Enabling factors and impact of place protective action: a case
study of New York and Amsterdam
Joris Zevenbergen Supervisor: Dr. Pinkster Second reader: Dr. Boterman
University of Amsterdam
Abstract
Academic attention has shifted towards understanding the experiences of long-term residents that stay within their rapidly changing neighborhood. Research has shown that although these residents are not physically displaced, they do experience a loss of sense of place. Being out of place within one's own neighborhood is referred to as cultural
displacement. This can result in feelings of discontent which can eventually lead to protests. This article analyzes the enabling factors of place protective action that occurred in New York and Amsterdam, specifically revealing the relation between sense of place and place protective action. It also aims to assess the impact of place protective action. This research shows that two conditions are required to ignite place protective action: an undercurrent of discontent caused by a combination of drivers (c.q. gentrification, tourism and
commodification) and a trigger (a single event) that unlocks place protective action. In turn, place protective action may result in a dampening effect of the drivers showing features of a feedback mechanism. Finally, both cases showed that continuing protest has resulted in an evolution of these single events into a symbol. This symbol represented something that transcended the scale of the neighborhood. Therefore it was something more than place protective action, because the protests were not only aimed at protecting the neighborhood. It is also a statement against citywide transformation.
Introduction
Neighborhood transformation seldom occurs without contestation (Madden, 2014). An influx of new people often refashions the neighborhood in ways which others feel uncomfortable with. Consequently, different strategies are developed to cope with neighborhood change (Kennedy and Leonard, 2002). There is a vast amount of literature on gentrification that addresses issues related to neighborhood transformation (e.g. Smith, 2002; Slater, 2006). Physical displacement by low
income residents has often been a point of focus in the critical literature. Recently, attention has shifted towards understanding the experiences of longer term residents that stay within their own neighborhood. Research has shown that although these residents are not physically displaced, they do experience a loss of sense of place (Shaw and Hagemans, 2015). Although some scholars suggest that incumbent residents also benefit from gentrification (Freeman, 2011). Changes in the social structure, a loss of local facilities and changes in the political domain can contribute to feelings of displacement (Davidson, 2008). In the gentrification literature this is called indirect or cultural displacement. Research on this subject starts from a relational and socially constructed definition of place. If a place changes, feelings of displacement can be experienced. Cities change rapidly and this phenomena is likely to intensify in the future. Relatively few studies have looked at how (low income) residents experience living in a gentrifying neighborhood such as Paton (2014). But feelings of a loss of sense of place which can contribute to feelings of discontent, can also be
experienced by other groups in all sorts of neighborhoods. In some instances, a loss of sense of place can lead residents to protest and to actively resist neighborhood change. This is particular prominent in the case of large scale 'ad hoc' urban renewal projects reshaping entire neighborhoods (Lelandais, 2014). However, the gradual and dispersed restructuring of urban space, often
encompassing changes of the character (as a result of refurbishment) and/or services of single, individual buildings, can also lead to cultural displacement and feelings of discontent and ignite contestation and protest (Füller & Michel, 2014). There is a wealth of literature on contestation in the context of neighborhood change. However, the catalytic role of a single event in the process of gradual and dispersed restructuring, which unlocks pre existing feelings of discontent transcending the neighborhood scale, has not been systematically researched.
This paper analyzes two cases of place protective action and its relation to cultural displacement as a result of gradual and dispersed restructuring of urban space. The first case describes how a group of New Yorkers is resisting the closure of diner on Times Square. The closure evoked strong emotions and triggered protests. The second case is about a group in Amsterdam that tries to prevent a hotel from opening in The Kinkerbuurt culminating in recurrent protests. The assumption is being made that a (potential) disruption of sense of place leads to place protective action. The research described in this paper aims to answer two questions. First, what are the enabling factors for place protective action? And two, what is the impact of these protests? The objectives of this research are to provide an analysis of the enabling conditions for place protective action and to elaborate on the impact of it.
First, an overview of the theoretical debates regarding sense of place, cultural displacement and politics of place is given. This is followed by the methodology and an analysis of both cases. The final part of this paper consists of a conclusion.
Sense of place
The focus of this research is to understand how place is perceived and constructed and not to understand place as an object outside our observations (Tuan, 1979). Sense of place is a broad concept which is about the perception of place. The term sense of place is used to emphasize that places are significant because they are the focus of personal feelings. People who inhabit or experience places infuse them with meanings and feelings (Rose, 1995). Sense of place is about something more than just a location, it emerges from the involvement between people and people and place (Pretty et al., 2003).
Place attachment and place identity are often mentioned with regard to sense of place (Foote & Azaryahu, 2009). Place attachment is defined as both the process of attaching oneself to a place and as a product of this process. As a product, place attachment is a positive emotional connection with the most familiar locations such as the home (Shumaker and Tayler, 1983). Hummon (1992) defines it as an emotional involvement with places in general. These processes can be at play at the individual, but also at the group level (Manzo and Perkins, 2006). According to some, the main characteristic of attachment is the desire to maintain closeness to the object of attachment (Hidalgo and Hernandez, 2001). One of the predictors of place attachment is time. The longer someone has a relationship with a place, the more attached someone usually is.
Place identity refers to the ways in which physical and symbolic attributes of certain locations contribute to an individual's sense of identity (Proshansky et al., 1983). Bonnes et al. (1995) make a distinction between personal place identification and social place identification. Personal place identification means that a place is used by individuals to construct their identity. Social place identification refers to the process whereby people as a collective feel part of a place, for example when people say that are an Amsterdammer. The latter is social because being an Amsterdammer means that you belong to a certain group. The way in which meanings of place are communicated affect the way in which people identify with a place. This so called discursive approach to place identity is about the way in which language is used and how this effects place
identity. Actors can actively try to frame a place by using certain words. When these words are taken over by other people, it can influence the way in which they identify with a place (Dixon and Durrhein, 2004).
Research has been conducted on the effects of a changing environment and nostalgia. It is shown that relocation of an individual can result to deep feelings of grief, which are caused by a loss of familiar surroundings (Fried, 1963). It is often argued that working class residents have a stronger articulation of place attachment. They often have less resources and reasons to travel outside of their residential area (Shaw and Hagemans, 2015). And their social network is often concentrated in the neighborhood. Relocation from their neighborhood can therefor have severe impacts on their lives. According to Chase and Shaw (1989) construction of place and time are both strongly implicated in the stance of nostalgia. Nostalgia is likely to occur when social change is rapid (to occur in one lifetime) and when there are available evidences of the past present, such as artifacts and images, to remind one of how things used to be. Nostalgia increases feelings of social connectedness improving the conditions for protest (Chase and Shaw, 1989).
In this paper the term sense of place is defined as 'the emotive bonds and attachments people develop or experience in particular environments, from the national, regional, or urban levels all the way to the personal scale of the neighborhood and home.' (adopted from Foote & Azaryahu, 2009: 96)
Cultural displacement
Recently, academic attention has shifted towards understanding low income residents in gentrifying neighborhoods that manage to stay put. It is argued that these residents often experience similar feelings as they would have when they would be physical displaced (Shaw and Hagemans, 2015). Davidson (2008) argues that we cannot understand displacement purely as spatial dislocation, if we do this we miss the assumption that place is a social product. Therefore, he develops a framework that enables us to understand the process of displacement without physical relocation. He identifies different kinds of displacement. First, there is the process of exclusionary displacement meaning the inability for low income people to move in or move to another part of the neighborhood due to increases in price. Second, community displacement which encompasses the loss of social networks and the loss of political representativeness. Third, resource displacement means the disappearance of facilities and resources.
Other scholars have also conceptualized the experiences of neighborhood transformation. Twigge-Molecey (2013) developed a typology breaking down the experience of indirect
displacement into four constituent types. This typology shows overlap with Davidson's framework. She also identifies exclusionary displacement and social displacement referring to the impact on the social networks and ties. Cultural displacement relates to the idea of competing cultures between long term residents and newcomers in the neighborhood. The neighborhood thus becomes a site of contestation between competing senses of place (Jess & Massey, 1995). This can be experienced by long term residents in several ways such as inconvenience and discontent resulting from
commercial service displacement. And it can affect levels of comfort in public space. The last dimension pertains the shifting power dynamics within neighborhood based community institutions and organizations (Martin, 2007) and is called political displacement. In a recent paper Hyra (2014) uses the term cultural displacement to identify the process when norms, behaviors and values of the new residents become dominant over the preference of long-term residents (Zukin, 2010). While there can be commonalities between old and new residents in the transformation of a neighborhood, newcomers often seek to establish new norms, values and facilities that correspond with their lifestyle (Bron-Saracino, 2009). As a result long-term residents might feel out of place in the neighborhood they live in. With decreased attachment to place, long term residents can decide to leave transitioning neighborhood, resulting in homogenous enclaves (Maly, 2005).
experiences of residents in neighborhoods that are witnessing a transformation (gentrification in the previous examples). Therefore the concept is closely related to sense of place. Sense of place refers to the emotive bonds and attachments that people develop in particular environments. Indirect displacement builds upon this theory and narrows it down by focusing on the attachments with the neighborhood in which people live. Furthermore, the dimensions of cultural displacement built upon empirical research which has shown that these dimensions have a strong effect on sense of place.
This research uses the term cultural displacement. The following definition will be used: cultural displacement is a process in which a loss of sense of place occurs as a result of changes in the neighborhood. Cultural displacement (in this paper) has the following three dimensions: 1) changing social structure (Davidson, 2008), changes in the commercial services (Davidson, 2008) and changes in the political representativeness (Martin, 2007).
Politics of place
Place is not considered as a neutral container in which social processes occur, but as something that is part of the social world. This means that place is inherently political, and that the relevant
question to ask is how place is produced. Madden (2014) uses this perspective on place to re-conceptualize the neighborhood. He considers the neighborhood as a spatial project that is embedded in social, economic and a political context. A spatial project is always a contested, contingent process and the collection of relevant actors, strategies and goals may be complex and difficult to discern. This brings the political struggle and its context central to the analysis of place and this approach is used for analyzing the process of place protective action (Madden, 2014).
A place can be used as a tool in a conflict. The Occupy movement is an example of the latter. They protested at places that have a certain meaning, by doing this they made a political point. The aim of the protest was not to claim a certain place, but it was aimed to change the capitalist system (Staeheli & Mitchell, 2009).
Politics of place occur at different scales such as the nationstate, but also on the
neighborhood level (Keith & Pile, 2004). Some nationalist movements use particular monuments in order to protest. The actual geographical area where the protest is about is not the monument, but the nationstate. Environmental parties can protest against a specific factory, but they are actually protesting against pollution on a global scale. Politics of place is often about a struggle over important qualities of a place. This struggle rests upon normative visions. It is about how a place should be and who should or shouldn't be in it (Trudeau, 2006).
Local opposition against new developments arises when new developments disrupt pre existing emotional place-attachments and identities. This paper researches two cases which seem to be about local opposition against new developments. Therefore the term place protective action is used (Devine- Wright, 2009).
Research design
To explore the enabling factors of place protective action and its relation to cultural displacement as a result of gradual and dispersed restructuring of urban space, a qualitative study was undertaken in New York and Amsterdam. These cities have experienced recent protests in Time Square and the Kinkerbuurt, respectively.
Ethnography is one of the methods applied in this study, including participation of the author in most of the protests in both New York and Amsterdam. In the two cases observations about behaviors and conversations were made. This way, an understanding about the group's culture was developed. An overt role was chosen because revealing the author's role as a researcher was expected not to be a significant limiting factor. By contrast, in retrospect it appeared to be an advantage as the interviewees were glad to share their experiences. Bryman (2008) warns for the process of going native, this means that the researcher becomes wrapped up in the worldview of the
people that they study. Therefore people outside of the protest group were interviewed. A total of 17 semi-structured in depth interviews were conducted to better understand the background and
motivations of the protesters (Table 1). These were supplemented with interviews with other stakeholders (policy makers, politicians and entrepreneurs). To fully understand the context of both cases, policy and other documents, newspapers, blogs and social media were analyzed.
The starting point at which both cases are being compared is the occurrence of place protective action. This research built upon the literature in which the assumption is made that a (potential) disruption of sense of place is a necessary condition for place protective action. In order to challenge this hypothesis a selection based on the dependent variable is required (Goertz & Mahoney, 2012). The context of both cases show differences and similarities. Both cases should be seen in a context of a city transformation driven by gentrification, tourism and commodification.1
On the neighborhood level, this has effected the daily lives of many (long-term) residents. The concept of cultural displacement is being used to conceptualize how the protesters experience transformations in their living environment. The first part of this research deals with how place change helped create the conditions for place protective action. By doing this, preceding conditions enabling place protective action will be revealed. The second part looks at how this process of place protective action evolved.
Table 1: Data sources case studies.
New York Amsterdam
triggering event protest closure of diner new hotel to be built period of protest November-December 2014 January 2015-ongoing
field work: interview respondents: total number type/category date of interviews ethnography: meetings attended meeting type date of meetings 8
– Protestor: working in area (2) – Protestor: did not know Edison (3) - Protestor: leader (1)
– Hotel staff (1) – Politician (1)
November-December 2014 5
gathering protesters at Cafe Edison
November-December 2014
9
- Protestor: 65+ yrs (2) - Protestor: 30 yrs (1)
- Protestor: baby boomer (former gentrifier) (2) - Protestor: leader (1) - Politician (2) - Developer (1) March-June 2015 7
official public hearings, gathering protesters, meetings to inform stakeholders (organized by developer/contractor)
March – July 2015
other data sources - Social media
- Written letters that are published (to owner of hotel)
- Blog posts - Policy documents - Regular media
- Social media
- Written letters that are published (to local gov)
- Policy documents - Regular media
1 This research focuses on the effects of city transformations. The driving forces behind this transformation and how they work are beyond the scope of this research.
Case 1: Times Square, New York City
The first case looks at a movement that was founded with the aim to prevent Cafe Edison on Times Square. Times Square is a major commercial intersection and neighborhood in Midtown Manhattan, New York City. This diner2 is located in a hotel and the owner of the building decided to end the
lease and replace it with a high end restaurant. The replacement of Cafe Edison was part of a larger renovation project by the hotel. Protests to keep the Edison open started soon after the closure was publicly announced.
The Cafe Edison was founded by the Edelstein family in 1980. They are Polish Jews and Holocaust survivors. When they started their diner they made a handshake agreement with the owner of the hotel that they would never have to leave. The owner at the time, who died, was also a Holocaust survivor. His son is now in charge and made the decisions to end the lease.
At cafe Edison guests could have a full meal within 20 minutes. This allowed people working in the area, mostly Broadway actors, producers and other staff member to go there for lunch and dinner. Over the years the Edison became the Broadway hangout, meaning that the Cafe was the place to have meetings, to have a quick lunch before a show or to work in between appointments. There are also other places which the Broadway community goes to, but the Edison was important for regular occasions. Cafe Edison received a Tony Award3 for its contribution to Broadway.
Magicians that met up weekly became well known throughout New York and 'the magic table' is listed in some travel guides. Besides people from the Broadway community, regular New Yorkers, other Americans and people from all over the world frequented the Edison.
On November 6th 2014 the news broke that the lease of Cafe Edison was not going to be
renewed, it thus had to close before the end of the year. The next day, the blogger Jeremiah Moss4
announced that 'this New York institution will not go down without a fight' and he announced a lunchmob5 for the next day. The first lunchmob attracted hundreds of people and many more
showed their support through social media, letters in newspapers and a petition was soon started. The following weeks many more people started to take action in order to try to keep the Edison open.
Cafe Edison as a symbolic place?
The interviewees often stressed how much the city changed the last ten years. The older
interviewees lived in the city since the 70's or 80's. Back then, New York was a haven for people that wished to pursue a different life style (Zukin, 2014). The city was considered as a place completely different from mainstream society. The suburbs was where mainstream society took place, according to the interviewees. It was also in this period that the city had serious issues with drugs, prostitution, crime and violence (Tayler, 1991). But it is exactly this period that a lot of interviewees are passionate about. Even the younger interviewees that did not experience this period. They acknowledged that the city was dangerous and that there was crime, but this was something that was part of city life. According to the interviewees, it was an exciting period in which unexpected things could happen.
'I found the corruption, the drug dealers, the hookers, the city falling apart and the glamour -hand in hand- so thrilling! You were really able to fulfill your dream then, and whatever you wanted was really kind of at hand, if you worked hard enough.'6
2 A diner is a typical American restaurant with a casual atmosphere and low/medium priced food. 3 The Tony Awards are the most prestigious awards in the theater industry
4 Jeremiah Moss (pseudonym) writes on his blog called Vanishing New York
5 The idea of a lunchmob is to have lunch with as many people as possible and to try to get attention in one way or the other. Some of the lunchmobs in the Cafe Edison included performances by musicians. Most of the lunchmob's had 'Save Cafe Edison' signs on the tables.
These characteristics are often referred to as 'the real New York' and it is also defined by what it is not, the suburb. It is not homogenous, it is not controlled, it is not hundred percent safe, it is not a shopping mall. The distinction between city and suburb was often made by the interviewees. The suburbs represent something more than just an area outside of the city. It represents a culture and a lifestyle, it represents mainstream America. By explicitly distancing themselves from the suburbs, they made clear how important the role of place is in their identity. And by excluding things they drew boundaries and made clear what was important in the process of self identification.
Especially since the 1990's New York and Times Square has been changing rapidly. Neil Smith (2011) describes that process the following:
'Gentrification became a systematic attempt to remake the central city, to take it back from the working class, from minorities, from homeless people, from immigrants who, in the minds of those who decamped to the suburbs, had stolen the city from its rightful white middle-class owners. What began as a seemingly quaint rediscovery of the drama and edginess of the new urban ‘frontier’ became in the 1990s broad-based market driven policy.'
All interviewees talk about how these changes affected their lives. Most interviewees are mobile and can still find ways to preserve their social network.
Times Square was being redeveloped and it became more popular among middle class visitors and families, prior to the redevelopment there was low-end entertainment such as gambling and porn. The changing social structure in Times Square has not resulted in feelings of grief as the interviewees are not dependent on the area for their social network. But the influx of newcomers, which are often considered as suburban, in Times Square and the rest of the area have let them to feel out of place. The interviewees do not feel comfortable in area's which are dominated by tourists and 'suburbanites'. Cafe Edison played an important role in facilitating the social structure of people working in the area. The interviewees stressed that this was the only place left were they could have a lunch and meet up. For them it felt like the with the closure of Cafe Edison, their last place was taken away from them. The interviewees that don't work in the area didn't visit Times Square anyway, and are not dependent on it for their social network. For them, it does feel painful giving up an entire area.
'We have lost Times Square entirely, this makes me feel very sad, and we are losing the rest of the city as well'.
One of the changes which disturbed all interviewees was the increased presence chainstores. The Center for an Urban Future (2014) substantiated this trend and confirmed widespread presence of chainstores throughout the city. They see chainstores as the expression of suburban culture. The opposite to chainstores are small, quirky and weird businesses which have a history rooted in the city. Those small businesses are an integral part of what the respondents define as New York. They often know a lot about all kinds of small businesses. According to the respondents, it takes time and effort to learn to appreciate these quirky places. The owners of the businesses each have a different story. Knowing the owners, talking to them and talking about them with other people all contributes to a sense of place. It is this sense of place which makes them feel part of New York and thus creates a place identity. Often, the ethnicity of the owner is reflected in its products, like in Cafe Edison. Learning about how different cultural and ethnic elements influence the products that these businesses sell offers a lot of joy and meaning to their costumers. The respondents mentioned that this is particular important in a large city like New York, because there are so many places and people that are unknown. Creating place identities is a strategy which helps establishing a sense of belonging which is not self evident in big cities. For them, visiting these places is essential in establishing a New York identity.
Prior to the announced closing of Cafe Edison there was already a growing dissatisfaction about the disappearance of small businesses in New York. Since 2007 Jeremiah Moss tries to document all long existing small businesses that close. A few local politicians were also already trying to pass a bill that would prevent small businesses from being evicted by their landlords. The announced closure of Cafe Edison attracted regulars, many whom work in the entertainment industry in the area. The protests also attracted people that had never heard of Cafe Edison, but that felt hat they had to do something about it. Most of these people were mobilized by Moss' his blog and felt that they could finally do something. These people have saved up a lot of anger and frustration about changes in their own neighborhood and the rest of the city. The protests to save Cafe Edison became a way to mobilize these frustration and to do something with them: the closure of Cafe Edison became a symbol for a broader transformation of New York associated with a loss of sense of place. One interviewee explained it the following way:
'So I was more upset about the closing of my bookstore, and he [Jeremiah Moss] announced the lunch mob. So based on all my frustrations from all that has been going on all around, I decided to, you know, i'm gonna pull the trigger, so to speak, and show up here, because I feel that here is like a stand in for so many other places....'
Other interviewees shared similar feelings about the opportunity that they could finally do something. An other respondent had the feeling that she had to do something. After years of losing many beloved places, she felt like she had no other choice than to go and help save Cafe Edison. She did not know the Edison and she did not go to the Times Square area often, but she felt highly motivated to participate. There were dozens of others that showed up at the lunchmobs and that had never been at Cafe Edison before. For them it was also an opportunity to meet like minded people and fellow followers of Jeremiah Moss. Some of them hoped to meet him in person, but that did not happen because he is anonymous and does not reveal his identity.
There are a few reasons why the protests reached this size. The first is that Cafe Edison has a lot of regular and loyal costumers. It is also well known throughout New York and it has appeared in newspapers, magazines and blogs. Another reason is that members of the Broadway community immediately took action. Many of them are actors, writers and producers and are therefore well known and they attracted media attention. Jeremiah Moss' blog and his call for a action did its work as well. There was a general sentiment in the media and on the internet that the closure of the Edison was unfair because of the handshake agreement that was made with the father of the owner. A poignant detail is that they were both holocaust survivors and a breaking of promise was
therefore experienced as extra painful. The Edelstein family was also known to be generous, they would also serve people even if they were our of money. The concurrence of events led to the protests.
Case 2: Amsterdam
The second case looks at a movement that was founded with the aim to prevent the construction of a long-stay hotel7 in the Kinkerbuurt. The Kinkerbuurt is a neighborhood just West of the canalbelt. It
is a pre-war neighborhood with a large percentage of social housing. It is known to be multicultural and it has a high population of low income residents, but that is changing due to gentrification. The hotel is planned to be built on an empty plot of land on the J.P Hijenstraat. The plot has been empty for the past eight years. The first plan was to built elderly homes, but this plan failed due to the financial crisis in 2008. Since then, the local government has been looking for a new developer. The construction of a hotel fits into Amsterdam's policy to spread tourism and construct hotels outside
7 It is called a Longstay hotel by the developer and by local officials. Every room in the hotel will get a bathroom and a kitchen, so it is suitable for longer stays. This is not a legal definition as the hotel will get a regular hotel permit which also allows one night stays.
of the direct center (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013).
The last few years the neighborhood has been gentrifying, partially because of national and local policy which encompasses the selling of dwellings in the social sector (Van Gent, 2013). The new residents are often younger, more wealthy and have kids in some cases (OS Amsterdam, 2015). Besides the demographic change, the neighborhood's commercial landscape has also witnessed changes. Trendy coffee bars and other facilities associated with gentrification have opened up. Perhaps the most prominent development is the opening of 'De Hallen'. This is an old tram depot which is transformed into a high-end food court with other recreational facilities in it as well.
Most of the respondents have strong ties within the neighborhood. According to some interviewees the neighborhood feels like a village and the neighbor's are considered as approachable. The respondents referred proudly to the working class8 character of the
neighborhood.
'The neighborhood has a true working class character and people help each other out' But the interviewees mentioned that the character of the neighborhood is changing. The influx of younger and higher income people was something that was often mentioned. They are less involved in the neighborhood and they attend different social events. It can be noted here that those protesters who are actively involved belong to the longer term residents population, whereas some newcomers consent to the protests and participated in a more passive. The interviewees think that the
newcomers often stay in the neighborhood temporarily. That explains to them why the newcomers socially invest less in the neighborhood.
'First, I knew everyone that was living in the same block. But now I don't anymore, most of the people that moved in are young and only stay here for a few years, so why should I bother getting to know them if they are leaving again soon?'
These newcomers were often characterized as yuppies. For the respondents the word yup has a negative association. When they talk about yuppies they clearly refer to a group and not to individuals.
'Yuppies are bad, but most of them are nice people. Maybe we should come up with a different word?'
The interviewees are concerned about the growing share of the housing stock that is being taken by newcomers. The establishment of the new hotel is considered to be also a symbol of gentrification: this hotel (especially the planned restaurant in the hotel) is perceived to attract young middle-class people and to consume potential land for low cost housing. The neighborhood is aging and old residents need to move to apartments on the ground flour. But these houses which were formerly owned by housing corporations are now being sold to people from outside the neighborhood in order to created a mixed neighborhood (Uitermark and Bosker, 2014). The interviewees worry that the changes in the neighborhood will disrupt their social network. They explained that they have to rely more on their social network for the provision of care. This is the result of national policy in which care taking responsibilities are moved from professional care workers to people's own social network (Newman en Tonkens, 2011). So, they need to rely more on their social network in the neighborhood, but that social network is slowly dissolving. The interviewees are also afraid that they have to move out of the neighborhood, once they need an elderly home. According to them, it is uncertain if there will be enough housing in the area. Moving to another neighborhood is
something which will be painful for the most, as they will lose (part of) their social network. 8 Volksbuurt is translated into 'working class neighborhood'
The increased number of visitors, comprising both tourists and citizens of Amsterdam, results in a lot of extra unfamiliar faces on the streets. Not all respondents feel comfortable with that. Some have practical concerns such as the increased difficulty of finding a parking spot, congestion and dangerous traffic situations. Other concerns have to do with the sense that 'their neighborhood' and 'their streets' are being taken over by strangers. There is a feeling that the neighborhood is becoming a recreational center in which entertainment becomes dominant. Some respondents used the word disneyfication to explain the changing character of public space in the neighborhood. The mindset of people that walk though the neighborhood with a recreational state of mind effect the way in which respondents experience the street. As in other cities public area's are being privatized and transformed into consumption area's (Atkinson, 2003). Part of Amsterdam's policy is to spread tourism over the city, so facilities that can attract tourists to this neighborhood are stimulated (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2013). The increased number of visitors is being felt, but if nothing is being done it will get worse, according to the interviewees. They argue that the
government should act to control tourism, instead of promoting it.
'Our neighborhood is being turned in a playgroung for yuppies and tourists. It is being destroyed!'
Besides the Longstay hotel, there are other plans being made to increase leisure in the area. A dock with rental boats, kiosks that sell food and drinks and other hotels are all being planned. Some of these plans have been cancelled. It is likely that the protests played a role in the cancellation of some of these projects. After the transformation of the last few years, the interviewees feel that the hotel will exacerbate their concerns. Especially since there were elderly homes planned which now will not be built.
Most of the members of the protest group found out about the hotel after the local
government agreed to the plans of the developer to built a hotel. For the construction of a hotel a zoning permit is needed. Prior to 2014 the local city districts were responsible for giving out zoning permits. A zoning permit was already provided by the city district Amsterdam West prior to 2014. Most neighborhood residents found out about the hotel and the zoning permit in 2014 after the local elections. After the elections, a new legal system was implemented in which a great amount local authority (including the right to give out zoning permits) was moved from the city district to the central city government. Once the neighborhood residents found out about the hotel they started to try to block the process. Only the residents that live in very close proximity of the hotel were invited prior to the decisions making process. Therefore, a lot of neighborhood resident felt like they did not have the opportunity to participate in the decisions making process. The local politicians soon noticed that there was discontent among the inhabitants and several information evenings were organized in order to explain the plans and get support. The mistrust in the local politicians was growing during the process because they felt they did not receive adequate
information. For the local politicians themselves the process was not very clear as they just needed to get used to the new system. The tensions between the group of residents and the politicians was rising. The group felt betrayed and their feelings led to an emotional night with the politicians and the developer. The politicians and the developer were accused of misleading the neighborhood. The group managed to gather 700 written complaints that were send to the local officials. They have used all institutionalized ways to block the hotel. They have been to local council meetings, they have lobbied, they tried to gather support in the neighborhood, letters are written, petition got started, the received media attention in local and national newspapers. Pressure from the protest group eventually led the central city council to decide to redo the procedure of giving out the zoning permit. Now it was up to the city district to provide the central city with advise on whether to give the permit or not. A majority of the council of the city district voted to give a positive advise on the permit. This led the central government to give out the permit. The protesters are now going to sue
Amsterdam's government for mistakes in the procedure. Analysis
The in depth interviews reveal that the protests were not only about a single event. The single events, which triggered the protests in New York and Amsterdam, unlocked pre-existing feelings of discontent. These feelings of discontent sometimes transcend the scale of the neighborhood (such as discontent about the Dutch welfare state) and single events become a symbol for widespread discontent in both cases. Different groups could be identified whom often have different motivations.
There are three dimensions of cultural displacement of which each play a role in the loss of sense of place. The first dimension is the changing social structure (Davidson, 2008), which is experienced in both cases. The social structure in Times Square is weakening and this trend is exacerbated as crucial meeting places are disappearing. These notions have been substantiated by the interviewees that work in the area, as they have no places left where they can have casual business meetings.
The social structure of Amsterdam's neighborhoods has not changed to the extent as New York's. Although the interviewees are experiencing a large influx of newcomers in their
neighborhood, they are still part of an active local social network. However, they fear further change and, subsequently loss of their social network.
The interviewees of both cases experience changing of sense of place due to the influx of newcomers and tourists. The changing of sense of place, as a result of this influx, is also
experienced on the city level contributing to widespread feelings of discontent. In both cases interviewees experience a shifting emphasis from a residential and work function towards
recreation, consumption and tourism. These changing functions concern the second dimension of cultural displacement, namely commercial services displacement (Davidson, 2008). The
interviewees experience an imbalance and feel out of place in many newly opened stores and bars in these neighborhoods.
Citywide feelings of discontent, as described above, partially explain why Cafe Edison became a symbol and attracted supporters from all over the city. Another enabling factor of place protective action was that the blogger Jeremiah Moss managed to mobilize his readers. In this case, there was already someone tapping into the citywide undercurrent consisting of discontent about the citywide transformation. This single event triggered a catalytic process by which the undercurrent of discontent was unlocked, resulting in protests. Despite these efforts, Cafe Edison was closed, but the participants of place protective action continued and formed a large citywide movement.
Politicians, entrepreneurs and others have joined this movement referred to as “Save New York”.If successful, it is to be expected, that this broader social movement will eventually dampen the effect of the main drivers. The third dimension include political representativeness (Martin, 2007). In both Amsterdam and New York the interviewees feel that politicians favor policies which are good for business and tourism. Some feel left behind and have little trust in (local) government. It should be noted that these feelings of discontent have developed over time.
Place protective action has not (yet) resulted in the formation of a larger social movement in Amsterdam. The city's institutional context is different from New York and includes a more
protective housing policy, which dampens the effects of the drivers identified in Figure 1 (Musterd, 2014). However, recent research has shown the active role of the state in promoting gentrification in Amsterdam. For example, De Koning (2015) has shown how local officials are trying to reshape neighborhoods in ways, which favor white middle class residents. Based on these observations, it is expected that the process of cultural displacement will continue to grow amongst citizens of
Amsterdam. It is likely that this will lead to a larger shared undercurrent of discontent, as revealed by the interviewees of this study. It is therefor plausible that, similar to New York, a larger social movement will be formed in the future.
Based on the above a causal diagram has been constructed, which aims to depict the relationship between sense of place (cultural displacement) on the one hand and place protective action (protest) to the other for the context of both cases (see Figure 1). It shows that two conditions are required to ignite place protective action: an undercurrent of discontent caused by a combination of drivers (c.q. gentrification, tourism and commodification) and a trigger (a single event) that unlocks place protective action. In turn, as shown in Amsterdam, place protective action may result in a dampening effect of the drivers showing features of a feedback mechanism. These mechanisms have not been studied as it is beyond the scope of this research. Finally, both cases showed that continuing protest has resulted in an evolution of these single events into a symbol.
Figure 1; Causal diagram showing the enabling factors of place protective action (the solid lines are within the scope of this research).
For the majority of the protesters this symbol represented something that transcended the scale of the neighborhood. Therefore it was something more than place protective action, because the protests were not only aimed at protecting the neighborhood. It is also a statement against citywide transformation driven by gentrification, tourism and commodification. This research shows that cultural displacement can also be experienced by middle class residents and that it is not limited to the neighborhood in which they live.
Conclusion
The last decades, both cities have been witnessing a major transformation including gentrification, tourism and commodification. These transformations resonate to the neighborhood level impacting the lives of many. Consequently, some residents moved out of their neighborhoods, sometimes forced. Others have managed to stay put, but have experienced their neighborhood changing in many respects. Cultural displacement occurs when these transformations negatively impact the sense of place of residents, leading to a similar experience as physical displacement.
This research shows that cultural displacement does play a role in place protective action. The protesters experience a loss of social capital, commercial services and political representation, corresponding with the three dimensions of cultural displacement. Unlike findings from previous research, this research shows that cultural displacement is not confined to the neighborhood in which residents live. Changes in other parts of the city can also have an impact on the sense of place. The drivers impacting a sense of place in a negative way are gentrification, commodification and tourism. This has further developed in New York and as a result, there are citywide feelings of
discontent. In this case, place protective action attracted protesters from all over the city to protest against these broader issues. Therefore, Café Edison became a symbol for widespread discontent as a result of these drivers, which transcend the neighborhood. Furthermore, the protests functioned as a catalytic process attracting more people and unlocking feelings of discontent. Although the initial aim of the protest failed, it resulted in a citywide social movement aimed at ‘protecting and
preserving the diversity and uniqueness of the urban fabric of New York City’.9
As opposed to New York, place protective action in Amsterdam attracted protesters solely from the neighborhood. A loss of sense of place associated with the three dimensions of cultural displacement was the main contributor to the feelings of discontent. Commercial service
displacement in other parts of Amsterdam also resulted in a loss of sense of place, therefore cultural displacement was not confined to the area of residence. The scope of place protective action is limited to the neighborhood as the protesters experience it as if their neighborhood is being taken over. Different groups assigned a different meaning to the single event, it thus became multi symbolic. For some the symbolic meaning was associated with the spread of tourism, for others it represented the degradation of the welfare state. Place protective action did unlock feelings of discontent that transcend the scale of the neighborhood. These feelings have not (yet) resulted in the formation of a larger social movement as happened in New York. Current policy is aimed at
stimulating the three drivers identified in this study, while the protests are aimed at dampening them. If this trend will continue it is likely that it will fuel feelings of discontent and result in larger protest movements. Although beyond the scope of this paper, this study indicates that continued protests will have a negative impact on the drivers.
Former research on cultural displacement focused on the experiences of low income residents and experiences within their own neighborhood. This research has shown that cultural displacement is also experienced by middle class residents as they are also affected by the spatial relocation of their social network, commercial services and political representation. The spatial relocation in other neighborhoods than the neighborhood that they live also impacts their sense of place. The concept of cultural displacement is therefore not confined to a single neighborhood, but can be applied to the entire daily-lived space. Another implication for further research follows from the finding that the protests functioned as a catalytic process in which it became a symbol
transcending the neighborhood scale. The protests are not solely about protection as the NIMBY literature suggests, but also about feelings of discontent as the result of other phenomena. This understanding has policy implications because it shows that there are other root causes which cannot be resolved by only addressing the single event. The single event functioned as a trigger which unlocked wide spread feelings of discontent. Focusing on the trigger will only procrastinate further protests, as it is a matter of time before a new trigger makes its appearance.
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