend of transnational mobility reveals that feeling at home is not necessarily rooted to a specific spot, but can also occur on a broader level. The sense of feeling at home can be improved by creating social networks.

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Chapter 4: Research design

Studying the emotion of feeling at home requires delving deeper into the meanings and feelings of the respondents. Therefore, a qualitative research method was used, since it enabled the researcher to ask supplementary questions and observe emotions. The study was slightly deductive and drew on previous research regarding the concept of feeling at home. Theoretical concepts such as belonging, home-making practices and the role of social contacts were kept in mind. However, this research has also a somewhat inductive character. Since little literature exists about feeling at home in relation to refugees’ experiences living in asylum seekers’ centres, there was room for new insights to appear from the data.

4.1 Data collection

The research question formulated for this study is stated as follows: “In what ways do refugees experience feelings at home during their stay in Dutch asylum seekers’ centres?” In order to answer to this question, 16 interviews were conducted with refugees, who were either living in an AZC in the Netherlands or had recently moved out. Despite the time constraints related to this research, the number of interviews is still sufficient to yield interesting insights. Conducting interviews provides rich data (Boeije, 2005; Evers, 2007; Seidman, 2013). Seidman (2013) discusses storytelling, which he perceives as a meaning-making process: “It is this process of selecting constitutive details of experience, reflecting on them, giving them order, and thereby making sense of them that makes telling stories a meaning-making experience” (p. 7). Since people make meaning through language, the technique of interviewing (e.g. talking, reflecting and probing) is well suited. “It is a powerful way to gain insight in social issues through understanding the experience of individuals whose lives reflect those issues” (Seidman, 2013, p. 13). To earn trust with the respondents and to encourage them to readily share their stories, ideas, meanings and emotions, general topics were discussed initially. All interviews started with the question “Could you maybe tell something about your procedure, when you came to the Netherlands?”

After this, the interview questions went more in depth and the experiences of feeling at home were specifically discussed. Although talking about certain themes provided some structure to the interviews, the participants had free reign to direct the conversation, as Seidman suggested, this can allow for interesting insights (2013, p. 141). The interviews were conducted face-to-face, in a place that was in accordance with the wishes of the respondents. Most of the interviews occurred in bars, while two took place at the asylum seekers’ centre

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19 and two others were conducted at the refugees’ homes. The lengths of the interviews ranged from 40 to 90 minutes.

4.2 Target group

In this research, the target group was demarcated on the basis of sex, age, level of education, country of origin and current living situation (see Table 1). First, seven women and nine men participated in the research. The aim was to include an even number of men and women, since examining gender differences among the respondents was considered an interesting line of approach. Women traditionally spend more time at home taking care of children and households and might therefore consider their houses as home. In contrast, men might experience feelings of home on a more communal level, since they spend more time outside of their houses. This research focused on adult refugees, assuming they can think and talk more reflectively about their emotions than younger individuals could. The age of the respondents varied from 18 to 45 years old. Syrian refugees were by far the largest group (33%) living in asylum seekers’ centres (COA, 2017). Eleven respondents had a Syrian nationality, which was a solid reflection of the situation in Dutch asylum seekers’ centres. Other nationalities included in this research were Iranian, Egyptian, Burundian and Turkish. Fifteen participants were higher educated, while one participant was lower educated. Considerable effort went into finding the participants, since COA is very cautious in allowing access to the AZC. Nevertheless, the use of an informant and the technique of snowball sampling made locating them possible.

TABLE 1. Demographics Participants

Sex Age Country of origin Current living situation

Male 36 Syria Own home

Female 37 Iran In the AZC

Male 19 Syria In the AZC

Female 33 Syria Own home

Male 35 Egypt Own home

Female 27 Turkey In the AZC

Female 38 Iran In the AZC

Female 25 Burundi In the AZC

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Female 22 Syria Own home

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4.3 Data analysis

The structuring of the interviews was based on the scheme developed by Forrest and Kearns (2001). As described in the theoretical framework, four dimensions were applicable to this research, which were, belonging, safety, trust and collective norms and values. The dimensions, together with the importance of social contacts, served to guide both the interviews and the analysis procedure.

Once the interviews were conducted and recorded, the conversations were fully transcribed. In addition, memos including descriptions of the atmosphere during the interviews and non-verbal signals by the respondents were written down. The transcripts and memos were input into Atlas.ti, a software program that enabled me to analyse the data by creating codes, code families and networks. This structuring of the data provided an overview of the important themes that arose from the interviews. The analysis was used to be able to draw conclusions regarding the group of refugees living in asylum seekers’ centres or those refugees who had recently moved out of an AZC. Trends and patterns were distilled from the data.

The analysis was characterised by noticing things, collecting things and thinking about things (Seidel, 1998, p. 2). Once the analysis started, I started noticing recurring themes. Quotations belonging to these themes were collected and further analysed. The iterative process was not linear: I went back and forth between these steps.

The 20 most frequent used codes are listed in Table 2. It should be noted, however, that much more codes were used. A code such as ‘emotions experienced’ had multiple sub-codes, in which different kind of emotions were distinguished. Because of this, each sub-code had only few quotations, which is why they are not included in this list. In order to show what a code entails, an example of a quotation is added.

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TABLE 2. Most Frequent Used Codes

Codes Code

frequency

Example of code

(Not) taken seriously by COA

26 “I tried with COA, but they don’t want to listen.” Circumstances in

AZC

49 “We were sharing a huge hall, like a dorm, sleep with strangers. We were with more than two hundred people.”

Contact with COA 46 “They always been kind to us, they give us shelter, they give us food, they give us clothes, medical care... I cannot complain.”

Daily activities 73 “I did many things. My whole week was fully booked” Definition feeling at

home

17 “It means to me to feel safe, to be supported, I feel friendships, [..] Life will go easier than in other places.”

Description procedure 45 “I had to go first to the police, any near police station, to try to tell them I came.”

Description room 27 “It’s a small room. We have a table, a tv, a shower of course.”

Emotions experienced 88 “To be the only one from Burundi can be lonely sometimes.”

Experiences food 26 “The food, it was not like what we usually eat... Not our food system, our food style”

Experiences of feeling at home

30 “In AZC? Yes, you can. I feel it’s my home.” Feeling safe in AZC 21 “There is security. If something happens, they will

come to you immediately. I think it’s more safe because it’s under control.”

Importance material objects

19 “Also, she send my dolls. These things make me feel [at home]. These things, reminds me of Syria.” Importance social

contacts

55 “It was very helpful. They support me a lot. In emotional situations, yeah, it was really helpful.” Moving and

transferring

47 “From the first moment I came to Netherlands till now, I was in five places.”

Privacy 26 “My personal problem in AZC, it is like, no privacy.” Reasons for negative

experiences in AZC

53 “It’s an isolated place, you don’t really have contact with people.”

Reasons for not feeling at home

19 “When you are living in the camp, you don’t feel like you are living in your home.”

Reasons for positive experiences in AZC

48 “Since I came here, it’s really great, a lot of

nationalities and backgrounds, traditions and cultures. And all fine with each other.”

Trust COA 12 “They always give the wrong information. I don’t know why.”

Voluntary work 16 “I have a certificate from COA about this, to be helpful and active in translating.”

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4.4 Ethical considerations

The criteria of validity and reliability are difficult to meet in qualitative research. Qualitative research is not conducted in an experimental setting, and controlling all variables is practically impossible. Replicating qualitative research in full is also not feasible. In order to ensure high quality qualitative research, Tracy (2010) developed specific criteria that studies should meet. Tracy (2010) stated a study has to be sincere to ensure it is characterised by self-reflexivity and transparency regarding the methods and challenges. In the concluding chapter a methodological reflection is added. Furthermore, credibility should be assured by giving thick descriptions, showing rather than telling (by the use of quotations) and member reflections (Tracy, 2010). Some of the respondents were interested in reading this thesis after completion, but none of them felt the desire to check which of their quotations were used.

To ensure high quality research I have taken ethical considerations into account at all stages of this research. Seidman (2013) perfectly describes these steps in the following way: “Making contact, establishing access, selecting participants, setting up interview arrangements, seeking informed consent, interviewing participants, managing the relation between the interviewer and participant, and working with and sharing the words that result from interviewing” (p. 140). In regard to the criteria of informed consent, the purpose of this research was explained beforehand, permission was asked to record the interview and the results of the research can be sent to the respondents if desired. All of the transcripts and quotations have been treated anonymously and confidentially.

One ethical issue that I had to account for was that the subject of this research is a sensitive topic. All of the participants had traumatic histories due to war, which occasionally came up in the interviews despite the lack of direct focus on that specific issue. In addition, the circumstances in the AZCs were emotional for some individuals, which was not fully expected prior to conducting the interviews. Several people became highly emotional during our conversations, and I tried to comfort them and suggested we either pause or stop the interview. The participants wanted to continue to tell their stories.

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25

Chapter 5: Results

This chapter provides an overview of the themes and sub-themes that respondents appeared to find noteworthy. By using the respondents’ quotations, this chapter elaborates and clarifies the themes. First, the definition of feeling at home as described by the respondents is outlined. In addition, the chapter focuses on the factors that contribute to feeling at home, as well as on the factors that threaten feeling at home in the AZCs. Furthermore, another paragraph expounds on the differences and similarities between male and female respondents. Finally, unexpected results such as notions of spatiality and temporality are discussed. In the next chapter, empirical findings are compared with theoretical notions.

5.1 Definition of feeling at home by refugees

As described in an earlier chapter, the emotion of feeling at home is difficult to define, which could be related to cultural differences regarding the interpretation of this emotion. During the interviews, respondents were asked to describe feeling at home, in order to establish common ground when discussing their experiences. Only minor differences in emphasis appeared to occur. For instance, some of the respondents considered the room or place itself as vital, while others emphasised the importance of social relationships, familiarity or feeling comfortable.

[Home is...] a space where I can go without being scared, a space where I can do whatever I want. Like in my own room, it’s a space where I can keep my stuff, lock my closet... I feel like home, a space where I can bring my friends to come and see me. Friends can come and stay with me for one day or two. Yeah, really, I feel like home.

Female, 25, Burundi

The quotation above shows multiple factors contribute to the respondent regarding her room in the AZC as home. The space is a place for personal relaxation: where she can be herself, feel comfortable and do whatever she wants. A more materialistic point of view is also present in her response, as she views home as a place where she can keep her belongings. The social aspect of being able to invite friends is a final factor that is important to her. These aspects come to the fore in other interviews. The possibility for social interactions is significant to the majority of the respondents, which is fully discussed in an upcoming paragraph.

Home where you feel really, really comfortable when you’re surrounded by good people. People are the most important thing. Male, 21, Syria

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26 It means to me to feel safe, to be supported, I feel friendships, really friendships... Life will go easier than in other places. Male, 45, Syria

This last sentence captures the feeling of comfort quite strongly. According to this man, home is where he can truly be himself. Furthermore, familiarity with his surroundings seems to play a vital role in feeling at home. It takes time for a place to feel familiar and to have a sense of belonging.

You should build your home. The minute you got your house, in that moment, that house is a house. You can make that house into your home. You should make that house familiar for yourself. [..] When it has some stuff that is familiar, some memories from your past, that you can connect to your past through these objects, then it’s important. Certainly, the neighbourhood, if they accept you, if they are nice towards you, they are so determinant. Female, 37, Iran

Once again, material items and feeling socially accepted both contribute to a place becoming familiar and subsequently feeling as home. Familiarity also becomes apparent from knowing with whom and with what one is dealing.

I think if you are more familiar with the people, with the backgrounds, with how they act, you will get more familiar with how this one will react to what I do, and then you feel home. [..] Oh nice, I know how it goes, I know the people, I know how they act, their behaviour... Even if you understand the system, who govern this country, then you understand like where am I. Male, 25, Syria

5.2 Reasons to feel at home

The respondents point to positive experiences in the AZC. They sometimes specifically indicate how certain factors increased feeling at home, while other times the feeling appears more implicitly out of the data.

Following up on the previous section, a sense of belonging grows stronger over time. The refugees participating in this research indicate that staying in the same place for extended periods of time is vital to increasing feeling at home.

In [name of the AZC] you are freer. I spend six months, I feel that I’m at home. With COA and our friends. But this was a new place and we only came for the short period to do some things and then we will go. Male, 36, Syria

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27 Yeah, it always feels like my room after a while. It’s always weird, by the first week you have to get used to it. I told you about the moving, so it always takes a while before you get used to a room. That you can say, it’s my room. But after a while, it’s okay. Female, 25, Burundi

But for me, for example, I lived there for like six months in [name of AZC]. So, after the first two months, if I want to go out, I go out. But I come back to my room, to my stuff, to my place, you know. I can say that. Male, 21, Syria

He considers his room as home because he repeatedly returns to the same spot, so familiarity comes to the fore as a contributing factor. However, he continues to describe his feelings which does not indicate feeling at home, even though he explicitly states that he feels at home:

I wasn’t happy with my room, you know. But I was feeling like I was in my home. I wasn’t happy in it, also, I wasn’t connected to it. There was something in my mind, that was telling me like, this is just temporary you know. Male, 21, Syria

This response shows that the familiarity of a place is not sufficient to fully feeling at home. Feeling at home is an accumulative emotion which can be reinforced by multiple factors. The insecure situation of not knowing when to leave, has a negative impact on feeling at home. This will be discussed in a later paragraph.

Another technique for creating a home is to clean the area. Due to the fact that many people had previously lived in her space, one Syrian woman wanted to clean the place thoroughly before spending her first night there. By doing this, she regarded the place somewhat more as home. This could be because cleaning is related to her household tasks in her previous home.

But you are safe and you feel that this place, you belong a bit to this place when you clean it yourself. Female, 33, Syria

Religion was surprisingly mentioned only once during the interviews. I did not specifically inquire about religious beliefs, and the respondents apparently did not feel the urge to mention the issue. Only one Iranian woman referred to her religion with regularity, by providing examples such as how her faith helped her cope with her emotions.

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28 In summary, a longer stay can contribute to a place feeling familiar and creating a sense of belonging. Cleaning is a concrete example of attaching to a place. Two notable factors that emerge to improve a sense of belonging are social contacts and participation in activities. These are elaborated in the next two paragraphs.

5.2.1 Importance of social contacts

As mentioned previously, social contacts play a pivotal role in the experience of feeling at home. Social contacts can be understood from multiple angles, including engagement with individuals at an AZC and interaction with Dutch people. These different forms of social relationships are considered according to the order listed above.

The most important thing is people… if you have good people, people you love. Otherwise you will not feel at home, at all. Female, 33, Syria

The extraordinary circumstances of living in an AZC (e.g. many people arrive alone, have little to do during the day and try to build their life in this country) facilitate making contact more easily.

Actually, there is this atmosphere that you are completely new in a place that has completely other traditions, other ways of life. So, it’s like you make contact easily with people. So that’s quite interesting for me, I was like, ‘What?!’ I met many people there. [..] So, I made quite a lot of friends there. Male, 25, Syria

For six months, you have a good relationship, all the people you see them every day. I have now more friends than before. Male, 30, Syria

The possibility for social interactions to occur within the camps depends on the way which an individual camp is organised.

Every corridor was very big, so we can meet outside in the corridor, sitting on the ground, talk together, telling our stories. Male, 42, Syria

The design of the rooms is in a way that is just for sleeping. You should go out of your room. Most of us, during the day, were out of our rooms, together in a living space, communicating, interacting with each other. Most of my friends now are from that place, we speak to each other. Female, 37, Iran

However, in another camp where this Iranian woman stayed, the facility had a completely different organisation, which resulted in fewer social interactions:

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29 During that time, I was so depressed. The atmosphere and the design of the rooms is in a way that makes it not a communicative place. It’s not a place for making friends, because there is no interaction. All of the persons are in their rooms and the doors are closed. Female, 37, Iran

A Syrian girl, who had already moved from an AZC states that she missed the AZC because of her social contacts there.

When I was at the AZC, I really feel like, I need my own house. The shower, the bathroom, it’s sharing. So, it’s not comfortable. But when I got my own home, I miss the AZC. Because there was always people, always things to do. You never get bored.

Female, 18, Syria

Social contacts are eminently valuable for helping individuals overcome the problems they face in an AZC. Interacting with other people, discussing problems and doing activities contributes to feeling comfortable.

When I was in [name of AZC], I had lots of friends. They were like my family. The situation was not good, but the friends I had over there, were so nice. Belonging is this thing that every person needs. When you are in a community, you feel this belonging. In that place, because I had these friends and they are like my family, I had this belonging. Female, 37, Syria

She specifically emphasises the importance of friends as part of experiencing a sense of belonging. This feeling is shared among most respondents, including a Turkish woman, for whom social contacts are important in helping her overcome personal problems.

I: Is that important to you, to have these contacts? To feel at home within the Netherlands?

P: Yes, yes. That makes me, that’s really making my life in a positive way [..] I felt that the people are really contributing my life. I feel the urge to change, to come out of that depression. I really need those social contacts to feel home. You know, you have family in there, but I don’t have family. I have friends to make it similar to my family.

Female, 27, Turkey

The refugees who participated in this research, place a high amount of value on contact with native Dutch people.

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30 P: Of course! In [name of AZC] and in [name of AZC] and in [name of AZC], we had many families. In [name of AZC], my best family, they still live there. The Dutch men and women, this is my second family. Really nice. Male, 36, Syria

“My second family” indicates how important these people are to him. All respondents aim to build warm, deep friendships, and they want to create new networks in Dutch society.

Thanks to [a project helping refugees to study at the university], I came across Dutch people, but also international friends in my classroom. Two or three of my friends visited me in AZC, we cook different things, with English friends of mine, she came and we cooked some things. That’s really nice! Another Dutch friend visited me in my place and she also invited me to her place. It’s really nice that you exchange things.

Female, 27, Turkey

They are inviting us to their homes, we celebrated Easter together there. It’s really nice. You came to know, how they celebrated Easter together. When you talk, you discover that you have many things in common. Female, 27, Turkey

I observe that the population in Utrecht in general, they are great people. Really kind people, very emotional, open, they like to talk... They offer help, they offer friendship, they are very friendly people. I like it. That is what connects me to the city. When I’m in Utrecht now, I feel like I am in my home city. I do not feel like I am a stranger or that I come from a faraway place. It is familiar, because of the people. Male, 45, Syria Interacting with other cultures – in this instance, Dutch culture in particular – is experienced as enriching and not viewed as substantially different. None of the respondents indicate experiencing a cultural shock. They are aware of negative stereotypes about refugees, but have not personally encountered many problems. Overall, they feel relatively welcome by Dutch people.

[..] We got to know and to meet people, Dutch people. That place was new and the local community were very excited about it. In the beginning they were against, and they were afraid, it was a very small place… [..] A thousand strangers came to stay there. But some people told me, in the beginning the local people didn’t contact them, say hi or anything. But after, they figured out that these people were not dangerous, but that they are polite and didn’t cause any problems... It started in the street. Some people, a group of people, volunteered that. They really dedicated their time and their

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31 souls. Everything, their souls. They share everything with us. It was the best place for people. For adults we have met, we made close friends there. Female, 33, Syria

Several of the respondents consider these contacts important for their near-term future and they are trying to build networks in the city. In the event they receive a residency permit, they will already have some connections.

P: I have a lot of friends in the community of Utrecht, I have a big network. I: Was that important to you? To build a network?

P: Of course, of course! Absolutely! It was very helpful. They support me a lot. In emotional situations, yeah, it was really helpful.

[..]

I: Do you have many friends within the AZC or are most of them outside? P: No, outside. Most of my friends are outside the AZC. Actually, I’m not really in contact with AZC people.

I: Why not?

P: Maybe, well, I don’t know. I have a chance better to have contacts outside of AZC and it will help me more for my future and for my family’s future. And maybe because I’m educated, and the people in the AZC are not. We are little bit different. Male, 45, Syria

5.2.2 Importance of participation

Another factor that respondents indicate as important in discussing their home situation was active participation in events. This concerns participating in activities organised by the COA, as well as those organised in the neighbourhood. Most of the respondents involved in this research have an academic background and value studying and frequent reading.

Yes, I did many things. My whole week was fully booked. Male, 36, Syria

A majority of the respondents currently live in an AZC near Utrecht. The geographical location appears to be of considerable importance in relation to participation, since more activities are organised for refugees in larger cities. One respondent lived for a period in Oude Pekela, a small village in the north of the Netherlands.

In general, when you are living there in AZC, you are living in jail, but with open doors. You can go, but where would you go? There is nothing. So, it was terrible. Male,

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32 Accordingly, a transfer to Utrecht immediately improved his experiences.

It was really helpful, to be in the centre of Utrecht.. It was the activities that were really helpful for the people to be out of the tension in the AZC. Male, 45, Syria

This response shows the influence of factors such as social contacts and activities outside the AZC on refugees’ experiences of home, since contacts within the AZC are apparently not sufficient for a place to feel like home. Once again, understanding that feeling at home is an accumulation of contributing factors rather than one single aspect is important to acknowledge.

Grouw was a very small city, nothing to do, nothing special to do in that city. But Haarlem was a bigger city. People in Haarlem are very helpful. They are trying to help the refugees. Female, 37, Iran

Not only does active participation in events pass the time, the events also have a positive effect on a person’s mood. Individuals can enjoy themselves by doing voluntary work.

But also, when I was in the AZC, I was doing a lot of things. I was going and visiting people and friends. Doing some voluntary work. [..] We are trying to finish the day. I do this to just let this day pass... It’s not really something important, but otherwise I will go crazy. Female, 33, Syria

You meet all these people, they are nice, they are just people. We need that. People to sit with, so we are not alone. And you are all in the same situation, so they understand your problem, so you can just do funny things. Drawing, singing, dancing, that was really fun. Female, 18, Syria

There was only one disco... And all these people know each other. So, we were just standing there. Something, for that time, it was really for me like, thank god, I’m going out of my room. Male, 21, Syria

A popular activity among the refugees participating in this research is taking Dutch language classes.

Not boring, you can talk to your friends every time. We laugh a lot, we talk a lot. We try to learn Dutch. It’s not that boring. Male, 30, Syria

In our AZC, there are three or four different courses that you can follow, which is really a privilege. I have friends from other AZCs, and they don’t have it, even a

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33 Dutch course, if they don’t have the status. So, I think it’s really a privilege to have Dutch courses. Female, 27, Turkey

How activities are organised differs from one asylum seekers’ centre to another.

There was nothing to do. I was very bored over there. They don’t, the COA, don’t try to entertain or to provide something to engage the mind of the people. Female, 37, Iran Eleven out of the 16 respondents participating in this research perform voluntary work. Most volunteer as Arabic, English and Dutch interpreters for COA employees and AZC residents. Other activities include assisting in the kitchen garden and at a children’s farm. This voluntary work allows them to feel useful.

I have a certificate from the COA about this, to be helpful and active in translating. When the COA had a problem in the AZC, they came to me. I saw the problems between two guys and I translated the situation to the COA and the COA tried to fix it. [..] A lot of problems were fixed because of my help, I’m so glad to say that.. Male, 45, Syria

I’m doing volunteering work, I work for the [name of organisation]. I also work as a volunteer in a voluntary centre, as a translator.. That’s what I can do, nothing else. Male,

45, Syria

They can earn a small income by volunteering, but money was not the primary reason for participating in these activities.

P: They offered to me, we can pay for you, maybe it’s around 14 euros per week. But I told them I’m okay. I prefer to do it as a volunteer. It’s not a big deal for me. I received the food and then, 14 euros it doesn’t make sense for me. In this case, I prefer to do it as a volunteer.

I: And you liked to do that?

P: Of course. You have to do something to try to kill the time.

In summary, factors that contribute to feeling at home in an AZC include getting the opportunity to increase attachment to a place and to create a sense of belonging. Both of these factors can be realised by refugees remaining in a single location for longer periods of time. Moreover, social contacts are considered to be particularly important. Social interactions cause respondents to feel at ease, enjoy themselves and share problems and challenges. Building a network also contributes to creating positive outlooks related to the future. Finally,

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34 participating in activities and performing voluntary work contribute to refugees’ sense of feeling at home. The interactions with others help the centre residents get through the day, avoid boredom, feel useful and build a network of contacts.

5.3 Reasons not to feel at home

Even though the factors previously described have a significantly positive influence on the experiences of refugees, other factors reduce the possibility of feeling at home.

Negative experiences seem to derive predominantly from feelings of uncertainty. The respondents indicate insecurity related to the waiting periods for residency permits, as well as questions about whether they will even be granted status.

I knew people living in an AZC, who are waiting for four years without status. I cannot imagine myself living in an AZC for four years. Nine months sounds bearable. You have a time limit that you think, I can. Without status, it’s really hard. Female, 27,

Turkey

It is, because you are waiting for your interview, you don’t know when, you don’t know how it is going to be after, it can be positive or negative. You think a lot. In the meantime, you hear about others. Neighbours in your room, they had the interview already and it didn’t go well. This can affect you. You don’t know what’s going to happen. It can be stressful. Female, 25, Burundi

The Burundian woman indicates a stressful situation because of people being occupied with getting a status or not. The atmosphere is also affecting the stress level of a Syrian man.

In [name of the AZC], the situation was terrible. It was too crowded, a lot of people, different nationalities, very stressful atmosphere. You feel that you are in the police department and that you are in investigation. Everybody talks about investigation, what they say, what they ask... It was very stressful. It was terrible for us. Big numbers, I don’t remember the number of people, but it was a lot. Male, Syria, 45 years old

Powerlessness or feeling like no one has control over the situation is an emotion shared by most respondents.

All of the persons are seeking for stability, for some safety. Feeling secure in their life. When this happened to me, I feel at most that there’s nothing under my control. I’m powerless. I cannot change anything. There are some rules and they make these rules in favour of themselves and I should obey these rules. And how, it doesn’t matter, if

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35 these things are unfair of how I feel. It doesn’t matter at all. I’m not a human. I’m just a case. Female, 37, Iran

5.3.1 Safety

The importance of feeling safe in relation to facilitating a sense of belonging is apparent from the interviews. Feeling safe can be understood on multiple levels. Some respondents indicate they have to consistently lock their rooms because of incidents of theft committed by other residents.

Sometime, for example, it’s a really small facility, that you put something, that you have to wash, you are eating, and you are coming back... and your knife is missing, something is missing. People are stealing things like that. You don’t know who are they. It’s not really safe in that sense. So, we are always locking the doors. Female, 27, Turkey

Mostly women indicate feeling a periodic lack of safety in the camps. For instance, three women wanted to consistently lock their rooms, even when they were inside. They were in the minority compared to their male co-residents and felt vulnerable as a result.

In my room, I’m so scared when I got outside, because there were all men outside, they looked at you. I don’t know, what is this look? Just when I go to sleep, because I stayed alone in my room, I closed the room. Female, 22, Syria

Given that the respondents’ histories are filled with violence and fear, feelings of safety in an asylum seekers’ centre should be understood relative to their former experiences. However, the refugees still view these fights as frightening, and thus the incidents can arguably be seen as negatively impacting feeling at home in the AZC.

Because I know, [there is] nothing about politics, no military attacks, no soldiers, but there it was also people, some of these people in AZC, when they are fighting, they are using knives, they are using anything hard to beat you. But, I was trying to stay away from troubles as much as possible. But, sometimes you cannot help it, sometimes they use drugs, like hash, they drink alcohol, they do terrible things. But, fortunately, I did not have any fights in whole my life. Male, 45, Syria

We were with 550 men, inside a big, huge hall. You cannot sleep well, you cannot eat well. Everyday there were some fights. It’s not easy to put 550 men, facing each other, sometimes, there were troubles. We come from war, having a lot of stress… All of us,

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36 we left our families, we left our home... So, it was very stressful for everybody. That was why there were many fights. Male, 45, Syria

Despite the tensions in the camp, most respondents agree that the COA does its best to create a safe environment.

It’s more safe than when you move to your own house. There is security. If something happens, they will come to you immediately. I think it’s more safe because it’s under control. Male, 36, Syria

A nineteen-year-old respondent did not endorse this perception. He informs me about an incident that strongly influenced his feelings of safety.

There is a person who smokes hash and marihuana, he drinks like so much... It’s so bad... [..] I woke up and I found him like drinking alcohol. It’s in the morning. Why... At night, I decided like to go to my room and check if everything is going well. [..] I was passing and a person got out of my room, and he told me ‘Get anyone from the security of COA or anything’. I ran so fast. I did not see what happened inside. [..] We came upstairs and he threw up everywhere. The glass of the window was broken, he did his face in it, then he broke it. [..] The blood was everywhere. Then COA was telling me like, okay today you are not sleeping here. It’s not allowed, because the window is broken. [..] But COA tells me, when he comes back, he’s your roommate again… Do we have to wait till he kills me? [..]

I: Were you scared?

P: Of course... When I’m awake it’s not a problem, I can see him and I can defend myself, but when he attacks me when I’m sleeping. And he was a thief… Nothing better you can find in that person.

Besides the damage to his feelings of safety, he also points out that he feels as though the COA does not take his concerns seriously. This finding occurs among other respondents, which is elaborated upon in the next paragraph.

5.3.2 Contact with COA

Refugees living in asylum seekers’ centres are in contact with the COA staff on a regular basis. Once a week, refugees have to stamp, and the COA employees act as the initial source of information. Refugees must also depend on the COA to acquire food or money. According to the data, refugees experience contact regarding these issues with COA staff in a variety of