Power, privilege and the desire to 'help' : volunteer tourism by students based in the Netherlands

University of Amsterdam MSc International Development Studies

Power, Privilege And the Desire To ‘Help’:

Volunteer Tourism by Students based in The

Netherlands

(Barbie Savior, 2017)

Masters Thesis: Safiya Bashir

11617845

26

th

_{June 2018}

safiya.04@live.co.uk

Supervisor: Dr. Esther Miedema

Second Reader: Dr. Jacobijn Olthoff

Dedication

I would like to dedicate this work to the participants who took the time to share experiences and stories for my research. Without their input, this research would not have been possible. For this reason, I hope this study can effectively share an insight into the volunteer tourism industry and the adjustments that are suggested.

Acknowledgements

I would first like to thank Dr. Esther Miedema for her support and guidance during the fieldwork and writing period of this thesis. Her insight throughout every stage was valuable and highly appreciated. Secondly, I would like to thank Eloise Moench for always being on the same page.

Abstract

Known as an alternative form of tourism, the volunteer tourism market has rapidly developed in recent decades and offers a range of placements for individuals in the Global North. Despite critics in the media questioning the relationship between volunteer tourists and the local communities, academia has largely positioned volunteer tourism as a sustainable substitute to mass-package tourism that offers authentic experiences of different cultures and communities. Through the use of semi-structured interviews and discourse analysis, this paper critically explores the various motivations and intentions held by students based at the University of Amsterdam who are planning on taking part on volunteer tourism projects and with those who have already returned from such trips. By considering the use of language of interviewees and discourses released by the volunteer tourist organizations used, the findings of this study suggest an emphasis on personal rather than local development and a construction of unequal power relations between participants and locals. In addition, the analysis of data found a stark comparison of the notion of volunteer tourism between students who have returned from volunteer tourism trips compared to those who have not gone. This paper views volunteer tourism as projects that primarily aim to serve participants, whilst risking neo-colonial relations between the Global North and Global South.

Key words: volunteer tourism; neo-colonialism; motivation; voluntourism; Netherlands

Table of Contents

Dedication Acknowledgements Abstract Table of Contents 1.) Introduction 1.1) Contextualizing volunteer tourism 1.2) Research gaps & problem statement 1.3) Outline of thesis 2.) Theoretical Framework 2.2) Neo-colonialism 2.21) Privilege and the white savior complex 2.3) Concept of power 2.3) Motivations and intentions 2.4) Conceptual scheme 2.5) Conclusion 3.) Research Framework 3.1) Research questions 3.2) Research location 3.3) Unit of analysis and sampling method 3.4) Epistemological stance 3.5) Data collection methods 3.6) Data analysis 3.7) Validity and reliability 3.8) Ethical considerations, positionality and limitations 3.9) Conclusion

4.) “I thought it would be a bit of an adventure” – Motivations, intentions nnnand organizations 4.1) Motivations and intentions 4.2) Organizations 4.3) Conclusion 5.) “It’s important to give back” – power, privilege and the ‘other’. 5.1) Positions of power 5.2) Reflections of volunteer tourism 5.3) Conclusion 6.) Discussion and conclusion 6.1) Answer to main research question 6.2) Discussion 6.3) Revised conceptual scheme 6.4) Policy and practice recommendations 6.5) Research agenda 6.6) Conclusion 7.) Bibliography 8.) Appendices

1 – Introduction

1.1 Contextualizing volunteer tourism Wearing (2001 p. 1) defines volunteer tourism as “tourists who, for various reasons volunteer in an organised way to undertake holidays that might involve aiding or alleviating the material poverty of some groups in society, the restoration of certain environments or research into aspects of society or environment”. The proliferation of volunteer tourism dates back to the 1990s and is often linked to the rise of neoliberalism (McGloin & Georgeou, 2016) where cultures are increasingly constructed as an economic practice that can be consumed (Mostafanezhad, 2016). Despite the recent dramatic growth of volunteer tourism in terms of participants and number of programs offered (Kontogeorgopoulos, 2017), the academic research within the field remains somewhat limited (Luh Sin, 2009) and most of the existing studies have been fragmented (Proyrungroj, 2017). Tourism Research And Marketing has estimated there are approximately 1.6 million volunteer tourists travelling every year and the market in 2006 Western Europe was valued at US$150 million and will continue to grow (TRAM, 2008). With much of the literature linking volunteer tourism to ‘responsible’ and ‘sustainable’ tourism, which is seen to minimize “negative impacts and generates economic benefits for local people,” (Carter, 2008 p. 11), there has been less critique within the academic sphere. This is unlike the growing concerns that are increasingly voiced in mainstream media such as The Guardian newspaper, which has printed several articles questioning the “unregulated” volunteer tourist industry (see Purvis & Kennedy, 2016; Jenkin, 2015). Despite the “volunteer tourism rush” that has been seen since the 1990s (Callanan & Thomas, 2005 p. 183), most of the existing literature notes that the concept is highly under theorized (Butcher & Smith, 2010). Volunteer tourism is often considered a development strategy that leads to sustainable development (Wearing, 2001) with many positive impacts such as a better understanding between cultures (see Broad 2003; Brown & Morrison, 2003), which in turn can

lead to an increased awareness of global issues and inequalities (Ooi & Laing, 2010). In recent years, the proliferation in volunteer tourism projects has been associated with the post-Fordist shift, where tourists based in the global North now hope for something beyond a mass-tourism package and instead hope for an experience that goes beyond “superficial” interactions with local communities (Broad, 2003 p. 63). The shift in tourism now emphasizes a focus and hope for a more intimate, interactive, individualized and more meaningful relationship (Mostafanezhad, 2016 p. 2). Volunteer tourism has often been linked to sustainable development (see Coghlan, 2007; Ellis et al, 2007; Lyons & Wearing, 2008), which is considered a valuable alternative to mass tourism where a mutually beneficial relationship is created between volunteers from the Global North and the host communities in the Global South (Clemmons, 2010). For example, Ooi and Laing’s research state that the positive impacts of volunteer tourism and backpacking “cannot be ignored” due to contributions for local goods and services combined with the “lighter footprint on the environment than their more consumptive mass tourist counterparts” (Ooi & Laing, 2010 p. 192). Whilst research describes how volunteer tourism can lead to an exchange of skills, knowledge and experience (Devereux, 2008), many authors often do not consider the potential for negative impacts that volunteer tourism projects can have in regards to the development of local communities. For example, Lewis discusses the impacts of volunteer tourism and the importance of bridging the gap “between the professionalized world of development experts and organizations and the ‘non-specialized publics’ who engage with the ideas and practices of development” (2006 p.3). Lewis explores the tangible contributions to development that international volunteering has, yet fails to consider the more damaging impacts that led to the international development charity; Voluntary Service Overseas organization (VSO) to become increasingly critical of volunteer tourism over recent years and warn against it as a form of travel despite formally promoting it as an important form of development. If volunteer tourism does not have always-positive impacts for development, why is such an expansive field? There is an emergence of literature questioning the surge in

volunteer tourism and whether participants are partaking for altruistic developmental reasons or intentions are based around the ‘self’ (Luh Sin, 2009). Amid this decade’s ‘proliferation’ of volunteer tourism (McGloin & Georgeou, 2016) among everyday tourists, organizations such as ‘Norwegian Students’ and Academics’ International Assistance Fund’ (see Chandler, 2010) as well as high profile charitable organizations have begun to question the role of this ‘responsible tourism’ (see Oppenheim, 2016). Celebrity-branded campaigns by organizations such as Comic Relief are starting to be branded as ‘poverty porn’ (McVeigh, 2007), which are reinforcing white savior stereotypes and creating an artificial distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Volunteer tourism ‘gap year’ projects still have largely positive connotations in the global North, with many educational institutions encouraging such trips to benefit both volunteers and host participants (Carter, 2008). Coming into recent criticism by the media, volunteer tourism is a huge industry where it seems consequences for development still remains debated and conflicted. From a personal perspective, the research topic has been of particular interest to me. Having come from a background where volunteer tourism was considered a norm for students and decorated as a truly beneficial pastime for students and host communities alike, it was only when engaging with a more critical discourse that I began to question the consequences of short-term voluntary work abroad. To delve deeper into the relatively under-theorized matter, I felt volunteer tourism was a truly important and interesting issue to explore for this thesis. 1.2 Research gaps and problem statement Considering the existing literature on volunteer tourism, it has become increasingly clear that there is a gap between how volunteer tourism is perceived in academia and the growing perception and critique in mainstream media, which has raised concerns of the “unregulated industry” (see Purvis & Kennedy, 2016). Despite the dramatic growth in volunteer tourism programs, research remains under theorized and many existing studies maintain that it is a

form of sustainable tourism that allows an authentic and equal experience between tourists and locals. In contrast, recent media critiques have called volunteer tourism out for being a new form of colonialism with unequal power relations that constructs a binary ‘us’ and ‘them’ dialogue (Stewart, 2014). There is a stark difference in the conceptualization of volunteer tourism between academia and media, where academia often heralds equal benefits for tourists and host communities yet media warns of the issues linked to “untrained young people” working with local communities (Purvis & Kennedy, 2016). Due to the different views of power relations, the power relationships between volunteer tourists and local communities need to be re-examined in research due to the relevance and popularity of this burgeoning industry among individuals in the Global North and the impacts projects may have for volunteers and the local Global South communities they are working with. How volunteer tourists position themselves in relation to the communities they plan to work with was not considered in the considered literature, which often assumed an altruistic desire to ‘help’ with positive and sustainable consequences for development in the Global South. An exploration of the motives and intentions driving individuals in the Global North to carry out volunteer tourism and how this relates to notions of power and privilege remains underexplored yet is an important factor to determine the nature of volunteer tourism and the risks of a neo-colonial factors. In the light of the above-mentioned gaps, my research therefore engages with the following research question: How do Amsterdam-based students who are going on and returning from ‘gap year’ projects understand the idea of volunteer tourism and how to does this relate to the discourse offered by volunteer tourist organizations?

1.3 Outline of thesis This thesis is divided into five chapters, the first of which introduced volunteer tourism as a subject of research and the relevance of the research. The second chapter will take a closer look at the theoretical framework of concepts used throughout this study including: neo-colonialism, power, and motivations and intentions. The following chapter will set out the research framework used in the field as well as the research questions that this thesis will hope to answer. The empirical chapters focus on the data collected in the field, exploring participant interviews and discourse analysis. In the final chapter, the main research question will be answered by bringing together the findings with existing theory and literature. Future avenues for research and recommendations will also be suggested.

2 - Theoretical Framework

The following chapter presents the theoretical structure of this research. The first section will introduce the notion of neo-colonialism, which is the overarching concept and lens used to approach this study. The second section of the chapter discusses the notion of power. This part considers the different kinds of power dynamics between various actors in the Global North and Global South, whilst also delving into the notion of privilege and the ‘white savior’ complex. Thirdly, this chapter will consider existing research and theory on motivations and intentions, with a particular focus on voluntary work and the various push and pull factors involved. 2.1 – Neo-colonialism The term ‘neo-colonialism’ was first defined by Ghana’s former President, Kwama Nkumrah, who referred to the perpetuation of a country’s cultural and economic control over their previously colonized states, despite an official withdrawal of political control (Fox, 2016). Emerging as an academic theory in 1965, neo-colonialism is a broad and contested notion that, according to Nkrumah (1965) represents the final and ‘most dangerous’ stage of imperialism. Despite its prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, neo-colonial theory still holds a prominent place in academia today and is considered a vehicle to recognize the continued influence of colonialism within the period that has been designated as after the colonial (McClintock, 1992; Nash, 2002). Here I will focus on research carried out with a focus on neo-colonial theory to consider the recurring themes that emerge from the literature and what might be missing from the knowledge considered. Whilst neo-colonialism is a popular topic within academic literature and is a theoretical concept used in this research, scholars such as McClintock (1992) find the term problematic. She argues that viewing knowledge through a neo-colonial lens assumes society has reached a truly post-colonial era. In her article ‘The Angel of Progress: Pit-falls of the term ‘colonialism’’, McClintock highlights

issues with the term ‘colonialism’, viewing it as Eurocentric and ignoring current examples of colonialism beyond the empire. For example, McClintock believes that there is “nothing ‘post’-colonial about the Palestinian inhabitants of the Israeli occupied territories and west bank” (p. 87). She describes the term to be ‘prematurely celebratory’ (1992 p. 87) in a world where ‘revamped’ economic imperialism remains rife and the former colonial powers have become richer whilst their ex-colonies have become poorer. McClintock’s problematization of the term ‘post-colonial’ highlights the importance of conducting research using a neo-colonial lens, which provides a valuable tool for a critical undoing of geographical knowledge, particularly in order to question inequalities, power and privilege. According to Nkrumah (1965), neo-colonialism is extremely dangerous and needs to be recognized due to its ability to generate power without responsibility. That is, due to states being independent in theory but still having their economic system and political policy directed by external actors, neo-colonialism can be very difficult to identify and challenge due to its subtle forms in developmental discourse. Jefferess (2002) examines Canada’s World Vision fundraising program to deconstruct forms of neo-colonialism used in its development campaigns and the implications this can have. Using images of mal-nourished and passive women and children as the center of their campaigns, the mass media and development agencies are guilty of producing an us/them relationship in which those in donor countries aid the desperate people in the ‘project’ countries. Jeffereys (2002) explains how such representations of people in the ‘Third World’ are dependent on discourses of neo-colonialism and have widespread implications, where a binary of privilege and poverty is constructed in which the only possible relationship between the self and other is through aid and a desire to help. Jefferey’s (2002) view is a similar view to that expressed by Mohanty (1998), who is critical of western discourse representing women in the global South as a homogenous group who are ‘implicit victims’ (1988, p. 338) of particular cultural and socio-economic systems.

The binary and neo-colonial representation of the global South has led to repercussions within countries where racism and poverty has been commodified (Munt, 1994). A strand of literature explores neo-colonialism within the context of tourism, in which tourism is seen to represent a hedonistic face of neocolonialism (Crick, 1989). Munt argues that service jobs are seen to “blur the lines between service and servitude” (1994, p. 54), reflecting colonial patterns and histories between actors from the global North and South. Contemporary travel writing is often seen to relish in colonial nostalgia (Tickell, 2001) and uses images that reinforce their audiences’ engrained perceptions of local communities as a juxtaposed ‘other’ (Echtner & Prasad, 2003). Work of authors such as Tickell (2001) and Echtner & Prasad (2003) highlights the relevance of neo-colonial discourse and the implications it can have in contemporary travel. However it is often assumed that all travel is unsustainable and reflects colonial histories. It has been argued by scholars including Westerhausen & Macbeth (2003) and Kontogeorgopoulos (2003) that backpacking allows a form of socially responsible and sustainable tourism and offers an alternative to resort-style development. However, Sobocinska (2014) argues that as a form of travel, backpacking is still very much tied to colonial legacies. Sobocinska (2014) argues that the subculture of backpacking was developed and influenced around an orientalist discourse and modeled on colonial modes of exploration. Contemporary tourism and backpacking culture use this concept of ‘otherness’ to drive today’s tourism industry (Hall & Tucker, 2004) and the many inequalities seen between locals and tourists reflect colonial patterns where “to be a European in the Orient always involves being a consciousness set apart from, and unequal with, its surroundings” (Said, 1993 p. 157). The neo-colonial nature of travel has also been examined in literature through exploring the unequal mobility between different social groups. Sartre (2001) explores how the travel of privileged social groups from the Global North to the Global South is relatively simple due to factors including straightforward visa applications and favorable currency exchange rates, which have been constructed through historical colonial practices. In contrast, the mobility for

groups travelling from the Global South to the Global North is a much more difficult process due to strict visa regulations and expensive currency exchange rates. Smith labels backpacker hotspots in the Global South as ‘post-colonial playgrounds’ (2016 p. 1), where subjects in the formally colonized world are often othered and dehumanized. This binary and generalized relationship emerged, for example, in interviews carried out by Maoz (2007) with Israeli backpackers in India. Interviewees described Indian locals as “extreme, opposite… nothing Western” (p. 130), suggesting Orientalist overtones. The environment in which these tourism interactions are carried out mean that it is often difficult for locals to exotisize in return, “masking the inequality of power relations” (Huggan, 2002, p. 14). The neo-colonial nature of backpacking has been supported and discredited by various researchers, however there is a lack of similar research on backpackers partaking in volunteer tourism. Whilst these individuals might identify as backpackers, their added intention to support development in the Global South adds an extra dimension, which should be explored. Said’s work remains particularly relevant to theory and research today, with the contemporary representations of other societies, culture and histories continuing to raise questions of the relationship between power and knowledge (Said, 1985, 1997). In Covering Islam, Said (1997) explores how the US media presents the Islamic World and how this influences the American government’s responses to geopolitical issues in the Middle East. He argues that the US views the Islamic world through a colonial lens that was shaped through the colonial political ambitions of European powers. As Khan notes when reflecting on Said’s theories, this colonial lens has influenced and shaped popular American views of Middle Eastern countries, which have been “lumped together under the banner of Islam” (2004 p. 3). Said (1997) explains the importance and consequential nature of how we view and construct the nature of other societies and the varying implications that the problematic representations can have for international relations and development. The representations of the Global South are an important factor when considering the nature of volunteer tourism,

where discourses released by organizations offering volunteer tourism projects may construct a problematic perception of communities in the Global South. To conclude the discussion of literature focusing on neo-colonialism, it has become clear that various actors, including the contemporary mass media and development agencies, can implicitly draw on neo-colonial discourses for intended consequences. For example, tourism agencies have been seen to use colonial discourse in order to generate tourism, whilst non-governmental organizations often use colonial imagery in order to garner support and donations for issues of global poverty (see Fox, 2016; Jefferess, 2002). Whilst the colonial representations can create problematic ‘us/them’ relationships, it could also be necessary to spark action and initiate change from those in the Global North, who otherwise remain disconnected from the real issues occurring in the Global South. Could framing the Global South as ‘needy’ and ‘passive’ (Jefferess, 2002 p. 3) be beneficial to these communities if it leads to action from the global North in the form or campaigns, aid or volunteering? 2.2 - Concept of Power Power is a concept that has been theorized by many influential thinkers (see, for example, Foucault, 1978, 1991; Lukes, 1974). According to Foucault, “power is everywhere”, diffused and embodied in discourse, knowledge and “regimes of truth” (1991 p. 63). Foucault is one of the most influential thinkers in western intellectual tradition on power. Foucault argued that society must challenge what is seen as mainstream conceptualization of power as “a certain strength” with which people are endowed (1978 p. 93). He considered power to be a fluid concept, where the “mobile field of force relations” are never stable (Foucault, 1978 p. 102). Power is not a notion to be ignored in research, due to its presence “between every point of social body, between a man and woman, between members of the family, between a master and pupil” (Foucault, 1980 p. 187). Whilst Foucault’s conceptualization of power remains influential in today’s research, Lukes (1986) takes a different approach. Unlike Foucault, Lukes does not see all social relationships in the same relativistic light. Lukes (1986)

distinguishes between those who dominate knowingly and those who dominate without realizing they do so, whilst also emphasizing the importance of acknowledging those who are subject to domination acquiesce in that domination. With Luke’s theory in mind, it is important to acknowledge that whilst as Foucault states, “power is everywhere” (1991 p.63), it is also a varied and complex phenomenon that shifts in form according to different perspectives (see also; Gaventa, 2003). Cheong & Miller (2000) consider Foucault’s conceptualization of power in relation to the concept of tourism. Whilst most literature perceives power relationships between ‘first world’ tourists and ‘third world’ locals to be colonial and imperialistic, Cheong & Miller (2000) use Foucault’s fluid conceptualization of power to argue that power relations in tourism are dynamic and constantly changing. Through a focus on tourism, the authors challenge the mainstream view that locals exert the least amount of control over what happens in touristic spaces and consider the constrained movement of tourists, who are in unfamiliar territories with linguistic disadvantages and in areas where their cultures lose supremacy. Locals can behave as agents in power relations by either galvanizing resistance or endorsing tourism. Chan (2006) also examines the negotiated power relations between tourists and hosts in Asia. Through her research, Chan (2006) found that Chinese tourists in Vietnam suffered from what she defines as a negative ‘tourist gaze’ from host communities, implying an imbalance in power relations between the gaze and the objects of the gaze. These subtleties in power dynamics emphasize the complexities of the concept, where power is a complex concept that can overlap depending on the varying actors and context. Cheong & Miller’s (2000) research challenges traditional views of the tourist-host relationship, which is often viewed as colonial (Hall & Tucker, 2004). They did not, however, acknowledge different forms of tourism, which can have varying implications for power between actors. Power relations between mass, package tourism are likely to be very different from alternative, small-scale forms of travel such as backpacking or volunteer tourism, where tourists often distinguish themselves from ‘mainstream’ tourists due to their efforts to integrate and become part of the local community.

Power is not only exercised through different actors but also through discourse, which is as Foucault argues one of the “systems” through which power circulates (1978). Hall (2006) considers how power is exercised through discourse that portrays ‘the West’ and ‘the Rest’. Hall argues that anyone deploying a discourse must consciously position himself or herself as if they were the subjects of the discourse. For example, whilst an audience may not believe in the superiority of the West, they may find themselves speaking from a position that holds the West as a superior civilization if they are to consume the discourse portraying “the West and the Rest” (Hall, 2006). The knowledge that is produced through discourse constitutes power exercised over those who are “known”, who will be subjected to power. This form of power is explored in Edward Said’s ‘Culture and Imperialism’ (1993), where he reflects on discourses where colonized communities are portrayed as inferior and in need of being managed and dominated. As Kowalewski (1992) argues, in contemporary discourse of ‘the West’ and ‘the Rest’, imperialist attitudes are seen to have lingered and are often seen today in the form of neo-colonialism, reinforcing power relations between the Global North and Global South. When considering different travel discourses, Echtner & Prasad explore how contemporary travel writing relishes in colonial nostalgia and reinforces imperial perceptions (2003). Contemporary comparisons are not entirely explicit in their colonial representations and Sobocinska (2014) argues that whilst today’s image of the East may have been shifted to view chaos and irrationality through a positive rather than negative lens; the West still often views the East through binary oppositions, reproducing and reinforcing unequal power relations. 2.21 - Privilege and the white savior complex When conceptualizing power and volunteer tourism, an important theme that emerges is the notion of privilege. Leonardo (2004) discusses the concept of white privilege and explores the unearned advantage that white people often have in many circumstances. Leonardo concludes that domination is a relation of power that subjects enter into, which is forged through historical processes.

Privilege shapes key experiences of people’s lives, however, according to Brah & Phoenix many “middle class white liberals” (2004 p. 81) deny and ignore their privilege and strive to maintain privilege for their children. Leonardo (2004) and Brah & Phoenix (2004) conclude that privilege is something that is widely ignored by those who have access to it, and only identified by those who lack it. Luh Sin’s (2009) research on volunteer tourism challenges the notion that individuals who have privilege tend to be unaware of it. Interviewees’ acknowledgement of privilege was found through interviews where students expressed awareness of their privilege and felt it was the basis for why they should help those “less fortunate” (Luh Sin, 2009 p.496). This possible paradox is an important aspect for my research to identify how and if the concept privilege affects motivations and intentions for carrying out volunteer tourism. In terms of power and privilege, an emerging strand of literature regarding the rhetoric of the white savior complex was both relevant and important for this research. The importance of this white savior concept that is often experienced by individuals in the Global North is developing within existing research as researchers ask if development is simply a new form of colonialism, which propagates unequal power relations (Brown & Hall, 2008). The rhetoric of the white savior complex first arose in 2012 when the coin was termed by Teju Cole (2012). According to Bell (2013), the prominence of the white savior has long been a vehicle in Hollywood cinema where white characters perform roles as heroes who save the day against dark and ominous adversaries. Bell (2013) goes onto explain how the white savior has gone beyond fictional characters and is increasingly visible with celebrities performing real-life hero roles as philanthropists who are constructed as a savior of distant ‘Others’. Such celebrities tend to follow the colonial tradition of speaking on behalf of the generalized Global South, where communities and individuals do not have a ‘self’ and are often represented or spoken for by others (Ogundipie-Leslie, 2001: 135). Many development strategies today have been criticized for being an intrusive endeavor (Biccum, 2011) where Frye (1992) describes whiteness as an

assumption on the part of many Northern white individuals of having the knowledge and obligation to help those in the Global South. As Bell (2013) explains, this concept of the white savior complex has been popular throughout film and celebrity culture within the Global North. Both Anson and Pfeifer (2013) consider the notions of power, privilege and the white savior complex in a humanitarian context. Their research was critical of western NGOs working on the African continent and considered how charitable organizations such as The Red Cross garner our attention to get donations through connecting feelings of sympathy with feelings of pleasure evoked in the viewing of images of the suffering. This discourse links humanitarian work with the expectations of self-discovery and has more emphasis on “the experience of the donator than it is about the one who is to be the recipient of help” (I’Anson & Pfeifer, 2012 p. 54). The considered literature explored the connotations of the white savior complex within humanitarian aid and there was no particular focus on volunteer tourism. Therefore, it is still important and relevant to see whether the notion of white savior exists within volunteer tourism and volunteer tourists from the Global North. 2.3 - Motivations Motivation remains a broad theoretical concept, with a wide variety of research surrounding the notion. Historically, motivation research can be dated back to Freud’s work on instinct (see Freud, 1924), where Freud proposed that our motivations lay in our unconscious minds and are kept from our consciousness by a repressive force (1924). Literature on this theoretical concept ranges from research on entrepreneurs and intentions for future business (see Carsrud & Brannback, 2011), to the motivations and intentions of individuals carrying out volunteer work (see Stukas et al, 2016). The literature surrounding motivations behind voluntary work is extensive and has led to a variety of theoretical models in the past 20 years (Carpenter & Myers, 2010). However, there are remaining contradictions, including whether it is based on altruist or selfish factors (MacLean & Hamm,

2007). Still today, the idea that an individual would make a significant personal sacrifice for another person, particularly when that person might be a stranger has fascinated researchers of social behavior (Clary et al, 1998). Available literature concludes through quantitative research that motives to volunteer range from altruism to more self-orientated motivations, a notion explored by Carpenter and Myers (2010). Carpenter & Myers find that the motivations of volunteer firefighters positively correlates with altruism as well as the social concern for reputation and ‘image’ (2010). Stukas (et al, 2016) used their research to explore the relationship between motivations to voluntary work and commitment to volunteering projects. Using quantitative data they concluded that people who volunteered with egoistic motives, such as personal development and enhancement, were likely to volunteer for longer. People who volunteer with altruistic motives, including their values and community concerns, volunteered for shorter because without benefits for the self, volunteers may find it difficult to sustain work over longer period of time. Stukas (et al, 2016) concluded in a similar vein to Batson (et al, 1981), who argued that there is a long-standing debate in social psychology as to whether helping is primarily altruistic or egoistic. Whilst a number of studies suggest that altruistic motivations are the primary factors for voluntary work (Veludo, Pallister & Foxall, 2015), Unger (1991) also holds importance to the investment where voluntary work enhances an individual’s labor market value and therefore enhances wealth. Through the quantitative research carried out in the majority of the literature considered, results showed a split in the various motivations held by the studies’ volunteers. The considered research carried out all had a quantitative and somewhat restrictive approach, boxing up different motivations held by different participants. As a concept that is extremely complex and multilayered, it would perhaps be more suitable to have a more holistic and qualitative approach to research, which considers the multilayered and complex nature of motives. Carsrud & Brannback (2011) divide motivational theories into drive theories and incentive theories. The former focuses on internal stimuli to push actors, whilst the latter emphasize a motivational pull where there is an end

point in the form of a goal. Carsrud & Brannback continue in their research on incentive theories, where goals are seen to activate individuals due to their directive and energizing nature (2011). Goals are found to be a key factor in motivational research and are the spark between a dormant intention and real action. This focus on goals with motivations and intentions remains under researched. However, research by Murphy considers motivations associated with travel and the links they have to the goal of a specific self-image (Murphy et al, 2008). According to Schmitt & Simonson, contemporary consumers make decisions based on whether or not different products fit their lifestyle or represents exciting new concept or a desirable new experience (1997). This lifestyle and image approach to travel and experiences is conceptualized by Pine & Gilmore as the ‘experience economy’ (1999). Motivations by travellers are therefore based upon goals of achieving a desired self-image, a concept also explored by Maoz who carries our participant observation and interviews with Israeli backpackers in India who desire to construct a new temporary identity through travel (2007). Global South tourist destinations are seen to be places where transformation of self can be performed and narrated, with tourists hoping to become more courageous, relaxed and independent throughout their travels (see Desforges, 2007; Cohen, 2004). Maoz’s (2007) research on Israelis in India found that the backpackers had a real lack of objectives where the main intention of travelling was consuming drugs and relaxing. This ‘experience economy’ exploring the motivations of Israeli backpackers is very different to the motivations expected from volunteer tourists, who are expected to have more productive goals during their travels. The motivations and intentions behind volunteer tourism, however, remains under-researched where there is a lack of literature on how these motivations and intentions of volunteers may be harmful for host communities and the development aspect of the projects. The range of motivations held by actors - whether this be volunteers, tourists or entrepreneurs, is an important concept for managers within virtually any organization (Fisher & Ackerman, 1998). Organizations must tailor their recruitment messages to entice actors depending on these different motives and intentions. This tailoring was studied by Simpson who argues that the volunteer

tourism industry offers a simplistic understanding of development “where enthusiasm and good intentions are allowed to prevail” (2004 p. 683). Through discourse analysis of organizations offering volunteer tourism, Simpson finds that the language is focused on good intentions, as opposed to volunteers’ actual objectives (2004). The emphasis on the tourists and positive intent appears to portray development as something that can be ‘done’ by non-skilled and enthusiastic volunteer tourists, emphasizing the importance of motivations and how managers within organizations may capitalize on this concept to benefit from an increase of volunteers. The techniques used by organizations to attract volunteers is further explored by Frilund (2015), who looks at how non-governmental organizations use various techniques to increase the volume of volunteer tourists who are seen as a useful resource and free workforce. The remainder of the research carried out on different motives held by actors is extensive, yet seems to have a focus on quantitative methodologies. Research leads to binary conclusions where motivations and intentions between actors are considered binary, with distinctions between egoistic and altruistic. I believe a more holistic approach to research is necessary in order to acknowledge the multidimensional and complex aspects of the concept and address the themes of power and motivations held by individuals carrying out volunteer tourism in the Global South. As discussed previously in the chapter, the motivations and intentions behind volunteer tourism also remains under-researched, where there is a lack of literature on how these motivations and intentions of volunteers may be harmful for host communities and the development aspect of the projects.

2.4 – Conceptual scheme In the conceptual scheme presented above, a bi-directional arrow connects the notions of white savior complex and privilege. The white savior complex and notion of privilege are two important components when exploring the theoretical concept of power. For the research I am carrying out, it is understood that both feed into each other and influence participants taking part in volunteer tourism. In turn, the sense of privilege and white savior complex will influence the egoistic motivations of volunteer tourists going into volunteer tourist projects. For example, when discussing the theory of power, it was suggested through literature that the prominence of the white savior complex in cinema and celebrity culture has the potential to influence individuals in the Global North who are then motivated to represent and ‘help’ people in the Global South (Frye, 1992). The motivations of volunteer tourists to help communities in the Global South leads onto the experience on volunteer tourism, which is shaped by the previous factors. All of the factors discussed above are within the overarching theme: neo-colonial conceptions of the Global South. Having carried out the theoretical framework for the main concepts at hand, the neo-colonial conceptions of the Global South White savior complex Privilege

Motivations Experience of _{volunteer tourism}

Neo-colonial conceptions of the Global South Neo-colonial conceptions of the Global South

held by populations in the Global North appear to have widespread consequences and implications. 2.5 – Conclusion Based on the theoretical discussion it appears that while there is extensive research surrounding the key concepts, they were relatively under-theorized in regards to volunteer tourism. Research surrounding volunteer tourism remains comparatively limited, particularly that which applies a lens reflecting on the various power relations at hand. Existing literature shows that power is a dynamic and complex concept that exists within mainstream tourism and ‘alternative’ backpacking and can often be problematic. However, it is not clear if the same issues and concerns regarding power, motivations and neo-colonialism can be applied to volunteer tourism, which is often linked to ‘responsible tourism’, that aims to minimize “negative impacts and generates economic benefits for local people,” (Carter, 2008). The next chapter presents the methodology that was deployed during the research in the field.

3.0 Research Framework

Introduction: The following chapter will present the methodological framework guiding this study. The chapter will present the research question, conceptual scheme, research location, sampling methods and unit of analysis before following onto the methods that were used to gather data. Finally, this section considers the various ethical considerations when in the field and the limitations faced. 3.1 Research Questions: The central aim of this research is to explore how university students based in Amsterdam conceptualize volunteer tourism and what their ideas might mean for the notions of power and privilege. Therefore, my main research question is as follows: How do Amsterdam-based students who are going on and returning from ‘gap year’ projects understand the idea of volunteer tourism and how to does this relate to the discourse offered by volunteer tourist organizations? In order to answer the central question, I have devised the following sub-questions: 1. What are the main motivations and intentions for students taking part in ‘gap year’ projects in the Global South? 2. How do volunteer tourists understand power relations and privilege between themselves and host communities? 3. How do individuals who have completed ‘gap year’ projects reflect back on their volunteer tourism experience and how does these contemplations compare to students who have not yet gone? 4. How does the discourse surrounding volunteer projects reflect students’ perceptions of volunteer tourism and development?

3.2 Research Location: Research was carried out in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. The capital city has a population of over 800,000 people (Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, 2018) and is located 66 kilometers from The Hague, where the Dutch government and Parliament are situated. The primary research location for this study was within the University of Amsterdam, where the students participating in research are currently carrying out Masters and undergraduate degrees at the institution. Volunteer tourism is a popular practice within The Netherlands and the country sends over 7,000 volunteer tourists every year (Van der Brink, 2015). The University of Amsterdam was chosen as a suitable research location due to the high proportion of students that match the common volunteer tourist demographic; who are largely middle class, white females from the global North (Devereux, 2008). All of the research participants identified as middle class and grew up in the Global North. However, in order to gain some variation in data, an effort to speak to males was also made. 3.3 Unit of Analysis and sampling method: As the largest university in The Netherlands, students at the University of Amsterdam were chosen to be the focus of this study due to their similar characteristics that are necessary for a ‘research population’ (Swanburn, 1994). Within this research, the unit of analysis will be the conceptions of volunteer tourism among students at the University of Amsterdam who have and have not yet carried out a gap year project in the Global South. In addition, the images and language in the discourse published by organizations offering volunteer tourism will be analyzed and compared to the responses of participants of the study. The sample consisted of students currently studying at the University of Amsterdam. Participants were chosen if they had either already completed a volunteer tourism project in the past, or were planning to do a ‘gap year’ volunteer tourism trip in the next year. Efforts were made to talk to individuals that were between 20 and 26 years of age. Similar aged participants were

important to my research because they are more likely to have grown up with a similar culture and attitude towards carrying out gap years after school, whether this is for the current competitive job market or recognition of the need to ‘help’ in the current political climate. Although efforts were made to interview an equal number of male to female participants, only five participants were male. As Devereux has noted, there is a higher popularity of volunteer tourism among females (2008). Participants for research interviews were identified from gatekeepers and via the snowball effect. As a student at the University of Amsterdam, I contacted different departments and identified relevant students for my research. Whilst Hennink et al (2011) believe that a major drawback in the snowballing method is that participants will all be from the same social network, those who tend to take part in volunteer tourism already are from similar middle class, cosmopolitan backgrounds (Luh Sin, 2009) so this factor was not considered an issue for this research. 3.4 Epistemological Stance: This research was conducted from a critical interpretive perspective. This particular perspective was chosen due to the focus on changing and differing perceptions, norms and values from participants. An interpretivist approach to research rejects absolutes in knowledge and conclusions are derived from interpretations of participants, rather than abstract theories. On this view, there are no universal laws and experience, and knowledge is always being redeveloped (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Conducting research from this stance will allow data to be considered from a personal, social and cultural context, which is important for volunteer tourism and the issues that were researched.

3.5 Data Collection Methods: Because this research required me to investigate the experiences and narratives of students who are planning on and have already carried out their ‘gap year’ projects, it was most appropriate to use a qualitative approach to my research methodology. Qualitative research was considered to be more appropriate for my research due to its concern with elucidating human environments and human experiences within a variety of conceptual frameworks (Hay, 2003). This approach to my research was important in order to recognize interpretations and experiences of social life (Dowling, Lloyd & Suchet-Pearson, 2015). The data collection methods that were used throughout my research were interviews and discourse analysis, which were used in order to explore the research aims from individual perceptions from participants, and how these may have related to the existing discourses volunteer tourism and development. Interviewing – The primary data collection technique for this research took place in the form of semi-structured interviews. Interviews were carried out with students due to their sensitive and people-orientated approach (McIntosh & Morse, 2015), which allowed participants to respond to open-ended questions as they wished. Semi-structured interviews were carried out as opposed to closed line of questioning and informal conversation interviews in order to allow some degree of predetermined order, yet still ensuring flexibility (Hay, 2003) and enabling a “dialogue rather than interrogation” (Valentine, 1997 p. 111). The interviews with students were carried out face-to-face in order to create a “comfortable environment for people to share” (Krueger & Casey, 2000 p. xi). Whilst positivist researchers have asked whether it is enough to “…buy a tape recorder, invest in a suit and tie or a smart dress, write some letters, prepare a semi-structured questionnaire” (Wilton, 1999: p. 257), the information that can be extracted from this research method is often detailed, rich and multilayered (Valentine, 1997).

All of the interviews conducted were carried out in a neutral, safe space on the University of Amsterdam campus where all participants studied. They were conducted in person to create ‘a comfortable environment for people to share’ (Krueger & Casey, 2000 p. xi). Due to the limited time period allocated for data collection, I completed a total of 20 interviews, each lasting between 15 – 30 minutes. Ten of the interviews were with those who are planning to carry out volunteer tourism in the next year, and ten with those who have already completed such trips. All interviews were carried out smoothly with respondents willing and enthusiastic to answer all questions in detail. Recording took place on my mobile phone, with all interviewees consenting (see Palen & Salzman, 2002). The following table displays the characteristics and demographics of the research participants. Pseudonyms have been used for all participants due to several respondents requesting to remain anonymous.

Name Gender Age Volunteer

Tourism Organization

Country of

Volunteering Pre/Post Volunteer Tourism

Yael Female 24 Traveller Not

Tourist Peru Post

Rose Female 23 Projects

Abroad

Ghana Post

Leo Male 21 Volunteer HQ Peru Post

Rosie Female 23 Projects

Abroad Costa Rica Post

Lucy Female 23 Bristol

Volunteers for

Development Abroad

Nepal Post

Sarah Female 25 AISEC Mexico Post

Isobel Female 22 Starfish

Adventures Thailand Post

Eloise Female 26 Volunteer HQ India Post

Jack Male 25 Love

Volunteers South Africa Post

Jessica Female 24 Maya

Universe Academy

Nepal Post

Zara Female 20 Honoring Our

Mothers Pakistan Pre

David Male 25 Projects

Abroad Tanzania Pre

Freya Female 22 International Citizens Service

Nepal Pre

Emily Female 21 International Citizens Service

Nepal Pre

Annie Female 25 Traveller Not

Tourist Peru Pre

Eva Female 25 Care4Calais France Pre

Jacob Male 24 International

Citizens Service

Ghana Pre

Lara Female 26 Doctors of the

World Greece Pre

Fay Female 23 Maya

Universe Academy

Nepal Pre

Charles Male 26 United

Nations India Pre

Discourse Analysis – The second method I deployed was discourse analysis, which considers writing to be a form of ‘social practice’ (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). Discourse analysis recognizes the socially consequential nature of texts, which in turn can have many ideological effects including the reproduction of unequal power relations (Wodak & Meyer, 2009). This form of methodology was of great importance to my research in order to ‘disrupt the common sense’ (Luke, 1995) found in texts and policy documents released by organizations offering volunteer tourism packages. Analysis of such texts was not a technique often used within existing research on volunteer tourism, yet was an important factor when considering the key concepts at hand. The structuring of language used by organizations has the power to influence the motivations, intentions and expectations for students partaking in different gap year schemes. A critique of discourse analysis, and one that the researcher must be aware of, is the analyst’s position itself. Researchers are not outside the “societal hierarchy of power and status” (Wodak & Meyer, 2009 p. 7) but are also subject to these structures. It is

of the utmost importance that as a researcher, I was aware of my own positions and preconceptions when carrying out this form of research methodology. The analysis of texts was inspired by Siegfried Jäger (2004), who takes a text-based and qualitative approach to the method. Using his approach, I chose several of the organisations mentioned by participants and explored the texts and documents found on their respective websites with a particular focus on the ‘objective and mission’, ‘impact reports’ and images released. Texts were broken down into themes and the following questions were kept in mind when analysing the language and images; 1. How do organizations refer to the local communities? 2. How and why does the organization persuade volunteers to work on projects? E.g. personal development, cultural exchange or development? 3. Does language or images used depict the local communities to be otherized? 4. Are the local communities a main focus or is the emphasis largely on the volunteer? 5. How will volunteers make long-lasting and sustainable changes? 6. Images: where are volunteers placed in terms of local community? Do images portray hard work or fun/travel? The structural features and individual statements found in various documents were placed into a broader context, which was used to reveal and offer explanation for conceptualizations of volunteer tourism held by the interview participants. 3.6 Data Analysis: Whilst still in the field, the completed interviews were transcribed and coding was carried out in order to ‘break the data down so that conceptual implications can emerge in the later steps’ (Cope, 2003 p. 652). Open coding was used to break the transcripts down, where fragments were then labeled with

different codes (Boeije, 2010). Breaking down the large amount of data into various themes allowed the extraction of meaning from the raw data, which was then used to address the research questions. Following my period in the field, I then analyzed the transcribed data using axial coding. This process allowed me to identify the dominant and less central themes that emerged within the different interviews (Boeije, 2010). Identifying the key groupings of information from transcriptions enabled me to identify similar themes in the preceding interviews as well as become a key part of my empirical chapter. The interviews were coded on paper and color coded with the key quotations bought together in themes to match the chapters in the analysis. 3.7 Validity and reliability Internal and external validity – According to Bryman (2008), the internal validity is based on whether there is a good match between researchers’ observations and the theoretical ideas developed. The internal validity was ensured in the field by the variety of interviewees and the organizations with which they carried out their volunteer tourism. In addition, the responses of interviews were triangulated with the thorough literature review that was conducted both previous to and during research. Data analysis demonstrated similarities between my research and previous academic literature on similar issues. When carrying out discourse analysis, the range in texts and images considered ensured validity, which were then also triangulated with previous studies academic material. The external validity concerns to what extent findings can be generalized across various social settings. For my research, as with any qualitative studies, ensuring significant external validity was difficult due to the relatively small sample size and limited geographical location. Despite this, a range of participants and organizations and publications used for the discourse analysis allowed findings and research to not be too narrow and compensated for this limitation.

Internal and external reliability – As research was carried out independently, the internal reliability of the study could have been improved throughout research. However, throughout fieldwork it was ensured that all interviews were recorded and transcribed to ensure accuracy and eliminate misunderstandings. In terms of the discourse analysis, extensive notes were taken throughout for other researchers and students to examine and discuss to ensure reliability in my research. The clear and straightforward approach ensures that the research will be able to be effectively repeated, ensuring a high external reliability. However, the small sample size appears to be another limitation due to the results being from a small group of people at a specific geographical location. In addition, interviewees were obtained via snowballed so might be inherently biased. However, theoretical research has found that relevant participants for this study (who take part in volunteer tourism) tend to have similar characteristics so the small sample size has not been seen to affect external reliability to a high degree. 3.8 Ethical Considerations, Positionality and Limitations Described as an individual’s world-view and the position they have chosen to adopt in relation to a specific research task (Foote & Bartell, 2011), positionality is an important aspect of conducting research. Having previously carried out a volunteer tourism trip, I was able to relate to the participants during interviews and was familiar with the volunteer tourist organization discourse. However, in the five years since the voluntary work I carried out, I have become more critical of projects due to the growing criticism in media and having carried out university degrees encouraging critical thinking. As a university graduate who has carried out volunteer tourism, I was able to relate and engage positively with all participants, however my critical view of projects led to a slight preconceptions of the research results. Similarly to myself, I believed that students who have completed volunteer tourism would also reflect back critically and doubt the developmental aspects of projects. Although my particular positionality could be seen to negatively impact research, I believe

that my insight into volunteer tourism remains beneficial to research and enables engagement with participants. The social identities of the researcher and how it may relate to research subjects should also be a major concern in terms of the quality of research and the ethical considerations (O’Brien, 2010). During my time in the field it was understood that for a greater sense of rapport between interviewees and myself, it was useful to share aspects of identity with research participants to allow empathy and identification (Oakley, 1982). For example, Finch (1981) suggested that women researchers are able to gain more data and have a better rapport with women subjects due to the similar experiences shared. Whilst it might be more difficult for researchers from the global North to share this sense of rapport whilst carrying out research in the global South at risk of reproducing “the colonial established authority of Western epistemologies” (Chilisa, 2005 p. 675), my positionality and rapport throughout this particular research project was arguably less complex. It has been recognised through previous research that a large proportion of volunteer tourists tend to be largely middle class, white females from the global North (Devereux, 2008). As a female also from the global North, who has previously taken part in a gap year project, there was an important and valuable sense of rapport between myself and many of the interviewees due to shared experiences, allowing us to be considered ‘equals… thus presenting a more realistic picture than can be uncovered’ (Fontana & Frey, 1998 p. 371). Whilst being considered an ‘insider’ was considered beneficial for my research, there has been criticism from a positivist approach that interviewers often influence answers and cannot remain detached (Hay, 2000). Despite preconceived notions and prejudices, as a researcher I did my best to remain professional when carrying out my research (Belur, 2014) and attempted to understand different perspectives, whether or not these were the same as my own. An important aspect of conducting research was the ethical practice and how this was to be achieved. To ensure that I could “develop integrity” and

“maintain the well-being and privacy of informants” (Valentine, 1997 p.485), informed consent was necessary during the interview process, as well as a full understanding of the context of the interview, with the right to withdraw at any time. Following the interviews, participants were given a copy of the transcripts. This was not only to uphold research ethics, but so interviewees were able to approve and correct errors that may have been found in the transcripts (Mero-Jaffe, 2011). A key limitation to my research was the sample size. Having interviewed 20 participants, who in turn represented 13 different organisations, I was aware that the results would not represent the volunteer tourism sector as a whole, which is a vast movement carried out by hundreds of thousands of students worldwide. Despite the relatively small sample size, core themes emerged from the data analysis providing a broad picture and provisional answer to the research questions at hand. In addition, I was only able to get in contact with five male interviewees compared to the 15 females I spoke to. However, having fewer male participants is not considered to be too limiting to research as according to Devereux (2008), volunteer tourism projects are much more popular among young women – as reflected in my sample. Another limitation I faced was perfecting the wording of the questions I asked during the interview process. With themes of power, privilege and neo-colonialism being explored in the context of students taking part in volunteer tourism, it was important not to offend participants by insinuating negativity attached to volunteer tourism, whilst at the same time being clear on the topic being researched. This was attempted through ensuring a neutral position as a researcher and avoiding negative or presumptuous language and wording during interviews.

3.9 Conclusion: This chapter presented the qualitative methodological approaches to the data collection and analysis in my fieldwork. It demonstrated why interviews and discourse analysis were the most suitable options for research and the limitations they might have ensued. Additionally, despite maximum attempts to minimize limitations during research there were still some that were noted whilst conducting fieldwork, which will be considered during the results and final conclusions of the study. The next chapter will delve into the research data and findings, drawing out key themes and analysis.

Chapter 4 - “I thought it would be a bit of an adventure” –

Motivations, intentions and organizations

Introduction: This first empirical chapter will delve into two of the overarching themes that emerged from the field data. The themes discussed in the first chapter are the motivations and intentions of students taking part in volunteer tourism, followed by the pull factors used by the various organizations that the participants carried out their projects with. The themes are split into several sub-themes in order to break down and analyze the data further. 4.1 Motivations and intentions The motivations and intentions of individuals partaking in voluntary work can vary from altruistic developmental reasons or intentions based around the ‘self’. Similarly, the interviews carried out throughout the study revealed five key pull factors that enthused students to take part in volunteer tourism; career development, travel, personal development, cultural exchange and a desire to ‘help’. The students involved in the study expressed varying emphasis for different themes, and there was also an often-stark difference in responses between those students who had and had not yet taken part in volunteer tourism projects, which was a common thread identified throughout the data analysis. Career Development The most common motivation for taking part in volunteer tourism, and the only feature mentioned by all twenty interviewees, was the importance of voluntary work in terms of career development. The importance of individual future careers was a key factor in volunteering for all but one of the participants. “Well I guess I’m going to gain something for my CV. It will hopefully mean I’ll stand out from other candidates when applying for placements and jobs.”

David, plans to volunteer with Projects Abroad This self-driven motivation was a key push factor for students taking part in projects, with nineteen interviewees stating the importance of their CVs and, as David went on to explain; “It’s a great talking point for future job interviews”. Volunteer tourism is often recognized as a mutually beneficial relationship for both volunteers and the local community (Clemmons, 2010) and the importance of career development as a motivation is not surprising. What, however, was less expected from the data was the difference in responses between those who have already carried out volunteer tourism projects and those who have not. Five of those who have completed projects conveyed how whilst career development was an important motivation at the time of travel, they have since doubted the benefits their voluntary work has had on their professional development. Whilst four of these participants were simply skeptical of the value that volunteer tourism added to their CVs, previous volunteer tourist Jack had removed it from his CV altogether. “I’m not sure how useful it is on a CV as I can’t really gauge how volunteer tourism is really regarded anymore. I actually took it off my CV a few years ago and don’t find myself mentioning it in professional circumstances.” Jack, previously volunteered with Love Volunteers Similarly to those who have not yet carried out their planned volunteer work, Jack stated that he initially felt volunteer tourism was important for his professional development. Since completing the project two years ago, he has explained how he has grown skeptical of the personal benefits gained from his work in South Africa and does not talk about his volunteering in “professional circumstances” due to the growing criticisms that he was seeing shares on social media. This doubtful view held by Jack of the personal and employment benefits that are promoted in the gap year industry challenges the existing research that