Judging a world you are not immersed in : a qualitative study concerning the merging boundaries between the virtual and the real world

Judging a world you are not immersed in

A qualitative study concerning the merging boundaries between the virtual and the real world

Bachelor Thesis Interdisciplinary Social Science University of Amsterdam Maaike Koolbergen 10592377

Maaikekoolbergen@gmail.com Pepijn Olders & Yatun Sastramidjaja

23-10-2016 13.611 words

0.1 Preface

I never described myself as a “gamer”. Games were never that big a part of my life. At least that was what I thought three years ago. Two and a half years back I started to look for my salvation in video games. I needed to distract myself, maybe even self-medicate, with my first Massively Multiplayer Online Role Play Game. I was hooked from the moment I started my character creation. I was so fully immersed in this game, it brought me laughter, happy days, but also a lot of tears, worries and stress. People would tell me their personal stories and I would feel for them. When people made fun of me, it hurt. When people would complement me, I felt good about myself. This world felt like an extension of my daily life in which I was depressed and miserable. My direct social environment did not understand my video game behaviour at all. At the same time, I experienced certain forms of stereotyping while in-game. I realised that being a female online video gamer, meant that I had to prove myself all the time, something that felt horrible at that time. I was a man, until proved otherwise. A year and a half ago, I started to see the virtual world through a different set of eyes. First of all, it was a platform in which I could socially interact with guys and gals from over the whole world without traveling the distance. Secondly, my newfound ability to focus more made me better at my in-game ‘job’. Third, just like in the real world each individual in the virtual one is different and you will never know how one reacts. That is the beauty of it. I believe there is still a huge misunderstanding between the ‘gamers’ and the ‘others’, and that is why I will tell their story, the story of the gamers. I got the opportunity to hear some beautiful stories, thank you Alex, Arley, Arnaud, Carrina, Dan, Esmee, John & Robert for taking the time to tell me your stories. I want to thank both my readers, Pepijn and Yatun, for helping and guiding me and giving me feedback. My thesis “buddy” who got me through the beginning as well as the end, thank you Daan. Thank you Anne, best friend who is always there for me no matter how high my stress levels are. A special thanks to Roel for putting up with my stress and emotions along the way, I owe you big time.

In memory of Mark.

This is for all of us who felt left out in any way in the real world, until they felt included in a virtual one (and for my mum, dad, and little sister, I love you very much).

0.2 Abstract

The goal of this thesis is to understand the social world of MMORPGs by examining the interpretation of its members. MMORPG players appear to be associated more stereotypically and negatively than online gamers in general (Kowert & Oldmeadow, 2012) and therefore existing data seems to focus on debunking and explaining stereotypes, and finding ways to change them. Using in-depth qualitative data along the lines of a grounded theory approach, this research uncovers the interpretation and experience of its participants in relation to the negative MMORPG stereotypes. This study showed that MMORPG players are not actively constructing their identity in terms of “being a gamer” and by extension aren’t concerned with the negative stereotypes, or with debunking them. As a result, MMORPG players do not feel affected by negative stereotyping within their lived reality. These results can be, among other things, explained by the theory about the function and formation of stereotypes.

0.3 Table of Contents

2.1 Lefebvre’s Production of Space p. 08

2.2 Representations of Space p. 08

The History of MMORPGs p. 09

2.3 Spatial Practice p. 10

Examining and/or Rethinking Stereotypes p. 10

2.4 Representational space p. 12

Gaming Subculture and Perceived Cohesion p. 12

Motives, Experiences and Behaviour p. 13

Social Worlds p. 14

2.5 Interdisciplinary research p. 15

3.0 Problem Definition and Research Questions p. 16

3.1 Problem Definition p. 16

3.2 Research Question p. 16

3.3 Societal and Academic Relevance p. 17

4.0 Research Strategy, Design, Operationalisation and Method p. 19

4.1 Research Strategy p. 19

4.2 Research Design p. 19

4.3 Research Method p. 20

4.5 Population and Sampling p. 21

4.6 Operationalisation p. 22

4.7 Ethics p. 23

5.0 Results p. 24

5.1 Research Process p. 24

5.2 The lived reality of MMORPG players p. 25

5.3 Social Interaction p. 28

5.4 The perceived reality of MMORPG players p. 30

6.0 Conclusion p. 33

6.1 Discussion p. 36

6.2 Personal Reflection p. 38

7.0 References p. 39

Appendix 1.0: Operationalisation scheme p. 46

Appendix 2.0: Concepts after coding p. 47

1.0 Introduction

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (2009) is a Nigerian writer who, during a TED Talk, introduced the idea of the danger

of a single story. Adichie talks about how hearing only one story about people or a nation can lead to naive

ignorance. She shares an Igbo word, “nkali” which roughly means “to be greater than another” and says: stories too are defined by the principle of nkali. How they are told, who tells them, when they’re told, how many stories are told, all depend on power. Adichie explains power as “the ability not just to tell the story of another person, but to make it the definitive story of that person”, which sounds a lot like stereotyping groups of people. The outcome of a story depends on the person telling it. Not a single story is the same and thus we need many stories to empower, humanise and sometimes maybe even repair some broken dignity.

One single story I’d like to tell is that of the Massively Multiplayer Online Role Play Game players. There has been a lot of negativity surrounding the online game and MMORPG players for years. Worrying is the fact that MMORPG players are perceived more stereotypical and with more negativity than any other group of (online) gamers (Kowert & Oldmeadow, 2012). The debate surrounding MMORPGs can roughly be brought back to three categories: (1) structure and design, (2) effects of playing, and (3) gaming subculture. Using Lefebvre’s theory about the production of space (1991) as a neutral framework, this thesis uncovers the conceived, perceived and lived space of MMORPGs. The theoretical framework explores these spaces with the use of already existing theories and concepts on the subjects of: forming stereotypes, illusory correlation (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Hamilton & Rose, 1980), the online gaming subculture, perceived cohesion (Bollen & Hoyle,1990) and offers a model of motivational practices (Yee, 2006b). Using in-depth qualitative data, this research uncovers the interpretation and experience of its participants in relation to the negative MMORPG stereotypes.

The goal of this thesis is to give a more authentic understanding of the lived reality of MMORPG players, while at the same time exploring possible (negative) effects of the stereotypes and dichotomy at play. Doing this is relevant for society because it will hopefully show that it is not a matter of how the game influences the player, but rather a matter of how a player approaches a game and its wide range of possibilities that result in good or bad behaviour and good or bad experiences. This research finds its academic relevance in researching MMORPGs as social worlds rather than basing it on the “real world vs. virtual world” dichotomy, because boundaries between the virtual and reality are becoming more and more permeable every day. Second, this research uses unique experiences to understand the social processes at play rather than using second-hand stereotypes that are already “established”.

Results show a lived reality consisting of different subjects like character customization and world exploration. They show how important MMORPGs are for some players while they deal with mental health disorders, depression or just everyday life. Social interaction becomes the centre of attention because it is what thrives these players to keep coming back and to evolve as a social human being. Results show the idea of stereotypes being “out there” and having no relevance for the players “in here”. In the conclusion and discussion, I elaborate on these findings and questions for future research. I want to thank you in advance for reading my thesis, I hope you enjoy it to the fullest.

2.0 Theoretical Framework

Current literature on the subject of Massively Multiplayer Online Role Play Games (MMORPGs) can be roughly brought back to three categories: (1) structure and design (Dickey, 2007; Choi & Cho, 2008; Rosenheck, Gordon-Messer, Clarke-Midura,& Klopfer, 2016), (2) effects of playing (Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Childress & Braswell, 2006; Parker & Stone, 2006; Taylor, 2006; Behm-Morawitz & Mastro, 2009; McGonigal, 2011; Shute, Rieber & Van Eck, 2011; Kowert & Oldmeadow, 2012; Kowert, Griffiths & Oldmeadow, 2012; Hasan, Bègue & Bushman, 2013; Blumberg & Blumberg, 2014; Kowert, Festl & Quandt, 2014; Hartmann, Möller & Krause, 2015; Greitemeyer & Mügge, 2014; Kaye & Pennington, 2016; Vermeulen et al., 2016), and (3) gaming subculture (Yee, 2006b; Taylor, 2009; Suznjevic & Matijasevic, 2010; McEwan et al., 2012; Trepte, Reinecke & Juechems, 2012; Meikle & Wade, 2013; Dunlop, 2014; Woods, 2014; Chang & Lin, 2014; Shen, Monge & Williams, 2014). To understand MMORPGs as a whole, I need a neutral framework to explain the connections between these categories and in turn their connection to everyday life. Lefebvre’s spatial triad (1991) is such a neutral framework.

In this theoretical framework I use Lefebvre’s theory about the production of space (1991), to structure three important processes which all contribute to the production of MMORPG space. First of all it covers the conceived reality of MMORPGs which holds the initial meaning and purpose of the virtual world as envisioned by the designers, developers, programmers, producers and managers of a video game. Secondly it zooms in on the perceived reality of MMORPGs which holds the conjunction between daily reality and urban reality. This section focuses on the construction and function of (negative) stereotypes and introduces the idea of illusory

correlation (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Hamilton & Rose, 1980). Lastly, the lived reality is illustrated by

introducing the concept ofsubcultures as well as that of social worlds. The lived reality in this case, is the space of the gamer where reality and virtual might merge. This research is focused mainly on this lived reality and the discrepancy that arises when it overlaps with daily and urban reality. In the last section of this theoretical framework I will zoom in on the interdisciplinary nature of this research.

2.1 Lefebvre’s Production of Space

In ‘The Production of Space’, Lefebvre calls for a unitary theory of physical, mental, and social space (Lefebvre, 1991: 1-21). Lefebvre constructs a Spatial Triad, which represents the interconnectedness of its physical, mental and social concepts in the production of space (Lefebvre, 1991: 33,40-42). Lefebvre’s framework is a perfect neutral framework for researching any kind of space because it looks at the overlapping of space rather than just static space and leads to an integrated view of (organised) spaces. The triad consists of representations of space, spatial practices and representational spaces. Representations of space discusses a conceived reality, which is literally constructed by professionals and technocrats within the mental space (Lefebvre, 1991: 38-39, 42). Spatial practices introduces the perceived reality, these practices “secrete” society’s space, the physical space. Spatial practices produce and reproduce space through a conjunction between daily reality (daily routine) and urban reality (routes and networks that link the professional life, the personal life and leisure) (Lefebvre, 1991: 38-42). Representational spaces refer to lived reality, the social space, which belongs to its inhabitants and users. Lived spaces are formed by using the space, through ideas and through using ones imagination (Lefebvre, 1991: 39,42). Lefebvre’s triad was, in its original composition, not focusing on virtual worlds. However, this does not mean that the fundamental train of thought can ’t be used for this purpose. The following sub-sections follow Lefebvre’s spatial triad while at the same time applying it to MMORPGs.

2.2 Representations of Space; the conceived reality

As discussed before, the representations of space within Lefebvre’s spatial triad consists of the conceived space, as constructed/developed by professionals (Lefebvre, 1991: 38-39, 42). For video games, this conceived space is inhabited by the designers, developers, programmers, producers and managers who all work together on creating a virtual world. It is important to discuss the conceived space of MMORPGs because this space holds the initial meaning and purpose of the virtual world as envisioned by the designers, developers, programmers, producers and managers of a video game. The following subsections cover the subjects relevant to the construction/development of this space.

The History of MMORPGs

The invention of virtual worlds dates back to 1978 when Roy Trubshaw and Richard Bartle, two undergraduates at the University of Essex, created a text-based world called MUD (Multi User Dungeon). One game would hold a maximum of 36 players who could move through the online environment using text commands (Bartle, 2004). Games within the genre known as ‘Massively Multiplayer Online Role Play Game(s)’ (hereafter: MMORPG) were a result of the commercialization of the internet in the early and mid-1990s (Kirmse, 2000). Just like MUDs, MMORPGs are structured in accordance with the rules for the tabletop fantasy role-play game Dungeons & Dragons (D&D) (Wizards of the Coast LLC, 2015).

D&D revolves around storytelling and exploring in a fantasy world. Players all create their own character, according to rules and guidance specifically for the game. The game is guided by the ‘dungeon master’, who tells the story and makes sure everything goes according to the rules. Adventures in D&D are based on “The Three Pillars of Adventure” which are: Exploration: moving through the world, situations that need attention and interaction with objects; Social interaction: talking to other people to get information, secrets, or other things that make sure the player will live as long as possible and get as far into the story as possible; and Combat: everything that needs to be done to defeat opponents (Wizards of the Coast LLC, 2015).

2.3 Spatial Practice; the perceived reality

As discussed before, spatial practice introduces the perceived reality within Lefebvre’s spatial triad. This space produces and reproduces space through a conjunction between daily reality and urban reality (Lefebvre, 1991: 38-42). For video games, this spatial practice reflects the real world, the offline one. Through production of stories within media and reproduction through all sorts of social interaction a stereotypical image of the MMORPG players is formed and kept alive. The following sub-section covers what stereotypes are, how they are formed and discusses the different stereotypes surrounding (online) video gamers.

Examining and/or rethinking stereotypes

Stereotypes are perceptions of groups which help individuals with clarifying why certain people behave in a certain way at certain times (McGarty, Yzerbyt & Spears, 2002: 1). However, the principles by which this clarification takes place, differs between perspectives. According to McGarty, Yzerbyt and Spears (2002), perspectives on stereotypes deriving from social psychology can be brought back to three dominating principles: (1) stereotypes as aids to explanation, (2) stereotypes as energy-saving devices, and (3) stereotypes as shared group beliefs (p. 2). Together these principles imply that stereotypes (1) are constructed to help an individual make sense of particular situations, (2) are constructed to decrease that individual’s effort, and (3) are constructed differently depending on the social group(s) that the observer associates with. Perceiving this approach, stereotypes are constructs solely in service of people who want to perceive a (member of a) social group where they themselves are not part of.

Earlier research focused on how stereotypes are formed defines stereotyping as ‘the attribution of general psychological characteristics to large human groups’ (Tajfel, 1969: 81-82). The process of attributing these characteristics to groups and thus creating new stereotypes, can be explained through (a)

distinctiveness-based illusory correlation (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976) and (b) expectancy-distinctiveness-based illusory correlation (Hamilton &

Rose, 1980). The authors distinguish poorly constructed stereotypes resulting from (a) the inaccurate reasoning of the concurring of rare characteristics (i.e. invalid associating minority group membership and unusual/undesirable behaviours) (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976), and (b) the ill-found act of depending on expectations about differences between groups (Hamilton & Rose, 1980). The use of these mechanisms can be explained by means of human limitations to execute cognitive tasks like the processing of information. The amount of information presented to individuals these days, for example within the social environment, results in an overload of the limited information processing capacity which, in order to deal with the overload as fast as possible, causes people to reason inaccurate because it saves time and energy (McGarty, Yzerbyt & Spears, 2002: 4).

In 2005 consumers spend 7 billion dollar on computer and video games combined (Entertainment Software Association, 2006: 10), ten years later this number has been increased to 16.5 billion dollar (Entertainment Software Association, 2016: 12). Because of the growing popularity of online video games, scholars are constantly trying to identify, (re-)discover and examine the different stereotypes surrounding (online) video gamers. Kowert and Oldmeadow (2012) found in their study examining the content of the stereotype of online gamers in relationship to other similar groups, that online gamers were perceived as socially inept, competitive, obsessive, loners, isolated, addicted, immature and young. In their study, Kowert and Oldmeadow cross-referenced stereotypical descriptors between 17 social categories which contained four gaming categories: online gamers, MMORPG players, arcade gamers and console gamers. Their results also showed that MMORPG players subsumed to all eight descriptors of online gamers but in addition were uniquely ascribed with three differentiating traits: they were so to say awkward, determined and introvert. Finally, Kowert and Oldmeadow found that MMORPG players appear to be associated more stereotypically and negatively than online gamers. Stereotypes of MMORPG players tend to be popular topics for characterization within print media, on television and on the internet. An episode of the animated TV-series South Park, focuses on the popular Massively Multiplayer Online Role Play Game (MMORPG) known as World of Warcraft. In this episode, the main characters fight against a stereotypical online gamer who is: overweight, ugly, lazy and lives in isolation. While their ‘preparing’ to fight him online, by training their online characters as many minutes of every day as possible, the main characters themselves become stereotypical online gamers: overweight, lazy and ugly (in the form of excessive acne) (Parker & Stone, 2006).

MMORPG players are typically characterised as being male (Williams, 2005; Williams, Yee & Caplan, 2008; Kowert & Oldmeadow, 2012; Kowert, Griffiths & Oldmeadow, 2012; Kowert, Festl & Quandt, 2014), while only 59% of the video gaming population is indeed male (Entertainment Software Association, 2016). Every year the Entertainment Software Association (ESA) publishes a report with facts about the computer and video game industry with data gathered from more than 4.000 American households. Only 17% of the population is covered by boys age 18 or younger (p.3), in fact, the average video game player is 35 years old. These demographic facts say a lot about how inaccurate stereotypes can be. Another fact that stands out is that ‘54% of the most frequent gamers play with others’ (p.6), while, in terms of the stereotypical believe, online gamers are supposedly socially inept, isolated loners.

2.4 Representational space; the lived reality

As discussed before, the representational space within Lefebvre’s spatial triad refers to the lived or social reality inhabited by the MMORPG players. The players of MMORPG have their own motivations for using the space created for them. Most scholars use the concept of subcultures when researching a population like MMORPG players, while others argue that the world of MMORPG players should rather be studied as a social world. Using the idea of an online gaming subculture in combination with the concept of perceived cohesion, the following sub-sections introduce an explanation for a growing gamer subculture, provides a model to assess motivations for play, but also introduces the idea of MMORPGs as social worlds.

Gaming Subculture and Perceived Cohesion

A subculture is a group of people which is, by some means, portrayed as non-normative and/or as a minority on account of who they are, what they do and where they do it as well as their specific interests and practices. It is a subgroup that distinguishes itself from the dominant group/culture (Gelder and Thornton, 1997: 100). In light of the rearrangement of the social terrain due to a world that is increasingly global-minded and technological advancing, Weinzierl and Muggleton (2003: 3) proposed a potential need for reconceptualising subcultural perceptions. They argue that the notions of certain subcultures are outdated and should be reorganized and made applicable to the experiences in the twenty-first century. Taylor (2006) distinguishes an

online gaming culture, or subculture, based on social principles and feelings of an online collective identity and

community. McGonigal (2011: 3-4) sees a growth of this online gaming subculture due to the inability of the real world to satisfy certain genuine human needs.

These genuine human needs, according to McGonigal (2011: 4), include receiving rewards, learning, being inspired, becoming fascinated and being brought together with other human beings. The ability of online video games to fulfil these needs is then the reason for the growing magnitude of the online gaming subculture. To which degree individuals feel part of a social group or subculture, is often determined in terms of cohesion. Cohesion has been conceptualized in a number of different ways due to the differences in theoretical assumptions of scientific disciplines. One conceptualization of the term cohesion is perceived cohesion by Bollen and Hoyle (1990), that translates in terms of sticking with a particular group due to a feeling of belonging and an atmosphere of morality. Bollen and Hoyle acknowledge the absence of one valid definition of cohesion and therefore simply propose the addition of another concept to specify an important part of the cohesion construct. Perceived cohesion, for Bollen and Hoyle, is: ‘an individual's sense of belonging to a particular group and his or her feelings of morale associated with membership in the group’ (p.482). Sense of belonging translates to the act of judging one’s own belonging to a group based on the accumulation of information about

experiences with that whole group and with other individual group members, a cognitive element, and the feelings that reflect one’s valuation of these experiences, an affective element. Feelings of morale translates to a global affective association with belonging to the group. These two dimensions provide an individual with information and motivation to upkeep their relationship with the group, to participate in social interaction and group activities, and to cherish their membership to the group (Bollen & Hoyle, 1990). Perceived cohesion might not only be about sticking to a particular group, in a way it also fulfils the genuine human need of coming together with others and thus an important reason for the creation, maintaining and growth of subcultures.

Motives, Experiences and Behaviour

As mentioned in the previous sub-section, McGonigal (2011: 3-4) proclaims that online games fulfil needs that the real world currently can’t, and that this results in the expansion of the online gaming subculture, thus the increasing amount of people that play video games in general. Another explanation of this growing subculture lies within the model of motivational practices as presented by Yee (2006b). This model also serves as a means for understanding in-game patterns and behaviours.

The model consists of ten components which are grouped in three factors: achievement, social and immersion (Table 1). The achievement factor consists of three motivations which all seem to revolve around personal in-game gain of power, performance and wealth. The motivations within the achievement factor seem to be individual-based and can be “completed” without help from or social interaction with others. The social factor consists of three motivations which merely revolve around social interaction with others. The achievement and social factor seem to be opposites but are, in practice, often intertwined with one another in order to fully enjoy the experience of playing a MMORPG. The third factor is the immersion factor, which consists of four motivations which ultimately ensure the perfect experience of the online world.

Yee’s model of motivational practices (Yee, 2006b) can easily be accommodated to this thesis. When debunking the word Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Play Game, linking it with the model and using common sense the following happens: Massively Multiplayer emphasises the social aspect of this genre in video games thus assuming that the social factor from Yee’s model is of utmost importance. Role-Play emphasises the immersion aspect of this genre in video games thus assuming that the immersion factor from Yee’s model is of utmost importance. That leaves us with ‘Game’ which emphasises the achievement aspect of this genre in video games which has no need for interaction with others. But because the Massively Multiplayer together with the Role-Playing distinguishes MMORPGs from other video games I assume that this factor is less important. This is why I will base the instruments for gathering data mainly on the social and immersion factor from Yee’s model of motivational practices.

Achievement Social Immersion Advancement

The desire to gain power, progress rapidly, and accumulate in-game symbols of wealth or status

Socializing

Having an interest in helping and chatting with other players

Discovery

Finding and knowing things that most other players don’t know about

Mechanics

Having an interest in analyzing the underlying rules and system in order to optimize character performance

Relationship

The desire to form long-term meaningful relationships with others

Role-Playing

Creating a persona with a background story and interacting with other players to create an improvised story

Competition

The desire to challenge and compete with others

Teamwork

Deriving satisfaction from being part of a group effort.

Customization

Having an interest in customizing the appearance of their character Escapism

Using the online environment to avoid thinking about real life problems

Table 1. Yee’s model of motivational practices (Yee, 2006b).

Social Worlds

According to Strauss (1978) there are many observable worlds, all which differ from the other in, for example; size, visibility, identifiability, privacy and boundaries. Examples of these worlds are “[…] those of opera, baseball, surfing, stamp collecting, country music, homosexuality, politics, medicine, law, mathematics, science, Catholicism” (p.121). According to Strauss, all social worlds contain a set of features: at least one evident activity, the site(s) where the activity (or activities) take place, technology and organizations (p.122). Social worlds are “neither [bound] by territory nor formal membership but by the limits of effective communication” (p.119). Lehdonvirta (2010) argues that the lived reality of MMORPG players does not care for the boundaries of the MMORPG server, it flows over to other practices in everyday life. Because of this, according to Lehdonvirta, MMORPGs should be approached as social worlds rather than independent virtual servers. One of his biggest arguments is that of social interaction, a feature that differentiates MMORPGs from other video games. Relationships flow between the players and other (social) groups and institutions.

2.5 Interdisciplinary research

Interdisciplinary research is about integrating two or more disciplines and their information, data, techniques, tools, perspectives, concepts, and/or theories in order to get a wider understanding of situations and/or solve certain problems (Institute of Medicine, National Academy of Sciences, and National Academy of Engineering, 2005). Connections are essential, as is explaining these connections. One of the problems with the subject of MMORPGs is that boundaries between the real world and the virtual are very vague, especially in-game. To understand these vague, blurring and merging boundaries I needed a neutral framework. Lefebvre’s spatial triad (1991) is such a neutral framework. This spatial triad is widely known for its use in geographical theory, but does not make it exclusive to this discipline. Because space is applicable on subjects of physical space, philosophical space and also social space, it therefor can be used as a neutral framework. To fill the three layers of this framework I used theory from other disciplines and thus integrated to get to a better understanding of a (social) world and its place within everyday life. I needed sociological theory to study social relationships between the players, and I needed psychological theory to study behavioural influences.

With the use of a social psychological perspective on stereotypes and the psychological theory behind illusory correlation, a wider understanding of the construction of stereotypes was sketched. Sociological theory on subcultures and subcultural behaviour together with the (sociological) idea of cohesion and perceived cohesion, created a deeper understanding of why people feel at ease as part of a group and why they would stick to that particular group. Together with the psychological model of motivational practices (Yee, 2006b), this gives me not only a better understanding of social interactions and relationships, but also of the motivations behind certain (social) practices.

3.0 Problem Definition and Research Questions

3.1 Problem Definition

Contradictions as described in the theoretical framework, make the field of ‘the virtual world’ a very difficult one to discuss. First of all, the boundaries between the virtual and the real world are unclear because a lot of MMORPG players tend to take their identity with them when they go online (Eklund, 2011), but they also take with them the individual and social experiences once they go offline (O’Connor et al., 2015). Secondly, current research mainly focusses on the supposedly negative effects of these games and breaking or recreating stereotypes of a large group of individuals. Thirdly, citing the words of Steven Johnson (2005a: 25, cited in Shaw, 2010: 406):’’ [There is] an experiential gap between people who have immersed themselves in games, and people who have only heard second-hand reports, because the gap makes it difficult to discuss the meaning of games in a coherent way’’. The goal of this thesis is to uncover players’ unique experiences to give a more authentic understanding of their lived reality, while at the same time exploring possible (negative) effects of the stereotypes and dichotomy at play. Therefore, the focus from this point on is directed towards the lived reality and its overlap with the perceived reality. The research questions, results and conclusions are not necessarily based on Lefebvre’s triad as a whole but rather grounded in the lived reality.

3.2 Research questions

This thesis is constructed around the research question: To what extent does negative stereotyping affect the

lived reality of MMORPG players? This main question can be answered by looking at lived reality of MMORPG

players and at if/where this overlaps with the perceived reality. The first and second sub-question concern the lived reality and analyse which components MMORPG players distinguish as being important and valuable within the construction of their lived reality. The third sub-question then reveals the negative stereotypes MMORPG players experience and how they deal with them.

(1) What is the lived reality of MMORPG players? This first sub-question uncovers which parts of MMORPGs

are important to the players. The knowledge of which parts are important to the players and why they are important to them, is important because, as seen in the theoretical framework, conceiving, perceiving and living reality are all subject to different mechanisms. With this lived reality mapped, it can now be used to distinct any important and experienced differences between the real world and the virtual one.

(2) What part does social interaction play within the lived reality of MMORPG payers? Social interaction

between players is what differentiates MMORPGs from other single player or local-multiplayer video games. This second sub-question serves to analyse exactly how important this element is to the players. Uncovering

what purpose social interaction serves for the players might give a better understanding of the processes at play within the MMORPGs.

(3) How do MMORPG players experience (negative) stereotypes concerning MMORPG players? Which

negative stereotypes and what effects of it do the MMORPG players experience concerning their lived reality? Scholars have shown which stereotypes are perceived by non-gamers. In order to say anything about any effect, it is important to identify the actual experience of MMORPG players concerning (negative) stereotypes.

3.3 Societal and Academic Relevance

MMORPG players are frequently subject to negative stereotyping, not only in scientific studies but also in popular culture and the media. This thesis has the capability to create awareness among people, gamers and non-gamers alike, about the diversity of players, goals and individual gains within the world of MMORPGs. Telling the story of the MMORPG players will hopefully show that it is not a matter of how the game influences the player, but rather a matter of how a player approaches a game and its wide range of possibilities that result in good or bad behaviour and good or bad experiences. Generalising a group of people as diverse as the MMORPG players leads to more misunderstandings than necessary. Parents, partners and peers could, and should, benefit from this thesis, because it might be a first step towards reducing the gap between the players and the people who criticise and/or are concerned based on second-hand reports, as recognised by Steven Johnson (2005a: 25, cited in Shaw, 2010: 406).

Which brings me to the academic relevance of this thesis. Studies have focused on the examination or debunking (Griffiths, Davies & Chappell, 2003; Kowert, Festl & Quandt, 2014) of MMORPG player stereotypes. These studies fail to take into account the fact that these stereotypes are constructed within the perceived reality and thus are not necessarily a true representation of the lived reality. Many studies have focused on MMORPG players as part of a video game subculture which deviates from the mainstream culture (Shaw, 2010; Carbone & Ruffino, 2014), but fail to take into account how boundaries between the virtual and reality are becoming more and more permeable every day. These problems arise from the “real world vs. virtual world” dichotomy, in which the virtual world is approached as a world which is separate from everyday life. Years ago, Lehdonvirta (2010) argued how most of the important research within the field of massively multiplayer online games is based on this “real world vs. virtual world” dichotomy and that one should speak of social worlds rather than virtual worlds, which puts MMORPGs at the same level as the social world of the family. Recent studies already show that the virtual and the real world are indeed intertwined and should be studied accordingly (Eklund, 2015). Researching MMORPGs as a social world which is part of everyday life, gives us the advantage of researching how the gamers’ lived reality is indeed part of everyday life.

This thesis tries to contribute to the video game debate by using players’ unique experiences to give a more authentic understanding of the lived reality of MMORPG players, while at the same time exploring possible (negative) effects of the stereotypes and dichotomy at play. These unique experiences and the results that come from them are necessary for this field of studies because in order to understand the social processes at play, and to find potential other processes, we need to listen to the player rather than blindly using second-hand data. Lastly, quantitative research methodology seems to be very popular when it comes to examining MMORPGs and their players (O’Connor, Longman, White & Obst, 2015) and thus using a qualitative research method results in a deeper understanding of the world of MMORPG players.

4.0 Research Strategy, -Design, Operationalisation and Method

4.1 Research Strategy

The goal of this thesis is to understand the lived reality of MMORPG players by examining their interpretations and unique experiences. Because the aim here is to construct a theory from data rather than testing a theory, this study approaches its relation with theory through the principles of qualitative inductive research (Bryman, 2012: 26). My goal is to understand the social world by examining interpretations and unique experiences, something an interpretive epistemological position favours. The interpretive epistemology emphasizes the understanding of human behaviour rather than simply explaining it (Bryman, 2012: 28). Furthermore, emphasizing the intertwining of the virtual with reality instead of holding on to the virtual vs reality dichotomy, implies that social situations and/or experiences and their meaning are continually carried out by social actors. Social situations and/or experiences are therefore not static, but rather constantly in a state of revision. These ontological considerations rhyme with the constructivist position which considers social entities as constantly constructed and reconstructed by social actors (Bryman, 2012: 32-33). Following these strategic approaches, the data flowing from this study will be analysed though the framework of grounded theory. This approach to the generation of theory from data sees a close relationship between data collection, analysis and theory forming (Bryman, 2012: 387).

4.2 Research Design

The understanding of the lived reality of MMORPG players by examining their interpretations and unique experiences derives from the thorough and detailed analysis of a single case (Bryman, 2012: 66). However, the data is collected within several locations and the players derive from three different player communities. Therefore, this research has elements from both the case study and cross-sectional research design. According to Bryman (2012: 69), a case study separates itself from other research designs by having an idiographic approach. Following an idiographic approach, researchers are concerned with unravelling the features of the case that make it unique. In contrary to the nomothetic approach, where researchers are more concerned with generalisation of the results that flow from their data.

The fact that I collect data within several locations, each respondent will be interviewed from the comfort of his or her own home, is one of the features of my study that make it’s ecological validity rather high. Bryman (2012: 48) explains how ecological validity concerns researchers with the question of whether their social scientific findings are in fact suitable to the natural social settings of people’s everyday life.

4.3 Research Method

The research method(s) concerning my thesis flow from the strategy and design which I described above. To gain insight in player motivations and unique experiences, semi-structured in-depth interviews are in place. Because of the grounded theory approach, it is important that my interviews hold as little preconceptions as possible (Bryman, 2012: 473). Because of the conditions that were set by the university concerning the structure and content of this thesis, a full grounded theory approach could not be achieved. Therefore, initial operationalisation and thus initial categories for the interview guide, come from reviewing existing literature concerning MMORPGs and their players. The interview guide consists of topics which flow from the operationalisation, and holds some questions which were in no case mandatory. Through constant iteration during the process, the interview guide was constantly altered based on new concepts and findings that came from the interviews. The interviews are semi-structured by the topics, but are led by the participants.

A high ecological validity, as mentioned above, comes from findings that are suitable to people’s everyday life. Therefore, all interviews were conducted within the room where the players play their games. Because of the international character of MMORPGs, this meant that the larger part of the interviews was conducted through the means of Skype, an internet voice chat programme. All interviews were recorded with consent of the participants.

The biggest process which comes from the grounded theory framework, is that of coding. Coding involves going over the transcripts and labelling/categorizing parts that seem to be of significance to the social phenomena being studied (Bryman, 2012: 568). Because of the open character of this research, I choose to code the transcripts open, therefore letting the data decide the concepts and categories.

4.4 Data Analysis

Before analysing the data, all interviews had to be transcribed. After transcription, all interviews were coded by hand through the practice of open coding (Bryman, 2012: 569). Open coding meant that I labelled parts of sentences or whole sentences with words that defined those parts or sentences best. Because the goal of this research is to examine interpretations and unique experiences, I started out with labelling the players’ answers with 1 – 6 words. Each label then got a concept based on the labels that fit together. Different concepts later grouped together into a category (Bryman, 2012: 569). Using the data from the interviews findings were reported in the results section without the use and/or referencing to existing literature, which leads to the specification of substantive theory (Bryman, 2012: 571). Appendix 2.0 shows the concepts and categories after the coding process.

4.5 Population and Sampling

Because of the idiographic nature of my study, and because of the open character of a grounded theory, sampling was done through the theoretical sampling approach. Theoretical sampling is a type of purposive sampling which samples participants in a strategic way which is relevant to the research question (Bryman, 2012: 418). It is customary for research the size of this one, to obtain data from at least 10 – 15 interviews in order to talk about theoretical saturation. However, theoretical saturation can also be achieved “[…] when new data no longer stimulate new theoretical understandings or new dimensions of the principal theoretical categories, the relevant categories are saturated” (Charmaz, 2006, in: Bryman, 2012: 420).

Before going into the interview phase of this research, I decided to aim for interviews with a length of at least 1.5 hours so I could be sure there would be enough viable data. The respondents within my sample were between the age of 22 and 32, because according to numbers from the Entertainment Software Association, the majority of video gamers is older than 18 (ESA, 2016: 3). Another reason for this age category was the idea that this sample was less restricted when it comes to play time. I did not rule out older players, I simply did not find participants at that point in time.

To attempt a first step towards a varied sample, respondents were recruited based on three distinct MMORPGs: World of Warcraft (Blizzard Entertainment, 2004), Final Fantasy XIV (Square Enix, 2010) and Guild Wars 2 (ArenaNet, 2012). The choice for these different MMORPGs is based on their active player base and the fact that they are still receiving updates on a regular basis. The respondents were sampled through a combination of theoretical sampling and criterion sampling, meaning they had to meet particular criteria: the kind of MMORPG they play. It was made sure that none of the respondents were first-hand contacts and thus preserving some kind of distance (Bryman, 2012: 419-425).

After eight interviews of approximately 1.5 – 2 hours in length, I felt like the successive interviews had reached theoretical saturation. In my case this meant that the last two interviews did not suggest new dimensions or theoretical categories (Bryman, 2012: 421).

4.6 Operationalisation

Because of the grounded theory approach to analysing the data, operationalisation for this research was done a bit differently. An initial operationalisation came from reviewing existing literature since this was one of the conditions set out by the university concerning this thesis. This initial operationalisation led to some concepts which were later, due to open coding, transformed into the concepts and categories that came from the data. Constant comparison and theoretical sampling give the grounded theory approach its open and inductive character.

Appendix 1.0 shows the operationalisation scheme which was used to illustrate the main concepts of this thesis. The operationalisation scheme shows the two main concepts of this thesis, lived reality and perceived reality. In this thesis I focus on the effects of the perceived reality onto the lived reality from the MMORPG player’s point of view. Because of the hostile character of these two realities, sketched by previous studies, the concepts were put on opposite sides of the operationalisation scheme. Because of the grounded theory framework of this study, the operationalisation scheme was originally based on a very different theoretical framework. The theoretical framework where the operationalisation was based on, was much more descriptive instead of theoretical enriching. The initial concepts at the top of the operationalisation scheme, virtual world and real world, were later-on changed to lived reality and perceived reality.

The lived reality of MMORPG players is the social space which belongs to its inhabitants and users. This reality is formed by using the space, by projecting thoughts and ideas onto it and by using imagination (Lefebvre, 1991: 39, 42). Dimensions here are: motivations, experiences & behaviour, social interaction and stereotyping. The dimension of motivations, experiences & behaviour is fully based on the motivational model from Yee (2006b) and covers the indicators: character creation, role-playing and history with video games. This dimension was initially put in the operationalisation scheme to clarify parts of what the virtual world was, for the players. The dimension of social interaction was based on the reviewing of literature concerning social interaction in relation to MMORPGs. This dimension holds the indicators: standards & values, planned activity, and relationships. The third dimension revolves around stereotypes and for the concept of lived reality (or virtual world) it holds the indicators of: experience, behaviour and gender. Gender seemed one of those things that was highly important to the subject of stereotyping and MMORPG players.

The perceived reality of MMORPG players is the physical “secrete” space of society where space is produced and reproduced through a conjunction between daily reality (routines) and urban reality (routes and networks that link professional life, personal life and leisure) (Lefebvre, 1991: 38-42). Dimensions here are: social interaction and stereotyping. The indicators from both dimensions were merely the same as those from the lived reality (real world) but made applicable to the non-gamers world.

4.7 Ethics

Because of the personal character of this research, respondents will be offered anonymity. Respondents will be asked to agree with the recording of the interviews which may serve as a feeling of trust and thus result in more openness. Contact between respondents should be avoided as far as this is possible, because contact between respondents may cause biased answers. Anonymity of the respondents may cause the analysing of the data to become too detached from the initial emotion of the interviews. This is resolved by asking all respondents to approve the use of their character nickname. Using these nicknames still results in anonymity since gamer profiles for all three of the games do not show any personal information.

I deliberately chose a skype setting for the bigger part of the interviews to ensure a setting that feels safe because it resembles the setting the players are in when they play their specific MMORPG. Because of the personal character of this thesis and the notion that there is no right or wrong when it comes to the answering of the research questions, I will be able to analyse the data objectively. I will not be led by preconceptions simply because I aim for openness and the experiences of my respondents which may be very different, or not.

5.0 Results

This chapter contains my findings based on eight in-depth interviews. From this point forward, I address my respondents as ‘players’ to lessen the feeling of detachment. The first section gives more insight information about the research process, how I gathered my data and why I made certain decisions while doing this. The second section addresses the concepts regarding the lived reality of MMORPG players and provides answers to the question: what is the lived reality of MMORPG players? The third section addresses the concepts regarding social interaction and MMORPGs and provides answers to the question: what part does social interaction play

within the lived reality of MMORPG payers? The fourth section addresses the concepts regarding the experiencing of negative stereotypes and provides answers to the question: how do MMORPG players experience (negative) stereotypes concerning MMORPG players?

5.1 Research process

The respondents were recruited by various means. Because of my enthusiasm for this case, I frequently mentioned my thesis while talking to friends, when I was playing certain games and when I met new people. Some people I encountered here and there, already offered their participation in potential interviews. Two of the interviewees are regular customers in the comic book store where I work and after approaching them in this environment, the interviews were arranged using instant messages. Three of the interviewees were recruited through the in-game Free Company (i.e. Guild) chat of Final Fantasy XIV, the interviews were later arranged using Facebook messenger. One of the interviewees was recruited through the network of a close relationship, this interview was also arranged using Facebook messenger. The two remaining interviewees were recruited using a Facebook group for Guild Wars 2 players. I posted a message with the call for help and later arranged both interviews using, once again, Facebook messenger. A total of eight interviews took place. The reliability of the data was guaranteed by not sharing the underlying ideas and expectations of my thesis and by constructing the interview questions in such a way that there wouldn’t be a feeling of right or wrong.

Two out of the eight interviews took physically place at the home of the players. The other six interviews were carried out through voice chat over Skype. All Skype interviews took place at a moment where the interviewee was at his or her own house. Using Skype as a means of communication was in these cases necessary because of either the distance or because the interviewee felt more comfortable this way. None of the interviews were attended by anyone other than the interviewee and myself and thus none of the answers were affected by the presence of anyone whatsoever. Each of the interviews took approximately 1.5 to 2 hours with the longest being 2 hours and 20 minutes. The youngest respondent is age 22, the oldest is age 31. The majority of the respondents is aged 25 or above. Two out of the eight respondents are of the female sex. Even

though my group of respondents is diverse enough, I do not feel the need to generalize their results to the MMORPG player community. The MMORPG player community is one of the hardest populations to generalize because of the wide diversity and as such it seems unwise to even attempt it. To guarantee anonymity and because of the fact that their online world revolves around their character, I choose to distinct the respondents by their character nickname.

While coding my interviews I found that I was coding new concepts and thus that my initial operationalization was not covering it all. The data seemed to revolve around other concepts rather than a distinction between real and virtual. The new concepts regarding the lived reality are: identity, immersion and boundaries (Appendix 2.0). Identity covers the dimensions being a gamer and character creation and customization. Immersion holds the dimensions of discovery, role-playing and escapism from Yee’s model of motivational practices and also illustrates the importance of social interaction. Lastly, boundaries illustrates how the two worlds (online and offline) become more and more intertwined and sometimes merge with each other.

5.2 The lived reality of MMORPG players

Being a gamer translates differently for the different players. All players told me how their relationship with video games started, and for all of them it turned out to be a huge part of their childhood. Whether they played their first game on a Personal Computer or on a console depended on their parents and/or direct social environment. Overall for most of the players, video games were something that started somewhere in the nineties. Among the games that introduced the players to the world of video games, were platform games like Super Mario Bros and Crash Bandicoot, Real Time Strategy (RTS) games like Command & Conquer and its prequel Command & Conquer: Red Alert, the action-adventure game Zelda and the Role-Playing (RPG) Game Pokémon Red, none of which fit within the MMORPG category. On the subject of which MMORPG introduced the players to their beloved leisure activity, the games diverged from Runescape (2001), Horizons: Empire of Istaria (2003), World of Warcraft (2004), Guild Wars 1 (2005) and Rappelz (2006).

What it means to define yourself as a gamer, for the players, was not something they actively thought about. Ssaphira, Exaltion Starbearer and Yuka Morey all agree that it at least contains a lot of gaming. Algonquín described defining yourself as a gamer as enjoying a game on some sort of regular basis. The individual identity of the players is not shaped by the notion of being a gamer, it’s much more a matter of how the individual identity of the players shapes their ‘being’ a gamer. ‘Being a gamer’ is not something that is bound to a certain set of rules, instead it is just a name to identify the thing the players love most: playing video games.

How the individual identity of the players shapes their ‘being’ a gamer, is something reflected in the way they create and customize their online characters. Out of the eight players interviewed, seven play a female character, including both the female interviewees. The overall reason for choosing a female character was the, apparently, huge difference in character customization between male and female characters. Female characters seem to have a broader range of different looks, while male characters often lack variety on this part. This information suggests that there is no reflection between the virtual and reality. Character sex is not actively chosen as a reflection of ones’ sex in everyday life. Cruella and Ssaphira both express their disappointment on this lack of creativity regarding the male sex in MMORPGs:

The aesthetic appearance of ones’ character plays a big role in the process of customization. Some of the players emphasized the, for them, importance of their character looking pretty and cute. Yuka Morey, for example, explained how she tries to create her character in such a way that she can identify with it. Identification, for Yuka Morey, means that her character has the same sex as herself, female, and that she tries to express her personality in her creation. She also adds that it is equally important to her that her character looks pretty and cute, something she speaks very proudly of. Other important character styles that were mentioned were: sturdy and robust looking, cool looking and nice looking.

[…] usually when you play games, the male characters all look the same and I think that is just a pity. Because well, your creativity is unlimited and why would you always systematically bring the same into games? I myself am very judicious with that, so I often go with the female part since you can often customize them more nicely and they put much more consideration into it. – Cruella (translated from Dutch)

Yeah, with females it’s much more clear… it seems as if there are just more possibilities, it is of course.. the same outfit you can also fit males but in general with males they seem to just look undifferentiated while at the same time with females it seems to vary strongly with how it looks. You can have one outfit that looks totally different on (different) females in comparison to males and with males it almost all looks the same. – Ssaphira (translated from Dutch)

Oh I consider a gamer as just someone who.. like, it sounds stupid, who just wants to play the games. It’s not about what type of game it is like, you see. A lot of people get proper worked up about what types of games people play. – Deratrix Gaia

Exploring new bits and pieces within a virtual world also seems to have a powerful effect on the players. The players declared that every time a new expansion brings new worlds or areas to discover to a MMORPG, their hunger for exploration comes back. Seeing new parts of the in-game virtual world can sometimes be overwhelming, which makes it even more beautiful.

Whether it is exploring new places on the world map, exploring new storylines or finding secrets, exploration is a big part of playing MMORPGs for the players. All players see themselves as casual players, in contrast to hardcore players. Hardcore players are described as players that need to clear the hardest content as fast as possible (Deratrix Gaia), that use words like ‘must’ and ‘obligation’ a lot (Cruella), and that work on end-game raid content a lot (Algonquín & Yuka Morey).

All players talked about the ability of MMORPGs to help players deal with difficult situations in everyday life, to help process the situation of the day and sometimes to serve as an escape from negative situations in the real world. The players say that it is mainly due to mental health problems like depression, autism and AD(H)D. Cruella explained the part that Guild Wars 2, as MMORPG, plays for him in everyday life in association with Asperger, a form of autism:

Players Ssaphira, Yuka Morey and Strychnine also deal with forms of autism, two of them in combination with attention deficit disorder (ADD). Each of them deals with it in a different way, some using the MMORPG as a coping mechanism, while others use it as an escape.

I have a pretty strong willpower when it comes to, I have to keep myself constantly mentally occupied, agitated. […] it functions as an outlet and a moment of serenity for myself and to handle and process the order of the day, depending on when I do it. – Cruella (translated from Dutch)

[…] I was on Mumble or on Teamspeak or Ventrilo or I don’t know and those guys just hear me go ‘wow, wooow, woooow’ and then I wasn’t even inside yet. […] and like, then I walked inside and it really was a moment like … […] I just had to look up and around me. [...] it overwhelmed me, like if you talk about fully immersing into a game, you know, as a gaming experience. – Algonquín (translated from Dutch)

At moments when it is difficult, it is very nice to be able to lose yourself in a world, that is one aspect. But at moments when I am doing very badly, I can’t even focus on that, the ADD is all over the place and I can’t even focus for one bit on something like WOW. - Strychnine (translated from Dutch)

Some of the players talked about struggling with depression, in the present or in the past. For Yuka Morey, during her depression, playing MMORPGs (and other games) was the only thing that made her happy and thus helped her a great deal. However, for Deratrix Gaia and Ssaphira playing MMORPGs (and other games) did not necessarily do good or bad things, it postponed dealing with it or was used to fill their time. Algonquín and Cruella both mentioned that, after a long day of work, the option to jump into the virtual world results in unwinding and relieve.

What is the lived reality of MMORPG players? According to the players’ answers on several

questions, their lived reality, their motivations for using the social reality of MMORPGs, consists of different subjects. The players talked about the importance of character customization and world exploration as aspects of MMORPGs that are very important to them. The players also described the ways in which MMORPGs help them deal with mental health disorders, depression or just everyday life. players indicate that they aren’t actively constructing their identity as a gamer, but still identify as being one. One possible explanation for this is the fact that there is no need for this active construction in the case of the players, because their identity does not depend on the notion of ‘being’ a gamer. One consequence of the lack of need for the players to actively construct their identity as ‘gamer’ is that they have very little influence on where the real world stops and the virtual begins. The result, in this situation, is that the boundary becomes blurry and the merging of the two worlds becomes normal. Positive effects of the merging of the real and the virtual (among other things): it allows people to cope better with problems that originate in the real world, it allows people to establish friendships and other intimate relationships all over the world, it allows people to deal with the negative effects of mental health problems like depression, ADD and autism and it supplies one of the highest forms of cognitive stimuli. Another important part of the lived reality of MMORPG players, is social interaction. In light of the overlap between the first and the second sub-question, the next sub-section is devoted entirely to the subject of social interaction and what it means to the players.

5.3 Social interaction

Social interaction is of great importance to the players, and for many a reason to keep playing a MMORPG over a long time. Both Strychnine and Deratrix Gaia admitted to having used MMORPGs as expensive chat programmes. Social interaction is what distinguishes the MMORPG genre from other (offline) games. For some, social interaction is the aspect of MMORPGs that gets them to buy the game, for others it is what makes them come back to the game over and over and over. All players agreed that MMORPGs are a great opportunity to get to know new people, possibly establish friendships and sometimes even love.

The first subject that Yuka Morey talked about in light of social interaction, was her romantic relationship with Teralia (character nickname), who she met online while playing the MMORPG Final Fantasy XIV. They met online and connected in such a way that they decided to meet in person, Teralia came to the Netherlands, since he lives in Norway. Their relationship started out as friends until in October of 2015 Yuka Morey decided to visit him in Norway:

There was one other player who talked about her experience with dating someone she’s met online. Esmee in Cosplay had an experience similar to that of Yuka Morey, she met a boy in the chat of an online game, got talking, and fell in love. For Esmee in Cosplay this took place about six year ago and her boyfriend at that time lived in Australia while she lived in the Netherlands. Although it ended after about two years, she did not talk ill about the experience.

Other players have established very important and long lasting friendships. These friends have become part of their routine online and offline. Exaltion Starbearer likes having friends on MMORPGs because it is always better to play with friends. He met a group of his friends through a MMORPG he played years ago:

Making friendships, that were established through the MMORPGs, part of their life outside the virtual world is something that seems to come natural to all players. Except for Deratrix Gaia and Cruella, all players have met some of the people they’ve met within certain MMORPGs. Cruella has never met any of the ‘contacts’ he met online and because of that does not allow himself to think of these ‘contacts’ as friends. Based on personal principles he explains that he needs to ‘solidify’ his online relationships, meaning that he has to meet the person in question. He does not rule this out in the future. Other means by which these friendships or relationships are taken outside of the virtual world is through Facebook or instant messaging services. Deratrix Gaia explains how he feels closer connected to the people he can put a real name and face to:

I’ve met my whole ehhm.. solid part of my Guild Wars 2 guild in real life because they live close by Paris. And I see them on a regular basis. – Exaltion Starbearer […] then yes, then there was a spark or so to speak about and since then we have been in a relationship together. It all went very nice over the internet. – Yuka Morey (translated from Dutch)

[…] the few people that I’ve got on Facebook and stuff. You like, you keep up with them a lot more. You probably feel closer connected to the people who you know or at least, especially if you can put like a real name and face to the thing.. I think it just helps you connect a lot better to people, because you just, you don’t see them as just a game character anymore – Deratrix Gaia

In some cases, not exclusive to the virtual world, valuable relationships come to an end too soon. Strychnine shares the story of how he met Mark through the MMORPG World of Warcraft and later in real life. Strychnine and Mark established a relationship based on a great deal of similarities. About 1.5 years after they met each other in real life, Mark passed away due to a melanoma at the age of 31. Strychnine and other members of the, at that point, core group of their guild suffered a great loss. The whole situation with mark was

by far the one with the most impact and effect (Strychnine, translated from Dutch). The effect was that the core

group got closer together and started going on a yearly trip, first to London, then Malta and Crete. And every time they go on a trip together, with members living all over Europe, they drink at least one drink on behalf of Mark. He lives on in their hearts and memories.

What part does social interaction play within the lived reality of MMORPG payers? For the MMORPG

players, there seem to be no boundaries between the virtual and the real world when it comes down to social interaction. It doesn’t matter if two players live in other countries, if they have a connection that is all that matters. As exemplified, social interaction that starts within the virtual world does not exclusively stay there, it rather intertwines with the real one and thus resulting in sometimes memorable and beautiful memories. Social interaction, for the players, plays a big part within their lived reality. Not only because it is one of the core elements of MMORPGs, but also because for them it is rather another social world instead of a distinct virtual one.

5.4 The perceived reality of MMORPG players

The majority of the players describe the online gamer stereotype in association with the South Park episode ‘Make Love Not Warcraft’ (Parker & Stone, 2006). Some saw similarities between the extravagant MMORPG player stereotype from this South Park episode and the stereotypical believes they sometimes encounter from non-gamers. This particular episode, which was aired for the first time in 2006, is still fairly popular among gamers and non-gamers alike. Deratrix Gaia thinks that the popularity is due to two things:

Like, I think you’ve got this view of it as someone who.. if you don’t play MMO’s and you’re like “Hah look at these guys being all geeky and stuff”. […] it’s like what we doing where you getting really serious about beating one kind of player or like, beating these things and… It kind of captures both sides quite well. – Deratrix Gaia