The construction of Afrikaner identity post-apartheid by Afrikaans online newspapers

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The construction of Afrikaner identity post-apartheid

by Afrikaans online newspapers

Master’s Thesis

Erasmus Mundus Master Journalism, Media and Globalization

Graduate School of Communication

Author: Sarah Van Meel

Student: 12846945

Master’s program Communication Science

Supervisor: dr. Linda Bos

Date: 12/06/2020

Word count: 7910

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2 I am not an Afrikaner anymore

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Acknowledgement

I would like to express my gratitude to my friends and family who have supported me in writing this thesis. A special word of thanks to my supervisor Prof. Dr Linda Bos, her

enthusiasm and effort has made a big difference. Also a word of thanks to Prof. Dr Knut De Swert for his kind answers to my many questions. A word of thanks is also due to Quintus and to the countless contacts who shared their knowledge of the South African media with me.

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Abstract

This study examines to what extent Afrikaans newspapers differ when creating a post-apartheid Afrikaner identity. The dependent variable is the created Afrikaner identity, the independent one is the newspaper’s ideology. Afrikaner identity is compiled by identity elements which are found in the literature. A quantitative content analysis was done to analyse the presence of these elements in a sample of 85 opinion pieces. This sample is constructed by using opinion pieces out of three groups of Afrikaans online

newspapers which are classified on a conservative-progressive scale. The three newspapers do not differ from each other except when mentioning the Afrikaans language. The conservative newspaper addresses Afrikaners indirectly whereas the progressive one prefers to literally use the word “Afrikaner”. This might be due to a difference in ideology.

Introduction

In South Africa, the apartheid era (1948-1994) has left deep scars in the South African country. Apartheid, described by the UN as “a crime against humanity” (UN, 1973, p.245) was introduced by the then leading government, the Afrikaner National Party (ANP). This government called for the separate development of different racial groups. The Afrikaans press was used as a legitimization vehicle for this apartheid ideology (Wasserman, 2009). After the democratization of the country, in 1994, the Afrikaans newspapers had to

reinvent themselves to shake off their ideological baggage (Wasserman, 2009). Not only these newspapers, but the entire South African media wrestle with creating a post-apartheid identity (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). Identity struggles are not only tied to the South African media system, all inhabitants of South Africa questioned and still

question their identities post-apartheid(Vanderhaeghen, 2019). One way to understand what kind of identity or identities a group of people have is to assess the media they consume. The media help to construct people’s identity, on the other hand, media might be the mirror in which people see their identity (Baderoon, 2002). Although this might be a ‘chicken or egg’ question, it is important to understand the role that media play in the creation of identity in a country that is still recovering from apartheid

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6 atrocities. The Afrikaans written online press can give us an insight into the identity or identities of Afrikaners which are being reflected in this kind of media. It can show us how Afrikaners come to terms (Boersema, 2013) with the past and what this can mean for the future of South Africa. The different ideological basis of Afrikaans online written media may have an impact on how they report about identity and this research has the aim in understanding to what extent Afrikaans newspapers differ when creating this post-apartheid Afrikaner identity. The answer is found by conducting a quantitative content analysis of opinion pieces of three South African newspapers.

1. Theoretical background

1.1Identity

The concept of identity “refers to forms of individual personhood or self-image as well as to the collective self-image shared by the members of social groups and

communities” (Rousse, 1995 as cited in Harris & Zegeye, 2002, p.242). Identity is not a fixed state of being. Identity is a construct (Melluci, 1995 as cited in Harris and Zegeye, 2002). As identity is a construct, many factors have an impact on it.

Media are one of these factors that contribute to the construction of identity (Harris & Zegeye, 2002). Not only do media add to the construction of identity, but identity also contributes to the understanding of relationships (Harris & Zegeye, 2002). In this research, a more specific type of identity is analysed, Afrikaner1_identity.

1_{I am aware that the word “Afrikaner” is strongly linked with questions considering the troubling}

past, the current social-economic reality and future challenges of South Africa. The question of what an Afrikaner is, whether Afrikaners form one or multiple groups and how they position themselves in the current South African society inspired me to start this research but they cannot be discussed in this thesis due to the limited time and space. The answer to the research question may contribute to answers on the previous question as all these questions are connected with the theme “identity”. The ethical questions which are connected with the use of the term Afrikaner (Adam,2008; Breytenbach, 1983), e.g. whether the term should or should not be replaced by a more inclusive term to promote a more inclusive

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Identity and the media

Afrikaners were in an identity crisis after the abolishment of apartheid (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). They tried to find their place in a country that went from being a white oligarchy to a democracy where non-white people make up the majority and have the same rights as whites. Although apartheid had been abolished, the country was struggling with its legacy. Vanderhaeghen (2018) states that “apartheid is created by white Afrikaners and is by no means dead (Vanderhaeghen, 2018, p.2)” and adds to this that “racism, apartheid and Afrikaner nationalism is still haunting the political landscape” (Vanderhaeghen, 2018, p.10). South Africa is a complex country with many domestic problems. When trying to understand the construction of identity or identities of a group of people, it is important to understand which factors have an impact on this process. Baderoon (2002) states that the construction of these groups and individual identities are connected with the media. Media influences its audience’s symbolic reality (Baderoon, 2002).

Identity implies the construction of symbolic reality, it determines for people who they are and are not, which group they do and do not belong to (Baderoon, 2002 as cited in Harris & Zegeye, 2002, p. 242). Harris and Zegeye (2002) explain this as follows: “[a]s the members of audiences and as citizens of an interconnected but highly mediated world, people are presented with the intellectual and political challenge of locating themselves and others through their reading/viewing of the media” (as cited in Harris and Zegeye, 2002, p.242 – 243).

Complex identity

There is no answer to what Afrikaner identity exactly is as it is “complex, intricate and often contradictory” (Davies, 2009, as cited in Vanderhaeghen, p.10).

society, shall not be discussed in this thesis. The choice of using this term is practical and should not be interpreted as any kind of (ethical) statement.

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8 Boersema (2013) states that creating a homogenous Afrikaner identity is problematic as it goes past the notion of intersectionality which makes Afrikaner identity very different for each Afrikaner. Class, age, gender and space are some examples of factors that have an impact on how each Afrikaner’s identity is constructed. All of the previous statements contribute to the idea that identity is not only a construct (Melluci, 1995 as cited in Harris and Zegeye, 2002) but is not homogenous either (Boersema, 2013). Nevertheless, Boersema still tries to make a blueprint of elements which are connected with Afrikaner identity. This collection of Afrikaner identity elements does not pretend to be a reflection of Afrikaner identity in reality in 2020. The reasons for this are multiple.

First of all, Afrikaner identity and identity as such are not homogenous, but complex and contradictory. Secondly, literature may not be an accurate reflection of reality. This collection of elements of Afrikaner identity is, however, a basis for the quantitative analysis of this study. The definition in the literature of what an Afrikaner is, is a starting point for the list of identity elements.

Afrikaners are being described by Boersema (2013) as “an ethnic group of roughly 2.5 million white, Afrikaans-speaking South Africans—a number that equals 7 per cent of the people of South Africa” (Boersema, 2013, prologue). Thus, being white and speaking Afrikaans are important elements of Afrikaner identity. Steyn’s analysis states that Afrikaners struggle with multiple issues related to their identity (2004, as cited in Vanderhaeghen, 2018, p. 17). “The recognition that they struggle; the confusion, self-pity, and nostalgia; the anxiety about the loss of self, and the explicit and blunt rage against the new order; the face-saving device of (re)casting the Afrikaner as a victim in need of special attention; the quest for the essence of

“Afrikaansness” and its redefinition as an indigenous culture by focusing on language, Christianity, history, sports and literature; the search for belonging and a way to

organize themselves as a group; and the need of (international) protection” (Steyn, 2004, as cited in Vanderhaeghen, 2018, p.17). Not all elements from this list are used in this thesis. I selected the elements that came back in other literature. For this reason, this thesis addresses the following elements of the Afrikaner identity: Afrikaans (as a

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9 language), whiteness, collective victimhood, feelings of loss, guilt and shame, self-othering and religion.

Afrikaans

Speaking Afrikaans is an important part of the Afrikaner identity (Vanderhaeghen, 2018; Boersema, 2013). It is a necessary, yet not sufficient element of Afrikaner identity. Afrikaners are often seen as a minority group within the larger group of Afrikaans-speakers. The majority of the Afrikaans speaking population is non-white (Wasserman, 2009). The Afrikaans newspapers, however, are largely pointed towards Afrikaners as they form a “lucrative white audience” (Wasserman, 2009, p. 68). Afrikaans, i.e., standard Afrikaans, had a large symbolic power in the public sector during apartheid and lost this symbolic power after apartheid ended. Nowadays there is a schism between standard Afrikaans, which was introduced and praised by the government during apartheid times, and other forms of Afrikaans which are a result of creolization (van Der Waal, 2012). The non-white Afrikaans-speaking inhabitants of South Africa are more prone to speak a creolized form of Afrikaans and embrace this. Afrikaners tend to be more worried about the demise of their form of Afrikaans (van Der Waal, 2012).

When it comes to Afrikaans, literature shows a double set of feelings. Firstly, there is the experience of loss, as Afrikaans is no longer the primal language used by the official institutions of the government. As standard Afrikaans has a negative connotation for many people who used to be repressed by the government, many people are not fond of the use of this language. Secondly, Afrikaners experience the feelings of fear as they fear of the (further) demise and even death of Afrikaans (van Der Waal, 2012). The public fight of Afrikaner language activists for keeping the same amount of Afrikaans classes at Stellenbosch University can be seen as a consequence of this experienced fear (van Der Waal, 2012).

Since the South African government used to link language with nationalism (van Der Waal, 2012), standard Afrikaans is considered a “main identity marker of Afrikaners” (Edwards, 2009, p. 212 as cited in van Der Waal, 2012, p. 450). The feelings of loss and

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10 fear of the demise of (standard) Afrikaans stands in contrast with what other Afrikaans-speakers seem to experience.

The majority of Afrikaans-speakers is non-white and do not have that bond with standard Afrikaans as Afrikaners do. On the contrary, they embrace creolized forms of Afrikaans like Afrikaaps, a form of Afrikaans spoken in the Western Cape region (Willemse, 2017; van Der Waal, 2012). These speakers do not encounter feelings of loss and fear but celebrate and embrace Afrikaans’ “creole nature” (van Der Waal, 2012). Some people have the idea that the word “Afrikaanses” is better suited as this word implies all the Afrikaans speakers, black and white, and does not have the historical connotation of whiteness (Wasserman, 2009).

Whiteness

“Whiteness is the shared social space in which the psychological, cultural, political and economic dimensions of this privileged positionality are normalized, and rendered unremarkable” (Steyn, 2004, p.11). The normalization of unequal political and

economic relationships is done by using race, which is a consequence of biologically determined race differences (Steyn, 2004). Whiteness is often connected with

colonialism as in many colonized countries the colonizer was white and had all privileges. Being white during apartheid meant that you were entitled to a certain position (Steyn, 2004). Afrikaners are not the only whites in South Africa. Generally, there are two large groups of white South Africans. Firstly, there are the ones who are affiliated with the Dutch settlers, the Afrikaners. Secondly, there is a group of whites who are of British descent and speak English as their native language. Although Afrikaners were the one in charge and had all privileges during apartheid, the whites from British descent had lots of privileges as well as they were part of the whiteness system.

Steyn (2004, 2008) has examined the question of what happens with whiteness after apartheid. She uses the term “whiteness diaspora” which means that whites in South Africa, tend to see themselves as the diaspora of the Europeans they descent

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11 from (Steyn, 2004). White South Africans, although link themselves to powerful western places on different levels. Whites are a minority in South Africa and pretty visible too (Steyn, 2004). All of this together, concludes Steyn (2004), makes Afrikaners see themselves as living in a diasporic (Steyn, 2004). She states that the fear that the black majority would triumph at a certain moment has always been present in the white South African psyche. They feared to lose the power they claimed through whiteness. Steyn (2004, 2008) has researched the presence of what she calls “white talk”: a discourse used to examine in what ways white South Africans verbally keep whiteness alive. Steyn (2004) uses the discourse of white talk to trace the presence of whiteness in expressions or terms used by Afrikaners. Steyn (2004) defines her self-made white talk discourse as “a set of discursive practices that”, she suggests, “attempts to manage the intersectional positionality of white South Africans to their (perceived) greatest competitive advantage, given the changes in their position within society. Both vulnerabilities and the strengths of being intersectionally situated are managed by white talk” (Steyn, 2004, p. 6). Although Steyn (2004) explains the discursive of white talk, it is still not an easy task to translate her critical discourse analysis into quantitative analysis. Steyn (2008) analysed columns of the Sunday Times, an English written South African newspaper on the existence of white talk.

She concludes that there is an unwillingness by white South Africans to let go of whiteness (Steyn, 2008). ”Deep-seated convictions of entitlement of those of European descent are still quite present in those columns. White South Africans keep whiteness alive by portraying themselves as diasporic. In other words, they depict themselves as “outsiders, dislocated souls who find themselves in a foreign land, the strangers within gates.” (Steyn, 2004, p.275). This description does not only show the presence of diasporic whiteness, it shows a sense of (collective) victimhood as well. Although not always done consciously, whiteness is still part of the post-apartheid white people in South Africa (Steyn, 2008). However, not all white South Africans stick to it in the same degree. Organizing the social-based upon race is not a typical white South African thing, it happens globally, and it is quite difficult to pin it down. The ones who dare to do

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12 so are often not taken seriously and judged as being too sensitive, paranoid or even radical. (Steyn, 2008).

Collective victimhood

Victimhood, more specifically the collective experience of victimhood (Wasserman, 2009) nuances the dynamic of self-othering (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). “Collective victimhood refers to the psychological experience and consequences” of collective violence (Noor, Vollhardt, Mari & Nadler, 2017, p.121). Collective violence is defined by the World Health Organization (2002) as “the instrumental use of violence by people who identify themselves as members of a group—whether this group is transitory or has a more permanent identity—against another group or set of individuals, to achieve political, economic or social objectives” (WHO, 2002, p. 215 as cited in Noor, Vollhardt, Mari & Nadler, 2017, p.121). Reversed racism and violence against farmers are topics that occur when victimhood is addressed (Vanderhaeghen, 2018; Wasserman, 2010). This collective victimhood or victim mentality is created by many factors according to Du Preez (Du Preez, 2005, as cited in Wasserman, 2010). The ones to blame are

“Afrikaner politicians, educators, community, cultural leaders” (Du Preez, 2005, as cited in Wasserman, 2010, p.30) and the Afrikaans media. “All these people should carry part of the guilt for so many Afrikaners today feeling deeply troubled, unloved and

marginalized, believing they are hated by the government and black people.” (Du Preez, 2005, as cited in Wasserman, 2010, p.30). The Afrikaans media created the impression that there were lots of murders on white farmers (Wasserman, 2010). Collective

victimhood is an interesting element of Afrikaner identity, but what is lacking, is a more specific description in what ways Afrikaner collective victimhood manifests itself and how this victimhood can be overcome.

Self-othering

Self-othering means that a person or a group distances itself from what is presented as the self (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). Afrikaners are still carrying the weight of the apartheid legacy and still try to shake off the reputation they had during apartheid times. Self-othering means that Afrikaners say “we are not like that”, and by “that” they mean the Afrikaners who have a bad reputation (Wasserman, 2010). Self- othering can be seen

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13 as “othering” within a group or even othering certain aspects of oneself

(Vanderhaeghen, 2018). Self-othering touches the core of this thesis research. This concept can be described as groups rubbing against themselves (Vanderhaeghen, 2018) whereas othering is about different groups differing from each other.

Vanderhaeghen (2018) explains that understanding how groups rub against themselves is equally important as understanding how groups differ from other groups. It can make us understand what the core of the group is about. “How this core is carved out of the multiple contestations for the same space is important to determine because it may contribute to whether the broad group can be accommodated within mainstream political processes” (Vanderhaeghen, 2018, p.21) In other words, it is important to understand what kind of identities live within the Afrikaner community.

South Africa suffers from social problems like racism. Understanding groups and their identities is a step forward to solving those social problems. Self-othering is

nuanced by victimhood (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). When Afrikaners victimize themselves, they partly wipe out the negative image they have because of the connection Afrikaners have with apartheid. (Noor, Vollhardt, Mari, Nadler, 2017). Self-othering means that Afrikaners will distance themselves from “bad Afrikaners” because “we are not like that” (Wasserman, 2010, p.20). It is harder too self-other yourself as an Afrikaner from

another Afrikaner if the whole group has victimhood in common. The negative

connotation of Afrikaner's image softens by using collective victimhood which makes self-othering more difficult as the differences between groups within these group soften as well.

Feelings of loss, guilt and shame.

“Like the Germans, Afrikaners are a perpetrators group”, states Boersema (2013, p.23). Boersema doesn’t make this comment out of the blue but tries to give an example of people who already dealt with feelings and identity crisis in a way that is similar to what Afrikaners are going through today. Germans and Afrikaners are both seen as the committers of atrocities. The Germans carry the weight of the holocaust on their shoulders, the Afrikaners the weight of apartheid. Both groups of people have to deal

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14 with feelings of guilt and shame when coming to terms with the past, present and future (Vanderhaeghen, 2018). Feelings of loss are connected with the Afrikaner community as they used to be in charge of the whole country for decades and owned all privileges in the country. When South Africa transformed from an olichargy to democracy in 1994, the Afrikaner minority had to share power with the black majority of the country. This made feelings of loss occur at the Afrikaner society. Feelings of guilt are tied with the atrocities during apartheid time but are “not necessarily about the actual commitment of atrocities as much as having been part of a system that made those atrocities possible and even necessary to its survival” (Boersema, 2013, prologue: X). Feelings of shame are a little different as shame is more about how one perceives itself whereas guilt is about what a person has or hasn’t done. “I am bad” vs. “I did something bad”.

Nevertheless, shame and guilt often go hand in hand. The intensity of feelings of loss, shame and guilt differ between Afrikaners. Boersema states that “those Afrikaners who profited the least from apartheid not only fell the hardest after apartheid but carry the heaviest emotional load” ( 2013, Prologue XV).

Religion

Giliomee (2019) states that “There can hardly be any doubt that religion and nationalism were the main ideological forces that impacted on the Afrikaners during the twentieth century.” Religion was and might still be an important element of Afrikaner identity during the twenty-first century. Christianity is the religion connected in literature2_with

Afrikaner identity.

1.2Framing

How media portray reality is important, as the media narrative will be used by people to create their individual and group identity (Baderoon, 2002). The process of media “selecting some aspects of perceived reality in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment

recommendation” (Entman, 1993, p.53 as cited in Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000,

2_{Due to practical reasons, I was not in the position to consult more literature about this topic. However,}

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15 p.94) is called “framing”. The concept of framing does not have one definition. Entman’s (1993) definition of framing should be seen as a compilation of characteristics that all definitions of framing in literature have in common (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000). In other words, framing is about showing a story through a certain angle to the public. The angle of the story can depend on many factors, such as the journalist’s moral values, the newspaper’s ideological stance (Entman, 1993). Patterson and Donsbach (1996) concluded in their research that there is “a significant correlation between journalists’ personal beliefs and their news decisions” (as cited in Patterson and Donsbach, 1996, 455). When partisanship is an acknowledged part of daily coverage, it translates into an even stronger relationship between the journalist’s beliefs and their news decisions. Compared to broadcast journalists, newspaper journalists are more prone to express their personal beliefs in their decisions (Patterson and Donsbach, 1996). Importantly, Patterson and Donsbach (1996) state that partisanship has “a modest impact in all areas of daily news, even those bound by law or tradition to a policy of political neutrality”. Who is “us” and who is “them” can thus be influenced by media and this might have repercussions in real life. In a country like South Africa, characterized by questions of identity and outbursts of violence, it is important to acknowledge the role of media in the creation of South African people’s (group) identity.

Newspaper selection & hypotheses

The theory of framing is used to form the hypothesis of this study. Framing shows a story through a certain angle. The code of ethics of a newspaper gives a first

impression of this angle. Three different newspapers – one conservative, one

progressive and one moderate – are used in this study. I first of all look at Naspers, a media conglomerate that owns almost all Afrikaans newspapers (Wasserman, 2009). Under Naspers, there is Media24, which has an Afrikaans branch called Netwerk24. This can be seen as a company for which journalists write articles. The Afrikaans newspapers resorting under Netwerk24 (Beeld, Die Burger, Rapport, Volkskrant) use these standard articles made by Netwerk24.

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16 The editorial teams for these newspapers are circulating. Beeld, Die Burger,

and Volkskrant are daily newspapers (Wasserman, 2010). Rapport has an even larger amount of readers although it is a Sunday weekly newspaper. Die Burger used to be the mouthpiece of the government during apartheid times (Wasserman, 2009). The two other newspapers are Vrye Weekblad and Maroela Media, which are not connected with Netwerk24. Vrye Weekblad used to be an anti-apartheid newspaper. It took a stance against the apartheid regime and can be seen as the opponent of the Afrikaans newspapers that either didn’t criticize the regime or supported it. Vrye Weekblad ceased to exist in 1994 and revived recently in 2019. Although Vrye Weekblad doesn’t position itself as an anti-apartheid newspaper anymore, it still is a very progressive Afrikaans newspaper. The newspaper emphasizes in its statement the importance of battling social problems in South Africa by writing about them. Maroela Media, on the other hand, is a conservative newspaper. In short, the three newspapers are ranked on a

conservative-progressive scale with Vrye Weekblad and Maroela Media each on a different end of this scale.

The hypotheses for this research are based on the code of ethics of each newspaper group3_{. In the case of Maroela Media, the code of ethics confirms the}

conservative character of this newspaper. In this code, Maroela Media emphasizes their Afrikaans character (“’n Afrikaanse mediahuis”) and their effort to form an Afrikaans community. The expression “die Afrikaanssprekende se leefwêreld” (“the Afrikaans speaking his everyday environment”4_{) is rather vague as it is not clear}

who these Afrikaans people are and in what kind of everyday environment they live in. Maroela Media, although emphasizing identity elements which are in

literature connected with Afrikaner identity, does not use the word “Afrikaner” in its statement. The statement emphasizes values which go together with a rather conservative and exclusive position. Community values, the statement that they

3_{Code of ethics:}_{https://maroelamedia.co.za/oor-ons/}_,_{https://www.vryeweekblad.com/meer-oor-ons/}_,

https://www.netwerk24.com/Inligting/suid-afrikaanse-perskode-20181107

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17 work within a Christian framework (“Maroela Media funksioneer in ‘n Christelike

waarderaamwerk”) and a hung to nostalgia are examples of this. The text states that Maroela Media “puts a strong emphasis in the nostalgic aspect of Afrikaans language and culture and on the creative, originally and pure use of Afrikaans” (“Maroela Media het ‘n sterk focus op die nostalgiese van die Afrikaanse taal en kultuur, en op die kreatiewe, oorspronkelijke en suiwer gebruik van Afrikaans”). Especially the words “nostalgic” and “pure” point towards a conservative attitude. The code of ethics is in line with Maroela Media being a conservative newspaper. It

emphasizes some elements of Afrikaner identity such as Afrikaans, religion

(Christianity) and feelings of loss (nostalgia). Self-othering does not seem to be present in the code of ethics. I expect that a quantitative analysis will show that Maroela Media scores high on the amounts of Afrikaner identity elements

South Africa has been plagued by a lot of social problems which are a

consequence of mismanagement and corruption of the government. Vrye Weekblad states that they want to fight these social problems just as they have fought apartheid. Next to this, the values of Vrye Weekblad are very different. The statement of Vrye Weekblad5_{has a combative tone and emphasizes social-economic problems in}

South-Africa and values like non-racialism and respect for the Constitution (“Onder progressief verstaan ons verdraagsaamheid, oopheid vir nuwe idees en oortuigings, nie-rassigheid (ons definisie daarvan verskil dalk van dié van die regerende party en regse

drukgroepe), lojaliteit teenoor die grondwet (...)”).

They take a strong stance against ethnic mobilizing, either black or white. Vrye Weekblad considers itself to be progressive and defines it in detail. They do not refer to the community, to religion or “the old days” like Maroela Media does. The declaration on their website underlines the progressive character of this newspaper, for this reason, I expect that the data derived from the quantitative analysis will show a small amount of Afrikaner identity elements.

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Hypothesis 1: Maroela Media, being a conservative Afrikaans newspaper, has the

highest degree of Afrikaner identity elements.

Hypothesis 2: Vrye Weekblad, being a progressive Afrikaans magazine, has the lowest

degree of Afrikaner identity elements.

2. Methods

This study made use of quantitative content analysis to test the hypotheses. The research question questions what the differences are between newspapers when creating Afrikaner Identity. Quantitative content analysis is better placed to assess this as the aim is to discover what the differences are, qualitative content analysis is more concerned about how these differences manifest themselves (David & Sutton, 2011). In that aspect, future qualitative research about this topic might be interesting.

Unit of analysis and sampling strategy

I choose to select opinion pieces as a unit of analysis. Writers have more space in opinion pieces to write about personal topics than in other kinds of newspaper articles. This means that the probability to find reflections on Afrikaner identity in those articles might be higher than in other articles. Reader’s letters are not chosen because it is necessary that the writers of the opinion pieces, journalists or experts, endorse the (ethical) policy of the newspapers.

The aim was to arrive at around 30 opinion pieces for each newspaper, to create equal sample sizes. The time period for the sample is the whole month of May 2019. May 2019 is an interesting month as the presidential elections were held. Election times might trigger debates about various topics which are connected with identity. In addition, Vrye Weekblad was relaunched the month before (April 2019). When the number of opinion pieces was not sufficient, the articles of the last week of April were added to the sample. The choice of 30 articles is based on the availability of opinion pieces in Vrye Weekblad. The sample ended up containing 85 units (n=85), 30 from Maroela Media, 29 from Netwerk24 and 26 from Vrye Weekblad (appendix 1).

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19 The selection of opinion pieces followed several steps. Each online newspaper has a collection of opinion pieces written by journalists, but none of these newspapers use the term “opinion pieces” for these articles. The selected Afrikaans newspapers have categories with names as “stemme” (Netwerk24), “debat” (Maroela Media) and “menings&debat” (Vrye Weekblad). Within these categories, there are many different types of opinion pieces. “Aktueel” and “Kommentaar” are the selected categories for Netwerk24. Both comment on news items and both written by journalists or experts. Netwerk24’s “Aktueel” and “Kommentaar” did not have sufficient articles for May to reach approximately thirty articles. For this reason, I added the last week of April to this sample. “Nuuskommentaar”, “redakteursbrief” and “rubrieke” are the selected categories for Maroela Media. “Rubrieke” contains pieces written by freelance journalists, “Nuuskommentaar” contains daily news comments written by one journalist who works for Maroela Media. “Redakteursbrief” contains opinion pieces written by the chief editor. I counted all articles of each of these categories for May 2019. I choose to use all articles of “redakteursbrief” and “rubrieke” and add articles of the “nuuskommentaar” category to arrive at thirty articles as they were all written by one author. Vrye Weekblad works with editions and has one relevant category, “menings&debat”. The search engine of this website makes it possible to only select articles within this category. I had to count all “menings&debat” articles for each episode manually. A careful reading showed that reader’s letters and political satire were also included in this category. They were not included in the final sample.

Measurement

This described sample (n=85) is quantitatively analysed by using a codebook (appendix 2). This codebook contains multiple variables which are used to derive data. This data will be used to either confirm or disprove the formulated hypotheses. The variables in the codebook are based on the elements of Afrikaner identity which were described in the theory section of this thesis. I choose the following coding variables: Afrikaans, whiteness, collective victimhood, responsibility, self-othering/homogeneity, past and religion.

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20 The variable Afrikaans questions the use of the Afrikaans language in the different news paper’s opinion pieces. The variable whiteness contains a three questions questioning the presence of white privilege and white diaspora. The variable of collective victimhood asks whether this phenomenon is mentioned and the variable of responsibility contains questions asking whether Afrikaners are depicted as being responsible for creating positive contexts/problems. The fifth variable in the codebook, self-othering/homogeneity, contains three questions which try to understand if Afrikaners are portrayed as one homogenous group or not and what kind of moral evaluation comes with. The variable “past” is not a litteral reference to one of the Afrikaner elements of the theory section but a compilation variables which are present in the literature. They all have a connection with the past and for that reason I brought them together under this name. Questions about the presence of nostalgia and feelings of guilt and shame are combined with questions about the presence of the troublesome character of the past. Feelings of loss are not directly questioned as feelings of loss is a sentiment that goes beyond one variable. In literature, the feeling of loss runs through all Afrikaner elements. For this reason, I decided not to question the presence of the feeling of loss in one questions as all questions already are connected with this sentiment. The last variable religion questions whether religion is mentioned. Each variable has one to a maximum of three questions. The majority of the questions has a Yes(1)/ No(0) answer possibility (appendix 2).

These codes are entered in an SPSS spreadsheet. The data were coded by the author of this study. In addition, a second coder was involved. The second coder and I first tested the codebook twice with a sample of three articles, each time using another combination of articles. The gathered feedback was taken into account when a definite version of the codebook was made. After the codebook was finalized the second coder coded 20% of the 85 articles (n=18 with 6 articles from each newspaper, systematically selected).

The intercoder reliability analysis shows in what degree the two coders code the same results (appendix 3). A Krippendorff’s alpha score above 0.60 shows a high degree of intercoder reliability. Krippendorff's alpha is known to be strict on errors for skewed

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21 variables. For these variables, a larger reliability test sample would be required to properly test their reliability. I provided the percentage agreement to indicate that for most of these variables, the coders agreed on far most of the test items.

3. Results

In this section, an overview of the results derived from different statistical tests is given in the table here below. Only the results which are of interest to answer the research question and hypothesis are being discussed in this section. The interpretation of these results follows in the discussion part of this thesis.

The derived data are analysed in SPSS by using an ANOVA. If the results of the ANOVA (F(p)) are significant (p<0.05), this means that the means between the three different groups of online Afrikaans newspapers are different and that this difference is not based on coincidence. The ANOVA supports the idea that the variance is equal. When the ANOVA has a significant outcome, the Levene’s test and the Brown-Forsythe test are done as an extra check. Levene’s test has the idea that variance is not equal. If the Levene’s test is significant than it means that the ANOVA needs to be interpreted with a pinch of salt. The Brown-Forsythe test ideally has the same outcome as the ANOVA when the Levene’s test was significant. When the ANOVA has a significant result (blue rows), a post-hoc test will be carried out. The results of the posthoc test will be used to show the differences of the dependant variable between the three groups (appendix 4). The test results are presented in a table here below. The variable codenames and keywords connected to these variables are presented in the first and second column on the left. The other columns present the three Afrikaans newspaper groups. The numbers filled in for each newspaper group represent the mean and the standard deviation in brackets. A test result is considered to be significant when it is equal or below 0.05. The N-column gives an overview of the number of articles whose data was included.

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22

Overview of test results

Variable code keyword Maroela Media Netwerk24 Vrye Weekblad Levene’s test (p) ANOVA (F(p)) Brown-Forsythe N A1 Afrikaans 0.13 (0.35) 0.17 (0.38) 0.27 (0.45) 3.257 (0.044) 0.865 (0.425) 0.847 (0.433) 85 A1b Afrikaans threatened 1.00 (0.00) 0.00 (0.00) 0.20 (0.45) 4.667 (0.041) 8.156 (0.010) / 12 A1c Afrikaner 0.03 (0.183) 0.12 (0.326) 0.27 (0.452) 17.044 (0.000) 3.565 (0.033) 3.379 (0.041) 81 A1d Group 0.46 (0.508) 0.05 (0.213) 0.15 (0.366) 34.443 (0.000) 7.688 (0.001) 8.526 (0.001) 70 A1e A1c+A1d 0.4667 (0.508) 0.1538 (0.368) 0.3846 (0.496) 18.244 (0.000) 3.331 (0.041) 3.383 (0.039) 78 W1 Privileged 0.20 (0.407) 0.14 (0.351) 0.31 (0.411) 4.580 (0.013) 1.194 (0.308) 1.174 (0.315) 85 W1b Evaluation 0.50 (0.707) 0.00 (0.000) 0.00 (0.000) / 4.231 (0.47) / 13 W2 diaspora 0.03 (0.186) 0.07 (0.258) 0.12 (0.326) 2.773 (0.68) 0.665 (0.517) 0.646 (0.528) 84 CV1 Collective victimhood 0.10 (0.305) 0.21 (0.418) 0.08 (0.277) 4.918 (0.010) 1.244 (0.294) 1.259 (0.290) 83 R1 Problems 0.07 (0.254) 0.04 (0.196) 0.19 (0.402) 8.592 (0.000) 2.030 (0.138) 1.989 (0.147) 82 R2 Positive 0.00 (0.000) 0.04 (0.192) 0.00 (0.000) 4.491 (0.014) 1.038 (0.359) / 83

SO1 One group 1.00

(0.000) 0.80 (0.447) 0.71 (0.488) 7.829 (0.005) 0.913 (0.422) / 18

SO2b Multiple not present 0.00 (/) 0.00 (0.000)

/ / / 3

SO2b1 If neg not present 1.00 (/) 1.00 (0.000) / / / 3 P1 Nostalgia 0.17 (0.379) 0.00 (0.000) 0.12 (0.326) 14.002 (0.000) 2.480 (0.090) / 84

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23 P2 Future 0.00 (0.000) 0.64 (0.497) 0.42 (0.515) 61.626 (0.000) 5.320 (0.010) / 34 P3 Bad past 0.20 (0.407) 0.63 (0.500) 0.70 (0.470) 3.149 (0.050) 8.928 (0.000) 8.331 (0.01) 66 P4 Guilt/ shame 0.00 (0.000) 0.04 (0.196) 0.08 (0.272) 5.203 (0.008) 1.161 (0.316) / 82 RE1 Religion 0.27 (0.450) 0.07 (0.258) 0.15 (0.368) 9.740 (0.000) 2.143 (0.124) 2.162 (0.123) 85

Note. Light blue rows indicate a significant ANOVA test. “/” denotes that in some cases, there is no test result. This is due to either a lack of variance (Std. Deviation = 0) or when a newspaper only has missing values.

While the mentioning of the Afrikaans language does not differ between the

newspapers (variable A1) newspapers do differ in the extent to which the perceive the language as being threatened. Here Maroela Media differs from the other newspaper in evaluating the language as threatened in all the opinion pieces in which Afrikaans is discussed. Moving on to the people, not the language, the explicit mentioning of

“Afrikaner” (A1c) is present in 3% of Maroela Media’s units, 12% of Netwerk24’s articles and in 27% of Vrye Weekblad’s opinion pieces. The ANOVA shows a significant result, and the post-hoc test shows that Maroela Media differs significantly from Vrye

Weekblad and the other way around. However, the next variable (A1d) measured whether Afrikaners were indirectly portrayed or mentioned, and here it shows that Maroela Media portrays Afrikaners indirectly in its opinion pieces in 46% of the cases, Netwerk24 does that in 5% of the cases and Vrye Weekblad in 15%. The post-hoc test shows that Netwerk24 and Vrye Weekblad differ from Maroela Media. The implicit and explicit mentioning of Afrikaners is combined in A1e. The ANOVA is significant. The post-hoc test shows that Netwerk24 differs from Maroela Media and the other way around.

The variable that questions whether the future is described (P2) has a significant outcome although the sample of this variable is small (n=34) compared to the total sample of 85 units. In 64% of the articles of Netwerk24, there was a hopeful sentiment about the future compared to the 42% of Vrye Weekblad articles. There were no articles

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24 of Maroela Media describing the future as hopeful. The post-hoc test shows that

Netwerk24 differs from Maroela Media and the other way around. The past (P3) is described as a troublesome time in 70% of the pieces of Vrye Weekblad. This

percentage is close to the 63% of Netwerk24. Both percentages seem to differ greatly from the 20% of Maroela Media. The posthoc test shows that Maroela Media differs from both Netwerk24 and Vrye Weekblad. There is no difference between Vrye Weekblad and Netwerk24.

There are no significant ANOVA-results for the other variables. Nevertheless, the following variables are interesting to mention. The variables questioning

self-othering/homogeneity have a small sample (n=18, n=3) and lack outcomes of tests. Articles about guilt and shame are rare and when mentioned there is no difference between the groups. Religion is mentioned in 27% of Maroela Media’s articles, 7% of Netwerk24’s articles and 15% of Vrye Weekblad’s articles. Nostalgia is mentioned in the articles of Maroela Media (17%) and those of Vrye Weekblad (12%). The articles of Netwerk24 do not mention nostalgia.

4. Discussion & conclusion

In this section, the results are interpreted to give an answer to the research questions and to confirm or reject the hypothesis.

Research question

In literature, identity is seen as a construct (Melluci, 1995 as cited in Harris and Zegeye, 2002) which is constructed by many factors. One of these factors is the media (Harris & Zegeye, 2002). As Baderoon (2002) states, media influences the audience’s symbolic reality. In other words, questions connected with identity might be answered to by reading/viewing this media. Afrikaans written press has different ideologies which are expressed in their code of ethics. Entman’s framing theory states that the newspaper’s moral stance could have an impact on the angle of the story (Entman, 1993). Maroela Media expressed a conservative stance in its code of ethics and emphasized Afrikaner identity elements e.g. the use of Afrikaans and religion. This created the expectation that Maroela Media’s results would contain high scores on Afrikaner elements. Vrye

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25 Weekblad emphasized in its code of ethics that the newspaper is not an “Afrikaner publication” (“ [i]s geensins ’n Afrikaner-publikasie nie”6_{). This created the expectation}

that Vrye Weekblad would have the lowest degree of Afrikaner elements. In other words, I expected results which would show a lot of differences between the three groups, especially between the conservative and progressive group. This, however, was not the case. Surprisingly, the three groups generally did not differ from each other. However as the research questions to what extent Afrikaans newspapers differ when creating a post-Afrikaner identity, it is worthwhile mentioning the most important differences.

Maroela Media shies away from using the word “Afrikaner” in its opinion pieces, this word is mentioned in only 3% of the cases. Interestingly, the same newspaper refers indirectly to Afrikaners in almost half (46%) of its cases. On the other hand, Vrye Weekblad is the newspaper which has the largest amount (27%) of literal references to Afrikaners in its opinion pieces.

A possible explanation for this phenomenon is that mentioning the word “Afrikaner” does not necessarily go hand in hand with supporting a conservative ideology. The word “Afrikaner” has a negative connotation as it is often linked with the apartheid-past of South Africa. Vrye Weekblad with its anti-apartheid past might use the word

“Afrikaner” as a statement against the morals and values which are connected with this word. A possible explanation is that Maroela Media in contrary to Vrye Weekblad does not publish opinion pieces targeted against Afrikaners but might be supporting this group and its values. Supporting and addressing a group of people who are in the public eye still connected with the apartheid-past might be a reckless thing to do as the

country is still recovering from this past. Maroela Media’s opinion pieces such as reader’s letters and opinion pieces with disclaimers might be more prone to contain literal references to Afrikaners in a supportive manner. This might be a strategy of Maroela Media to profile itself as it wishes without attracting blame. As they claim not to have any control over the reader’s letters and opinion pieces with disclaimers, they can deny any accountability for its possibly provocative content. Combining the direct and

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26 indirect references to Afrikaners, Maroela Media comes forth as the one addressing Afrikaners the most.

Netwerk24 (64 %) and Maroela Media (0%) differ significantly from each other as none of the articles of Maroela Media describes the future as hopeful. Maroela Media’s articles are at the same time not very prone to describe the past as a troublesome time. They are significantly less framing the past as being troublesome (20%) compared to the articles of Vrye Weekblad (70%) and Netwerk24 (63%) which do not differ from one another. This could be explained by looking at the ideological stance of the newspapers. Conservative ideology does not match well with changing circumstances (Huntington, 1957). For conservative members of this society, the future might seem threatening. The past or certain fragments of the past might be looked at with nostalgia. Although the degree of nostalgia is not significantly higher in Maroela Media’s newspapers – which is surprising as their code of ethics emphasizes nostalgia- it is still worth mentioning that it is the highest out of three. While Maroela Media emphasizes joyful moments from the past, Vrye Weekblad might choose to emphasize the atrocities which have taken place. Netwerk24’s very positive outlook is hard to explain as this newspaper’s results are mostly centred between the two other groups or leaning towards the outcomes of Vrye Weekblad. The small sample of this variable (n=34) might influence as Netwerk24 has the biggest number of articles within this sample.

Hypotheses

Maroela Media has the same prevalence of Afrikaner elements (14) as Vrye Weekblad. For this reason, I cannot confirm any of the two hypotheses.

The rejection of these two hypotheses is connected with a remarkable lack of difference between the three groups of Afrikans written media. Although there is a lack of difference between the three groups, the prevalence of all Afrikaner elements confirm the idea that media is a factor which influences the construction of identity (Harris & Zegeye; Baderoon, 2002). However, the magnitude of this factor on the construction of Afrikaner identity is not clear. Other factors might have a greater impact on the

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Limitations

This limited number of significant findings might be a result of the size of the sample. A sample of 85 is not large enough to have a lot of significant outcomes. A larger sample with a thousand units might give another result. Some variables have an even smaller sample of units which makes it even harder to conclude even if this variable has a significant ANOVA test result. Compiling a larger sample could not be done for this thesis due to the limited time and recourses. Another factor that might have implications is the research unit selection. There are many different kinds of opinion pieces and I did not include all of them. A more differentiated chose of units might give different results. Including reader’s letters, opinion pieces containing disclaimers and the ones

specifically written about religion could be interesting.

The quality of the search engines of the Afrikaans online newspapers influences the size and quality of the sample. It was not possible to search by category and by using keywords. The presence of better search engines which allow searching more detailed might result in a more relevant sample. Although the codebook makes a good effort to question the presence of Afrikaner elements, the limited number of questions and the yes/no answer possibilities make it hard to truly understand in what way these elements are addressed.

Conclusion and future recommendations

The three online Afrikaans newspapers are not very different from each other when creating a post-apartheid Afrikaner identity. The main differences between these three groups are the use of the language Afrikaans and reflections about the past and future. These differences can be explained by a difference in ideology between the differing newspapers. If future research would use a bigger sample and a greater variety in units, this could end up in having interesting results. It might also be interesting if future

research could elaborate on the magnitude of media as a factor in the construction of identity. This future research can add to the interesting outcome of this research which confirms that the media influences the construction of identity.

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Francis, E., & Williams, G. (1993). The Land Question. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 27(3), 380-403.

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31 Wasserman, H., & Botma, G. (2008). Having it both ways: balancing market and

political interests at a South African daily newspaper. Critical Arts, 22(1), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/02560040802166193

Wasserman, H. (2009). Learning a new language: Culture, ideology and economics in Afrikaans media after apartheid. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 12(1), 61–80. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367877908098855 Final Paper Assignment Sarah Van Meel MTSS/January 2020

Wasserman, H. (2010) ‘We're not like that’: Denial of racism in the Afrikaans press in South Africa, Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research, 36:1, 20-36, DOI: 10.1080/02500160903525015

Wasserman, H, Chuma, W and Bosch, T (2018) Print media coverage of service

delivery protests in South Africa: A content analysis. African Studies, 77 (1). ISSN 0002-0184https://doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1426312

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Croucamp, P. (2020, January 31). ANC NUK se besluit oor wie oor grondhervorming mag beslis, is die regte een- vir almal. Vrye Weekblad. Retrieved from

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De Vries, F. (1994, December 17). Kritische pers in Zuid-Afrika legt het loodje. Trouw. Retrieved from https://www.trouw.nl/nieuws/kritische-pers-in-zuid-afrika-legt-het-loodje~babccc50/?referer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F

Levitt, J. (2019, February 19). Vrye Weekblad is back and armed with a power crew. Times Live. Retrieved from https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2019-02-19-vrye-weekblad-is-back-and-armed-with-a-power-crew/

Willemse, H. (2017, April 27). More than an oppressor’s language: reclaiming the hidden history of Afrikaans. The Conversation. Retrieved from

https://theconversation.com/more-than-an-oppressors-language-reclaiming-the-hidden-history-of-afrikaans-71838 Websites www.netwerk24.com https://maroelamedia.co.za/ https://www.vryeweekblad.com/ http://www.presscouncil.org.za/ContentPage?code=PRESSCODE https://www.netwerk24.com/Inligting/suid-afrikaanse-perskode-20181107

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https://maroelamedia.co.za/oor-ons/

https://www.vryeweekblad.com/meer-oor-ons/

Other

Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. New York, November 30, 1973 http://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cspca/cspca.html

World report onviolence and health:summary. Retrieved from:

https://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/world_report/en/summary_en.p df

Appendices

Appendix 1: overview of the sample Appendix 2: codebook

Appendix 3: intercoder reliability

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Appendix 1: overview of the sample

Netwerk24

Netwerk24 May May April April

Date Aktueel Kommentaar Aktueel Kommentaar

2 1 3 1 5 1 6 1 8 2 2 9 1 10 1 2 13 1 14 1 15 1 1 16 1 17 1 18 1 20 1 2 21 1 23 1 24 2 25 1 26 1 29 2 Sum 12 11 6 Total 29

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34 Date Link 24/04 N1 N2 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/solly-ons-sal-gauteng-met-volstrekte-meerderheid-vat-20190424 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/elke-stem-tel-wel-20190423 2 25/04 N3 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-hervorm-sa-se-kiesstelsel-20190425 1 26/04 N4 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-alan-winde-oor-die-da-se-geniepsigheid-20190426 1 29/04 N5 N6 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-besluit-vooraf-vir-wie-jy-wil-stem-20190426 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-draaipunt-vir-sa-by-stembus-20190426 2 2/05 N7 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-vra-die-ekonomiese-vrae-vir-partye-20190501 1 3/05 N8 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-swart-middelklas-soek-politieke-tuiste-20190503 1 7/05 N9 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-kleur-steeds-n-kwessie-in-sa-20190507 1 8/05 N10 N11 N12 N13 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-volksblad-se-20190508-88 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-en-die-burger-se-20190508-54 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-dit-bepaal-cyril-se-steun-20190508 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-wie-bied-iets-nuut-oor-onderwys-20190508 4 9/05 N14 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-en-die-burger-se-20190509-55 1

(35)

35 10/05 N15 N16 N17 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/is-wegbly-stroop-van-60-status-kiesers-se-straf-vir-anc-20190509 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-volksblad-se-20190509-90 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-en-die-burger-se-20190510-56 3 13/05 N18 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-die-burger-en-volksblad-se-20190513-235 1 14/05 N19 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-2019-is-daar-te-veel-klein-partye-in-sa-20190513 1 15/05 N20 N21 N22 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-die-burger-se-20190515-69 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-volksblad-se-20190515-91 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/faksiegevegte-korrupsie-spel-onheil-vir-anc-20190515 3 16/05 N23 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-die-burger-en-volksblad-se-20190516-237 1 17/05 N24 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-die-burger-en-volksblad-se-20190517-238 1 18/05 N25 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/die-uitslae-beteken-nie-reenboognasie-is-dood-20190517 1 20/05 N26 N27 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-volksblad-se-20190520-92 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/faktore-wat-cyril-se-nuwe-kabinet-sal-bepaal-20190517 3 21/05 N28 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Kommentaar/kommentaar-beeld-se-20190521-81 1 23/05 N29 https://www.netwerk24.com/Stemme/Aktueel/verkiesing-pasop-vir-gevaartekens-vir-n-rewolusie-20190523 1 Sum 29 Maroela Media

Date Rubrieke Nuuskommentaar redakeursbrief

1/05 1 1

(36)

36 3/05 1 1 6/05 1 1 7/05 1 8/05 1 9/05 1 1 10/05 1 12/05 1 13/05 1 14/05 1 15/05 1 16/05 1 17/05 2 1 20/05 1 21/05 1 22/05 1 1 23/05 1 1 24/05 1 1 27/05 2 1 28/05 1 29/05 1 30/05 1 31/05 2 1 Sum 17 19 2 Total 38 Date Link 1 31/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/tegnologie/motors/verbruikersake-die-lesse-uit-motorklagtes/ 2 31/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/die-watergrafte-van-scapa-flow/ 3 30/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/stiltetyd/ons-hemelse-troos-oor-ons-koning/ 4 28/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/rubrieke/ryloop/ 5 27/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/rubrieke/chris-chameleon-die-eerste-boereverenigingvergadering/ 6 22/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/rubrieke/die-jerseybul/ 7 17/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/vertellinge-van-vietnam/ 8 17/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/ouerskap/diabetesverwante-afknouery-is-hierdie-kinders-dalk-boelies-se-teikens/ 9 14/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/rubrieke/kerel-mense/ 10 9/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/ouerskap/boepie-blues-die-verskil-tussen-kommentaar-en-kommin-taar/

(37)

37 11 7/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/rubrieke/oom-herrie-se-kerrie-dis-verkiesing/ 12 3/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/goeiegoed/op-soek-na-die-legendariese-don-robin/ 13 31/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/debat/meningsvormers/redakteursbrief-dink-aan-die-eend/ 14 1/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-teleurstellings-en-bloopers-van-verkiesingsveldtog/ 15 2/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-by-wie-staan-ons-die-caster%e2%80%91-en-steve-gevallestudies/ 16 3/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-internasionale-persvryheidsdag/ 17 6/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-stembusse-open/ 18 7/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-is-vry-en-regverdig-moontlik-in-die-era-van-die-post-waarheid/ 19 8/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-gaan-die-reen-stemme-wegspoel-en-is-stembrief-agterop-gestempel/ 20 9/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-is-ons-verkiesing-gesteel-of-is-die-vraag-alarmisties/ 21 10/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar- is-ander-demokratiese-opsies-as-stemreg-in-verkiesing-ook-ingespan/ 22 12/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-die-stempatrone-bekyk/ 23 13/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-het-russiese-trolle-vir-ramaphosa-kom-help/ 24 15/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-die-maan-in-die-nuus/ 25 16/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-teen-aborsie-wetgewing-hier-kom-die-alabama/ 26 17/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-maak-dood-die-aarde/ 27 20/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-minderheidsregte-word-aktueel-in-sa/ 28 21/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-zuma-se-dag-in-die-hof-of-al-weer-nie/ 29 22/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-minderheidsregte-in-perspektief/ 30 23/5 https://maroelamedia.co.za/nuus/nuuskommentaar/nuuskommentaar-baie-werk-vir-tiffie-ramaphosa/

(38)

38 Vrye Weekblad Date Link V1 1 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-belangrikste-vlag-stryd-wag-buite-die-howe/ V14 2 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-ontken-die-gif-en-mad-max-wag-op-ons/ V2 3 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-02-n-eeu-van-dieselfde-rasdeuntjie/ V15 4 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-afrikaans-is-groter-as-afrikaans-is-groot/ V3 5 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-wil-jy-reis-dan-moet-jy-s-lyk/ V16 6 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-tussen-anargie-en-enorme-potensiaal/ V4 7 3/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-03-die-haatsmouse-van-populisme/ V17 8 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-di-land-kan-julle-maar-hou/ V5 9 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-ons-soek-nie-n-salomo-nie-cyril-ons-soek-n-moses/ V18 10 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-die-verhaal-van- twee-molefes-en-die-ongebreidelde-plundering-van-die-staat/ V6 11 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-ons-kort-bevoegdheid-n-n-gewete/ V19 12 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-die-pastoor-is-spuls-en-daars-n-tswana-op-my-etenstafel/ V7 13 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-as-ons-nie-mekaar-kan-wees-nie-is-ons-verlore/ V20 14 10/5 https://www.vryeweekblad.com/menings- en-debat/2019-05-10-die-geskiedenis-gaan-jou-oordeel-sebastian-coe/

The construction of Afrikaner identity post-apartheid by Afrikaans online newspapers