• No results found

The fear of losing out : a study on the uncertainty of Singapore’s prosperous future among leaders in the private sector

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2021

Share "The fear of losing out : a study on the uncertainty of Singapore’s prosperous future among leaders in the private sector"

Copied!
70
0
0

Bezig met laden.... (Bekijk nu de volledige tekst)

Hele tekst

(1)

The Fear of Losing Out

A study on the uncertainty of Singapore’s prosperous future among leaders in

the private sector

University of Amsterdam

Name: Clare P. P. L. M. M. Sabatucci Student ID: 11082631

Program: M.Sc. Contemporary Asian Studies Department: Graduate School of Social Sciences Supervisor: Gerben Nooteboom

Word Count: 22645

(2)

ABSTRACT

I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.

- Nelson Mandela

Kiasu, a word originating from the Hokkien dialect, and appearing in the Oxford Dictionary in 2011 as “a grasping, selfish attitude”, has a literal translation of “the fear of losing out”. Previous research on kiasu has been limited to an individual level in the educational sphere which uses kiasuism to explain and predict student behaviors (Ho et. al, 1998). Moreover, as Bedford and Chua (2017) show, studies on kiasuism show an inconsistency in its conceptualization and focus more on the behavior and intent rather than the motivation and origin of kiasu behavior. The term, sometimes being translated as a positive attribute such as the eagerness of doing all and more to achieve results has almost redefined itself more significantly in recent years to connote a social infection of insecurity and fear that has led to behaviors of greed and self-interest amongst Singaporeans. Though some like Kirby et. al, (2010) express kiasu as a “deliberate maneuver” or “context-specific tactic for obtaining goals”, my findings argue kiasuism as more of a mindset or overarching philosophy of an approach to life. This thesis discusses kiasuism in a more communal approach, finding its roots in collective historical experiences and the social environment of Singapore, encompassing its effects on Singaporean leadership and the future of Singapore. The decision of stretching the discussion of kiasu to encompass its effects on leadership and Singapore’s future lies in the importance and significance of human capital and its talent development with respects to Singapore’s success story. As Singapore recognizes that the quality of a nation’s manpower resources is the single most important factor determining national competitiveness (Juma, 2013). Singapore’s future and its competitive advantage in the global economy, has been a common topic of discussion in recent months. Additionally, globalization of business has placed new demands on management thinking and education, “making a basic understanding of cultural differences and their management implications a prerequisite for the global manager” (Hwang et al, 2003). With the death of its founding father and the significant impact of a globalized world, the question has been posed if Singaporeans are able to socially make the transformation that some (Ong, 2016) argue is needed in order ensure the continuum of its great economic success. By conducting field work in Singapore over a period of four months, collecting data through academic literature, social media, newspapers, social observations and semi-structured

(3)

interviews with 25 influential, business leaders and academics in Singapore, the author develops a perspective on kiasuism, as the phenomenon of a national habit of fear and insecurity and as a hindrance on global leadership development in Singapore. Such consequences, born out of a fear of losing out or falling behind in society with respects to one’s peers and constant anxiety of missing opportunities, are characterized as behaviors of selfishness, calculative obsession of measuring ones’ success with their peers, greed and risk aversion. Such characteristics are counterproductive towards the goal of a “one Singapore” culture and the continuum of the economic power house as a business hub with global leaders. As such, this thesis argues that it is the phenomenon of the “fear of losing out”, that causes for an insecurity and uncertainty of the continuum of Singapore’s prosperous future.

(4)

Table of Contents ABSTRACT ... 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ... 6 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ... 7 1.1. RELEVANCE ... 10 1.2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS ... 13 1.3. METHODOLOGY... 14

CHAPTER 2: CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON KIASU ... 19

2.1.ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCERS ... 20

2.2.SELECTED SCENES IN HISTORY ... 21

2.2.1. The Obscure Tropical Island... 21

2.2.2. The Japanese Invasion ... 23

2.2.3. The 1950s-60s Riots ... 25

2.2.4. The Malaysian Merger Attempt... 28

2.3.THE SINGAPORE GOVERNMENT ... 29

2.3.1. Singapore’s Armed Forces ... 30

2.3.2. International Trade and Foreign Talent Policies ... 31

2.3.3. Meritocratic Singapore and Multiracialism as a Policy ... 32

2.4.EDUCATION IN SINGAPOREAN SOCIETY ... 36

CHAPTER 3: THE KIASU PHENOMENON ... 39

3.1. SINGAPOREAN KIASU ... 39

CHAPTER 4: THE LEADERSHIP LENS ... 44

4.1.SINGAPORE’S NEED FOR GLOBAL LEADERSHIP ... 46

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND LIMITATIONS ... 53

5.1.DISCUSSION ... 53

5.2.LIMITATIONS ... 58

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION ... 60

(5)

APPENDIX ... 68 1. LIST OF RESPONDENTS ... 68 2. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ... 69

(6)

List of Abbreviations

S$ Singapore Dollar

DDI Development Dimensions International Inc.

CCL Center for Creative Leadership

CEO Chief Executive Officer

COO Chief Operating Officer

HCLI Human Capital Leadership Institute HRM Human Resource Management

IQ Intellectual Quotient

KPI Key Performance Indicators

LKY Lee Kuan Yew

MNC Multinational Corporation MRT Mass Rapid Transport

NMP Nominated Member of Parliament NTU Nanyang Technological University

PAP People’s Action Party

PR Permanent Resident

SBF Singapore Business Federation

SGP Singapore

(7)

Chapter 1: Introduction

“Fear has been a favorite motivational tool of many of our parents, teachers, bosses and even politicians. Managed well, fear is a perfectly healthy kick in the pants to force us out of complacency and into action. Fear compels us to man up, save more, study hard, work long. Fear in that sense is an emotion that does help us take care of our future. But it loses these powerful positive effects when it goes beyond a temporary emotion we feel, to a permanent disposition we live in. When fear becomes part of our emotional and cultural DNA, we lock ourselves into a habit of self-limiting behaviors. I don’t think kiasu culture should be celebrated. In fact, I think we should kill it. Because all these behaviors that we are telling Singaporeans are necessary to take us into the future - innovation, productivity, collaboration, generosity to the needy - they are wholly dependent on a person’s desire and drive to generate greater worth and real value to share with the world and kiasu culture doesn’t give a damn about generating or sharing worth and value. The kiasu person will even pursue things of questionable worth he himself doesn’t believe in, as long as he sees everyone else is doing so.” (Kuik Shiao-Yin, 5 April 2016, speech given at Budget Debates in Singapore Parliament)

On Tuesday the 5th of April, 2016, Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) Kuik Shiao-Yin

called for the eradication of Singapore’s “kiasu” culture describing it as “a national habit of fear that poses as a cultural roadblock to social transformation and at great cost to the economy” (Ong, 2016). Kiasu, literally defined as ‘the fear of losing out’ has predominantly been characterized with attributes of selfishness, obsessive competition, greed and risk-aversion (Ho et al, 1998). Although the conceptualization and application of kiasu has previously been researched, it has been limited to a group of nine studies, of which six applied the conceptualization developed in previous studies (Ho et al, 1998; Hwang et al, 2002; Hwang, 2003; Hwang & Arbuagh, 2006; Kirby & Ross, 2007; Kirby et al, 2010; Ellis, 2014; Li & Fang, 2002; Wierzbicka, 2003). Of the three studies that intend to propose a conceptualization or measure of kiasuism, there remains a level of uncertainty towards the motivations behind the mindset and “whether all forms of kiasuism inherently entail a comparative element” (Bedford & Chua, 2017:6).

(8)

Today, the discussion has grown to encompass its effects on Singapore’s future as some like NMP Kuik Shiao-Yin, argue that Singaporeans kiasu-mentality has led to barrier on social transformation characterized as necessary for Singapore to retain its competitive advantage on a global scale. Similarly, Bedford and Chua (2017), highlight this as well as they present the most recent study on the conceptualization of kiasu. They highlight the implication of their study on the low level of interest in entrepreneurship among Singaporean youth and explain that “in light of the great concern with losing out relative to peers, failing in business may not only imply financial failure but also social failure relative to others” (Bedford & Chua, 2017:17). This thesis therefore, discusses kiasuism as a phenomenon of a “cultural aversion to failure” (Wu et al, 2001) and a “national fixation” (Ho et al, 1998) that has been “woven into Singapore’s cultural fabric” (Lee, 2010) and aims to identify an understanding of the motivations behind the behaviors and its effect on global leadership development in Singapore.

Appearing officially in the Oxford Dictionary in 2011, kiasu is defined as “a grasping, selfish attitude” and a kiasu person as “very anxious not to miss an opportunity” (Ellis, 2014). Though the term does not have a direct equivalent in the English language as it embraces more than being fiercely competitive, its translations aim to encompass winning at all costs, “an unwillingness to lose out in any aspect of life, whether in education, career or parenting” (Ellis, 2014). Additionally, Wu et al (2001), argue that it is due to “cultural attributes”, similar to the behaviors of a kiasu person, that “Singaporean managers cannot leave matters to chance or to others, always plan for future contingencies and seek assurance”. Kiasuism, has thus been characterized in both positive and negative connotations (Ho et al, 1998; Hwang et al, 2002; Kirby et al, 2010). Though some like Chua (1989), argue that the kiasu mindset may be positive as it could lead to “diligence and hard work” and could even be the explanation of the miracle of Singapore’s formation and existence, the debate has significantly favored its negative connotation in recent years. Additionally, as suggested by the literal translation of kiasu, Wu et al (2001) argue that the emphasis is “on not losing rather than winning or reducing the risk of failure, rather than striving for success”. Some like Chew (1994), argue that at the heart of kiasu is “a feeling of helplessness and fear in the face of an overpowering political and power structure, that the average person cannot hope to participate in or penetrate”. Whereas others such as Wu et al, (2001) have argued that its existence is “linked to theories of unlimited wants and limited recourses”, where it is expressed as a cultural behavior that stems from “the non-satisfaction of human needs” and that such behaviors can be found elsewhere, especially in Hong Kong, Australia (Ho et al, 1998) and the United States (Kirby et al, 2010). Additionally,

(9)

it is a trait that some (Lee, 2010) have observed as “running parallel with both national and individual anxieties” about the pursuit of the good life in a “highly competitive and resource-scarce country” (Ellis, 2014). Its popularity amongst such cultures has been linked to a certain “mentality of the public living and working in a fast-paced and competition-filled territory”, that is, people’s aspiration to make more efforts “to avoid lagging behind others” (Wu et al, 2001). Nevertheless, one could argue that the construct and application used in previous studies deviates from how kiasuism is broadly understood and practiced in Singapore’s context.

Therefore, the arguments in this thesis aim to: conceptualize kiasuism as represented within the private sector in Singapore and stretch the conceptualization to encompass collective historical experiences and its implication on leadership, and the future of Singapore. By analyzing a collection environmental and societal factors, such as Singapore’s geographical size or its pragmatic, meritocratic political system, that are explanations to the national habit of fear and insecurity, one can reflect on how to manage its negative effects.

In effort of seeking a deeper understanding of kiasuism and its attributed effects on Singapore’s future, the discussion in this thesis centers around the private sector. The findings showed that the general concern with Singapore’s future focuses on activities to foster talent, creating an economy that is not constrained by geographical boundaries, and the education and grooming of global leaders. The author therefore applies the understanding of kiasuism, to global leadership development in Singapore as to represent the limitations of kiasu mentality on the continuum of Singapore’s prosperous future.

This discussion will be presented in the following way; first, certain environmental, historical and societal factors will be analyzed as to better understand the existence of the kiasu mindset in Singaporean society today. Second, a characterization of Singapore’s kiasu culture and its representation in the business sphere will be presented, referencing interviews with local business leaders. Third, the importance of global leadership development in Singapore will be explained and the adverse effects kiasu mentality may have on this development are expressed. Lastly, this thesis will conclude with a discussion, together with a description of some of the limitations and implications regarding future studies.

Though it may seem that this thesis, and the articles it refers to, may equate kiasuism with Singaporeans and their culture as a whole, it is important to recognize that Singapore is the

(10)

symbol of a multiracial and multicultural nation. This implies that; not all Singaporeans pose the same or even similar cultural values. As a matter of fact, superficially, Singapore is made up of four cultures; the Chinese-Singaporean culture, as well as, the Malay, Indian and a group of others which usually refers to a third of the population which consists of foreigners. Nevertheless, due to this thesis and its related field work being conducted within the scope of Singapore’s corporate private sector and educational spheres, which consist to a vast majority of Chinese-Singaporeans for reasons outside the scope of this thesis, it is therefore that all characterization of Singaporean culture and identity within this thesis is biased to the fact that the Chinese-Singaporean culture is the most predominant within the chosen context. This can also be explained by the fact that 74.2% of Singaporeans are of Chinese ethnicity (Singapore Government Statistics).

1.1.Relevance

“The city-state’s government has critics, but Singapore’s efficiency, economic successes, safety and security are impossible to deny. However, maintaining momentum and securing sustainable growth will be a challenge for policy makers in the years ahead due to new domestic and international uncertainties”

(Henderson, 2012)

As Henderson (2012) acknowledges, with a country that is recognized worldwide for developing at rates faster than any other economy in the world, there is a constant concern and interest in forecasting future developments and focusing all efforts to the continuum of prosperous progression. In position papers published by the Singapore Business Federation (SBF) in early 2016, some of the concerns and solutions for ensuring a bright and prosperous future for Singapore’s economy are highlighted. The documents characterize Singapore’s economy as entering a new era and facing a more challenging environment, internally and externally. Internally, ongoing economic restructuring is said to be taking its toll on some businesses as they continue to struggle with “rising business costs, rapidly shrinking and aging local workforce, foreign manpower curbs, and close to zero productivity growth” (DDI, 2015). The position papers characterize Singapore’s economy as losing its competitiveness while other economies of neighboring countries are catching up. Externally, the global economic outlook is said to be “stagnating with little signs of picking up” and emerging economies are said to be

(11)

“faltering due to the low commodity prices”, such as oil. As Singapore is a small island nation with several ties to external economies, there is a constant concern with trends and activities outside of its border. This concern can be traced back to its history of “backlashes” caused by foreign factors and a reason why a global stagnating economy is said to have a direct effect on Singapore’s economy and future. Though the position papers arguably paint a very negative self-image of Singapore’s economy, the facts presented are tied to actual figures measured within the Singapore context. A doubt arises however in the implication of such figures and their relation to figures of other nations. The author struggles with comparison of such figures without a proper understanding of all the direct and indirect variables that may correlate to such figures, such as, a nation’s history and culture.

Nevertheless, together with the government led Economic Strategies Committee, the SBF has unveiled its recommendations on achieving sustained and inclusive growth for Singapore. The recommendations include; “a stronger focus on activities to foster talent, creating an economy that is not constrained by geographical boundaries, and educating and grooming international managers and global leaders who are capable of operating across different cultures and geographies” (DDI, 2015). The expressed need for educating and grooming global leaders is of significant relevance to the context of this research project. The aim of the research presented is to therefore challenge this expressed need given the cultural and environmental factors present in Singapore today.

Moreover, if one refers to the Singapore’s Leadership Readiness report delivered by the Development Dimensions International Inc. (DDI), one can see that Singaporean leaders have been characterized as slightly lacking in comparison to the global leadership benchmark as presented by table 1.

(12)

Table 1. Leadership challenges inventory ratings

As shown in Table 1., compared to their global counter parts, Singapore-based leaders tend to be more approval-dependent, perfectionistic, risk averse and avoidant. While the assumption is that each of these characteristics could be correlated to kiasuism, its proven attributes of selfishness, calculative obsession, greed and risk-aversion (Ho et al, 1998) can be presented as an explanation of this leadership gap on a global scale. Similarly, the data and analysis in this report shows that, based on their skills and personality patterns, leaders in Singapore are “not yet ready” to; “drive growth through local and global expansion, cultivate innovation, and engage and inspire people” (DDI, 2015). Although such figures and research are arguable and one poses the immediate question regarding the actual meaning and measurement of “Global Benchmark”, the fact of the matter is that these figures make up the foundation of the argument expressed by policy makers and influential business leaders in Singapore as they express concern with local societal behaviors and human capital development given the context of the global scale. Moreover, I myself also observed indicators of the global leadership gap in Singapore, as during my fieldwork period I had significant trouble finding Singaporean nationals in managerial positions within multinationals or other large corporate organizations in Singapore.

Another influential variable in contemporary Singaporean society which is of relevance to the discussion in this thesis, is the recent death of former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (LKY). Born on September 16th, 1923, he was the first Prime Minister of Singapore and is known for “raising a poor port from the bottom rungs of the third world to the first world in a single generation” (Allison, 2015). Though a complete biography and list of achievements would be

(13)

outside the scope of this thesis, one should recognize that the complete existence of this thesis, as well as that of Singapore, would be merely fictional if it were not for LKY. His legacy of transforming and obscure tropical island into what is now known as a leading Asian Tiger, in a significantly short period of time, is renowned and undeniable. Nevertheless, today, it’s the durability of his legacy that lies under question. Recent newspaper articles such as those from the Strait Times, centered around Singapore in the last year have the common attribute of discussing Singapore’s future without LKY. People appear to be very occupied with understanding what kind of effects Lee Kuan Yew’s death will have on Singapore’s future and argue that though “he is characterized as the founding father of his country, he did not leave behind a system of beliefs that can tie people together” (Han, 2015). The ambiguity of Singapore’s next chapter in history without the presence of its “founding father” is yet another factor that made this research relevant.

1.2.Research Questions

In effort to better the understanding of kiasuism and its repercussions on talent development, and with it the continuum of Singapore’s prosperous future, the research question is fragmented into three sub-questions. Each sub-question is aimed at a different layer of the understanding of kiasuism and more importantly, whether its contemporary effects are detrimental for Singapore’s future. These sub-questions posed as focus tool in my fieldwork which enabled me to keep informants’ interviews on topic, as well as, the main guideline of questions this thesis aims to answer.

Sub-question one: Can environmental and social factors help explain the phenomenon of kiasu mentality?

This sub question is aimed to deepen the understanding of the existence of kiasuism and how certain environmental factors, such as the size and location of the country, as well as, societal factors, such as its politics and social norms, can explain this national habit of fear and insecurity. The importance of this sub-question lies in the goal to understanding kiasuism effects as I believe that to understand how a concept might react or effect another, one must first understand the foundation of the concept. As such, this sub-question is aimed to lay out the foundation of understanding of Singaporean culture and society today.

(14)

Sub-question two: How can one characterize Singapore’s human capital scene and its leaders and what are the apparent limitations or concerns related to its development?

This question is aimed at the understanding of contemporary Singapore’s talent pool and its development. Questions directed at describing typical Singaporean employees and their attitudes and values were posed. Though such understandings can sometimes be relative, the aim was to understand why such attributes have been linked to a talent pool gap. Moreover, I aimed to understand the talent development scene as I initiated my fieldwork with interviewing academics and researchers in this field. Subsequently, an investigation took place into what it means to be a global leader and why it has been deemed as a crucial and necessary asset for Singapore’s future. At the core of this sub question is the understanding as to why it was difficult to find Singaporean directors or managers at the head of large corporations in Singapore and why there is a discussion amongst Singaporean business leaders characterizing Singaporeans as “not yet ready to” compete on the global leadership scale.

Sub-question three: What are the effects of a kiasu mentality and its attributes on leadership development and the continuum of a prosperous future in Singapore?

This sub question was aimed at the understanding of kiasu and its attributes’ effects on leadership practices in Singapore’s corporate sphere. Questions were directed to the understanding of what attributes, behaviors and values are important for effective and efficient leadership for the future of Singapore, as well as, some of the characteristics that cause for limitations in the race to closing the global leadership gap. Furthermore, at the core of this sub-question lies the understanding of how kiasuism has led some Singaporeans to believe is the explanation as to the social limitations hindering Singapore’s continuum of competitive advantage on a global scale.

1.3.Methodology

The data presented in the following thesis was retrieved in Singapore during a fieldwork period of four months. The data consists of a collection of 20 interviews, a significant number of academic articles retrieved from the online library of the University of Amsterdam, online

(15)

newspapers articles from newspapers such as The Straight Times and Chanel News Asia, a variety of videos from online sources such as YouTube and some additional documents received from one of my gatekeepers. The collection of data focuses on the topics of kiasu, leadership and more specifically, cross-culture leadership and global leadership, multiculturalism and the Singaporean society.

The reasons for choosing Singapore as my fieldwork destination were on the one hand personal and practical but also because of Singapore’s position in the world economy of today. Being trained in Economics and Business Economics, my interest in one of the world’s ‘Asian Tigers’ was inevitable. Moreover, at the time of my fieldwork, Singapore had just surpassed its 50 years’ mark which posed for an interesting milestone and observing the social, political and economic environment during this period was of interest. Leadership also posed as a relevant topic for the setting of Singapore as it fosters many institutions and organizations aimed at the development of leadership in the region, such as the Center for Creative Leadership and the Human Capital Leadership Institute. Similarly, with a population compromising of four different ethnicities, approximately half of its population being foreign and the government openly implementing multiculturalism as a policy, Singapore deemed a great candidate for the study of multiculturalism and other cultural interests. Additionally, my personal connection to Singapore was already very present as I had had the opportunity of following an exchange semester at the Nanyang Technological University three years prior to my fieldwork which also resulted in already having established some significant connections prior to my fieldwork which deemed very beneficial.

During my stay in Singapore I stayed with a previously acquainted host family who lived very close to NTU. They have three daughters, all of which are working and similar in age to myself. I spent a lot of time with the family and participated in several family events and gatherings which gave a great insight into Singaporean society and way of life. Even though Singapore is often described as significantly tiny, on average it took me close to two hours to travel anywhere with Singapore’s Mass Rapid Transit system (MRT). Additionally, because nearly all of my informants were high-profile individuals who aim to use their time efficiently, nearly all of my interviews had to take place within one hour. Moreover, during my stay in Singapore I was also able to rejoin the University Swimming League where I spent a lot of time training with my local friends and engaging in additional networking activities at the university. This is also where I had previously met my primary gatekeeper.

(16)

I used three gatekeepers during my fieldwork period who helped me connect with other informants and who enabled me with relevant insight for my thesis. As mentioned, my primary gatekeeper is an old friend of mine who I had the pleasure of meeting through my swimming activities in 2013 and who happens to be one of the most powerful and elite business men in Singapore today. The other two gatekeepers work for the European Union and provided me the contact details of four of my informants.

During the duration of my fieldwork I conducted 20 focused, standardized and semi-structured interviews. As previously stated, almost all the respondents (13 out of 20) are high-profiled individuals with limited time which sometimes requested to see my interview guide prior to the interview. The interview guide was a list of roughly 20-25 questions regarding all the relevant topics I aimed to cover during all of my interviews and was to serve more as a guideline rather than a fixed agenda. The construction of this guide was also one of careful thought as I noticed early on that some of my informants requested a list of questions prior to the scheduled interview in effort to prepare themselves and be efficient given their time constraint. I created two versions of this guide, one for informants active in a managerial position in multinational companies (MNCs) or smaller, medium sized enterprises (SMEs) in Singapore and the other for the informants active in academia. After most of my interviews, the guide would be edited with respect to the new information retrieved from the interviews. This was an important aspect of my interviewing process as often informants claimed the need to prepare themselves prior to the interview and I did not want to give too much away with the risk of receiving ‘text-book’ answers. Therefore, I always stressed that the interviews would cover the topics present in the guide but with the possibility of freewheeling with the intention to dig deeper into relevant topics. Moreover, the choice to use standardized and semi-structured interviews was based on several considerations: (1) Interviews had to be and always were scheduled activities. This meant that I had to be prepared prior to the interview and as mentioned, often informants requested to know exactly what was expected of them and what topics would be covered. (2) I was aware that I would not get another chance to interview respondents a second time and therefore had to make sure that I covered all the necessary topics within the first interview. Having an interview guide in front of me during the interview enabled this. (3) I was aware that my informants are powerful and highly intelligent and that I had to be able to exert some amount of control during the interview and I wanted to prove that I had enough knowledge of the topics discussed to make a good impression which, from experience, I knew lead to more trust and

(17)

openness from the informant. (4) All my informants have a common language. This does not only imply that they all spoke English but that they all spoke the ‘business’ language, which therefore made things more practical and allowed me to have a standardized list of questions. The interview guide started with a few structured questions aimed more at the demographics of informants and ended with the majority of questions being open questions aimed at understanding informants’ beliefs and opinions on the relevant topics. A copy of the interview questions guideline can be viewed in the appendix section of this thesis.

Prior to my fieldwork, I characterized my informants as Singaporean nationals with experience in high-profiled managerial positions in multinational companies in Singapore. Additionally, I also searched to interview individuals engaged in the academics of cultural leadership or with any experience in this field. Much to my surprise, within the first month I learnt that there are not very many Singaporean nationals in top positions in MNCs in Singapore and I decided to change my focus slightly to SMEs where I knew more top level managers would be Singaporean. The informants in this data set are therefore split into two groups of which each group has two sub groups.

The first group consists of business men and women in a managerial position or with significant managerial experience in the corporate world of Singapore. The terms ‘corporate world’ is then further diversified into big multinational companies and smaller, medium sized enterprises. Thereby creating the two sub groups of which one consists of high-profile, top-level managers (10 informants) and the second compromising of smaller, lower-level or sometimes junior managers (4 informants). Within this first group of 14 individuals, 12 informants hold a Singaporean passport and all have lived at least 20 years in Singapore with 5-15 years of managerial experience.

The second group consists of individuals active in academia and more precisely in the field of cultural leadership. Additionally, two of the informants in this group were directors of Universities and therefore could also provide me with insight regarding their experience in a leadership position. Out of the six informants in this group, five informants have the Singaporean nationality, one is a student and one is a researcher in the same field as this research project. Interviews did however follow a less formal structure with informants in this group as they seemed more eager to have open conversations regarding the relevant topics as to discuss also my own opinions on the matter.

(18)

The academic literature I used was derived mostly from academic journals such as the Asia Pacific Journal of Management, Asia Pacific Business Review, Journal of Management and Administrative Science Quarterly. Moreover, the series of books by David Ulrich on ‘Leadership in Asia’ provided an important part of the context of my research. Furthermore, a collection videos from online sources such as YouTube on interviews with Mr. Lee Kwan Yew for example or TedTalks about leadership, multiculturalism and globalization were also referred to. Additionally, information was retrieved from institutional websites like the ones of the Human Capital Leadership Institute and the Center for Creative Leadership as well as university websites and the government websites as the one of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Ministry of Education. All other information regarding the government was retrieved from documents provided to me by one of my gatekeepers with close connections to the Singaporean government. This collection of data together with the transcriptions of all the interviews of my informants deemed significantly informative and important for my research.

Due to most of my informants having high profiled positions in society and in the corporate sphere of Singapore I decided not to disclose any of the authentic names of individuals and the organizations they work for in the whole of this thesis. This was also a beneficial factor to my research as I noticed that informants spoke more openly once informed of their anonymity within my research and the fact that nearly all interviews were performed in a closed and private office space. Nevertheless, it should also be recognized that as my informants knew of the fact that I was recording our interviews, it did happen that one informant altered their answers in the fear that I might leak a negative comment about them. I therefore excluded most of the informant’s answers from my data set but luckily this did not affect my data significantly as the informant was not Singaporean.

(19)

Chapter 2: Contextual Influences on Kiasu

“Unless you know where you came from, unless you know what your ancestors have been through, you have no reference point. What makes us different from say; a Thai, or a Pilipino, or the Sri Lankans? The difference is how we came here, how we developed. And that requires a sense of history.”

- Lee Kwan Yew

As Lee Kwan Yew explains in one of his many interviews with the press, to fully grasp the meanings and insights behind the Singaporean people and their culture it is necessary to fully understand how historical and other contextual factors have affected and shaped them. This chapter therefore, provides insights into certain environmental factors, selected scenes in Singapore’s history and the social environment that are assumed to have strongly affected Singaporean kiasu culture today. Similarly, the selection of these specific scenes was chosen in collaboration with my informants as I posed each of them the question; “Where do you think the kiasu mindset we see today comes from? Why are Singaporeans so kiasu?”

Singapore’s geographical location and size are one of the possible influential factors to the formation of the kiasu national habit of fear. Moreover, the fact that Singapore has no other resources apart from its human capital allows for the understanding as to why a sense of fear and insecurity in relation to other nations has developed over time. Furthermore, several historical happenings deemed as uncontrollable events that influenced the existence of Singapore and the social formation of its people is relevant to the understanding of contemporary Singaporean society. A series of other contextual factors will be explained that deem necessary for the foundation of the understanding of kiasuism, such as a range of governmental efforts and policies that shaped contemporary Singapore. The first section of this chapter will provide some background environmental and historical information. For simplicity and cohesiveness this thesis will not elaborate on a consecutive time line of Singapore’s history. Instead, specific scenes and moments in Singapore’s history have been chosen to represent a possible explanation to the kiasu culture of its people today. As research will present, there is an initial debate regarding whether Singapore’s inherent kiasu culture can be explained by its history as a nation of transactional traders or by government efforts and policies. Nevertheless, no research has attempted to answer this question in depth yet. This chapter aims to represent how the conceptualization of kiasuism has formulated in my perspective as I strongly believe

(20)

that it is the combination of historical, environmental and social factors that has given meaning to the kiasu mindset.

2.1. Environmental Influencers

“And so, for lack of a better analogy, I am going to use the analogy of the cockroach. I don’t know if you know this about the cockroach, but the cockroach can survive in any environment. It’s the oldest thing on the planet, and it can survive in any environment, whether it is a wet environment or dry environment and it just deals with it as it comes and I think Singaporeans tend to do that. Singaporeans are like cockroaches. We will do anything to survive”

(Segment form my interview with Ms. YF)

Singapore consists of the island of Singapore and 58 islets in the surrounding territorial waters. The main island is ca. 42 km long, 23 km wide, 574 km squared in area, and has a coastline of 150 km in length (Hesp, 1995). Upon discussing with my informants, reasons why certain behaviors or even political policies have taken place in Singapore in recent years, almost everybody exclaimed that the problem with Singapore is that, it is small.

“Singaporeans are very practical, so their whole approach is transactional and practical when it comes to business and in their personal life that kind of rubs off. Also, they are cloistered. Singapore is an island, a small place in this whole south east Asian region, so they have kind of grown up in this cocoon. Therefore, that also leads them to be slightly more insecure which again leads to practicality over being a bit more on the emotional side and so on and so forth.”

(fragment from interview with Mr. AK)

Informants explained that being a small country has its benefits in the ability to exert control over a whole population as such control can be easily manageable given the ground to cover. Similarly, its location has been characterized as one of the reasons why settlers and traders came to Singapore in the 14th century as it lays at a perfect crossroads with world trading routes. Nevertheless, the size and location of the nation has forever been a vulnerability according to informants. For example, I often wondered why my Singaporean friends must go back to the

(21)

Singapore Army every year for a period of two weeks, as if another world war is about to break out at any minute. They explained that so many powerful nations have had interest and made investments in Singapore that the public fears that at any minute, these powerful nations might invade, ‘again’ and Singaporeans will be lost. This fear and insecurity has its roots in historical experiences but has been justified repeatedly over time as a given fact or a norm, given that Singapore is a small island. Furthermore, the fact that the island has no natural resources has been characterized as another reason of the development of a national habit of insecurity. As selected scenes in history show, the island of Singapore has often found itself in the need of survival, as a helping hand from its neighbors or even its colonial power, were scarce. Moreover, if one examines the fact that the phenomenon of kiasu, as a national fear of losing out, has been proven to exist outside the boarders of Singapore, especially in Hong Kong and Australia (Ho et al, 1998), one can begin to understand the similarities in environmental factors that might be the cause to this phenomenon. Australia being an island with minimal resources also symbolizes a nation in constant fear of invasion and insecurity towards the outside world. Though these environmental factors are not proven to have causal effects on the formation of kiasuism, I do propose that they presented a foundation and provided an environment that fosters a need of survival and feeling of insecurity.

2.2. Selected Scenes in History

2.2.1. The Obscure Tropical Island

The history of Singapore can be traced back to as early as the 14th century, where Chinese explorers wrote about a small settlement inhabited by Malays and Chinese (Hong, 2008). It was the oldest location where a Chinese community was known to exist outside of China. Between the 16th and 19th centuries however, the Malay Archipelago was gradually taken over by European colonial powers. The Portuguese arrived in Malacca in 1509 and their dominance was challenged and defeated in the 17th century by the Dutch, who ended up establishing a monopoly over trade within the region (Hong, 2008). On the 28th of January 1819, Sir Stamford Raffles, a Lieutenant Governor of the British East India Company, arrived in Singapore, and its transformational journey from mangrove to metropolis started. Raffles had a profound admiration for Singapore and its potential as a trading hub due to its favorable location (Hong, 2008).

(22)

Raffles set up many plans for the future he envisioned for Singapore, like the architectural plan of Singapore’s roads still visible today. His plans started with the idea that Singapore was to be a location for trade, a location that provided the service of free trade where anyone from anywhere could come to sell anything with nobody interfering (Hong, 2008). His ideology of freedom and efficiency, which was said to be influenced by the philosophical movement of The Enlightment taking place in Europe at the time, were the base of his plans. A common example is the simplicity and efficiency behind contemporary Singapore’s architectural landscape (Henderson, 2012). Almost all the roads and buildings in Singapore today, as well as their location, were planned by Raffles. Moreover, Raffles’ vision of Singapore not only consisted of freedom and efficiency but also trade (Henderson, 2012). Ever since the 19th century, Singapore’s fortunes have depended on the influx and outflow of international trade. Novelists who characterize Singapore at this time, compare it to a bee hive with traders from all over the world swarming in and around Singapore to conduct business free of tax and free of law. Additionally, this freedom also presented people with a location where they could practice their religion freely. From the very beginning, religious tolerance was part of the ethos of multiethnic Singapore. Nevertheless, this freedom soon became a burden for the new trading settlement as Singapore experienced increasing cases of sex and slave trading, cock fighting, gambling and the consumption of opium (Hong, 2008).

The history of Singapore as an obscure tropical island might not be as significant to this thesis as the sections that will follow, but it was chosen to represent the beginning of Singapore’s trade culture. Moreover, this section of history is arguably the first time that Singapore experienced vast levels of freedom, as well as, its negative consequences. I believe that this was not only the first but also the last time that Singapore ever experienced such levels of freedom and that the consequences, with which it came with, were so detrimental to the well-being of its people that such levels of freedom were never really considered ever again. This belief was also strengthened upon discussing this period of time with informants. They argued in favor of contemporary governmental policies by saying; “government policies today make sure that

those horrible images of Singapore as a hot spot for gambling, sex slaves and drug use do not happen again. Singapore is beautiful today. We have no poor people living on streets or people fighting in riots anymore. We are a ‘One Singapore’ now.” (Mr. AY). Similarly, I believe that

this is where the first ideas of the necessity for control might have stemmed from. Though a mere assumption, it is based on the notion that still today Singaporeans talk about gambling

(23)

and sex trading in a very denominating manner. Gambling is mostly spoken in addictive terms, such that individuals who merely enjoy the act of gambling are all addicts and a problem for society and its harmony. This leads me to believe that there was a time where such practices and their negative effects on society, were at the center of social discourse and thereby used as an argument against vast majorities of social freedom. My interview with Mr. AY also highlighted this dependency as he explained that his story starts with the fact that his father was a heavy gambler and therefore his family had to admit to bankruptcy in his early years. This burden is characterized as the fuel to his success today and his admiration to the Singaporean Government, as even though his family was “bad”, the Government aided them “to set their path straight again” by providing them with financial aid and housing subsidies during their darkest moments. Though this story portrays signs of paternalist leadership and arguably its negative dependency factor, it remains a fact that it drove Mr. AY to success.

2.2.2. The Japanese Invasion

Some of the people I spoke to during my fieldwork argued that Singapore’s unlikely road to independence started in Chinatown. In the early 1900s, Singapore simply represented a workplace for trade of which three quarters of the population were Chinese (Turnbull, 2005). The Chinese came to Singapore to escape famine and civil war back in main land China, and “brought with them the first sparks of nationalism” (Turnbull, 2005). Many of them were hawkers selling noodles from their stands and saw Singapore as merely a place to work where few had actual plans to put down roots. Together with its open characterization, Singapore was a port city vulnerable to the influx of political ideas from outside its borders.

On December 8th, 1941, Japanese forces landed in Kota Bharu in northern Malaya just moments after their attack on Pearl Harbor (Turnbull, 2005). This moment in time was also the source for the loss of trust in colonial power and the root for the longing of independence as the British, are said to have defended Singapore halfheartedly (Blackburn, 2009). Hence, a national feeling of abandonment, insignificance and major interest in the concept of survivability was born (Blackburn, 2009). On January 31st, 1942, just 55 days after the start of their invasion, Japan had conquered the entire Malay Peninsula. Singapore was renamed Syonan-to; the Light of the South Island, and was to be occupied for the next three years (Turnbull, 2005). The Japanese army was famous for having imposed harsh and strict measures against the local population and with particular ruthlessness towards the Chinese population who were seen as “anti-Japanese” and supporters of the war effort in China (Blackburn, 2009). As Lee Kwan Yew

(24)

(who at the time was known as Harry Lee) explains in his interview with the Discovery Channel,he was one of the many Chinese men who had been rounded up for screening for the purpose of identifying those referred to as “anti-Japanese”. Those who did not pass the screening process would eventually be killed in mass executions. Once dug up, the mass grave sites of these mass executions claimed to consist of up to 50 000 to 100 000 Chinese.

In an interview conducted by the Discovery Channel many years later, LKY explains that it was a time of destruction, death, anxiety, fear and panic. He explains that his first thoughts at the time were centered around getting rid of the Japanese who were seen as unbearable by the local population, insufferable and cruel. He said it was an experience that changed the Singaporean people forever. LKY characterized this time in history as; “a real life lesson of

what power means to the economy of a country and the lives of its people. That if you controlled a country by force, and the lives of the people depended on you, you can make them comply, and even change their attitudes to you, at least openly, and make them comply.” Moreover,

Blackburn (2009), strengthens this vision in his work “Recalling war trauma of the pacific war and the Japanese occupation”, as he discusses some of the traumatic experiences with individuals who lived through these times in Singapore. His work paints a very dark picture of these times and I propose that it could be because of these horrific experiences that Singaporeans today are overly concerned with survivability and in fear of another similar invasion.

Interestingly, the above quote made by LKY could be interpreted in different ways. Lee Kwan Yew characterizes his observations as a scenario of how power and fear can be used to control a nation and change its people’s behaviors in an unnatural manner for the aim of compliance. The effects of such an observation may be similar but also different depending on the interpretation of it. On one side, one could argue that this is the point in time where LKY saw how fear was used to gain power, control and compliance to benefit a country, its economy and its people. Notably, such ideas would not be implemented to the same extent and harshness as the Japanese had done so, but it could have possibly given ideas to the foundation of some of his infamous practices during his leadership as Prime Minister some years later. As an example, Lee Kuan Yew also addressed the value of fear in 1997 when he stated that “Between being

loved and being feared, I have always believed Machiavelli was right. If nobody is afraid of me, I’m meaningless”. Nevertheless, another idea of interpretation would be characterizing this

(25)

the fear of outsiders and a fear of outside factors destroying an economy. It is undeniable that the scenes described during the Japanese occupation were anything less than horrifying, but as some people say; it is not what you suffer but how you deal with that suffering that matters to development. Some may argue that due to this hardship LKY and the Singaporean people developed a strong fear of invasions and outside controlling powers but also that it might have sparked an interest into using power and fear as a means for control and compliance. This is also strengthened by the legacy of World War II presented as “an object lesson to present-day Singaporeans to remain ever mindful of real and potential threats to the island’s sovereignty” (Loh, 1998:9). As Goh Chok Tong, Singapore’s second prime mister, stated during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 a warning that “history reminds us that a threat can arise unexpectedly … Singapore was attacked and overrun in 1942 … by Japan, over five thousand kilometers away” (Loh, 1998:9).

Eventually, on August 15th, 1945 the Japanese surrender to the Allies (Turnbull, 2005). After years of immense bloodshed, and mainly of the Chinese local population, Singaporeans had to stand by and witness the returning of the British, simply deporting the Japanese officials who had committed these horrifying war crimes (Blackburn, 2009). Feelings of resentment from Singaporeans towards the British continued to form. In an interview, LKY explained that: “it

was the catastrophic consequences of the war that changed the mind sets of my generation who decided that, no, this does not make sense, we should be able to run this as well as the British did, if not better.” He explains how the first thoughts of independence and self-governance

were sparked by the Japanese occupation and how his whole generation was forever scarred with fear due to it.

2.2.3. The 1950s-60s Riots

In 1949, Singapore was once again influenced by outside factors. The victory of Mao Zedong and the communist party in China was to send shockwaves throughout Asia (Turnbull, 2005). The post-war and early independence periods of Singapore’s history are of greater importance than the Second World War as the PAP have been able to effectively control this period of history by limiting public access to government records on the one hand while making themselves conveniently available to historians such as John Drysdale and Dennis Bloodworth (Loh, 1998). As such, the events that occurred during the 1950s and 1960s in Singapore “received considerable and even disproportionate attention in the public media” (Loh, 1998:10). As Loh (1998) explains, “by pre-empting alternative accounts of this period in the

(26)

nation’s past, the Old Guard has insured that the theme of national “fragility” is continued”. Loh uses the example of John Drysdale’s commissioned book, which is premised on the “political gullibility of Singaporeans with respect to communism and communalism” (Loh, 1998:10). He argues that it is the issues of “communist insurgency and communalist factionalism” that formed “the duel threats to national sovereignty that the PAP claims continue to plague the nation” (Loh, 1998:10). The scenes described during this period are a potent reminder of Singapore’s “vulnerability” (Loh, 1998).

The People’s Action Party (PAP) of Singapore was formed in November of 1954 and characterized as the coming together of two disparate groups of people; an English educated group of moderates and a Chinese group of militants representing the working class. Even though the two groups may have had ideological differences they had similar objectives to achieve self-governance and political independence (Turnbull, 2005).

Nevertheless, these ideological differences became more apparent as time went on and caused a decade of unrest and political instability. Between the 1950s and the 1960s, Singapore experienced its first, and till now, the last, series of destructive riots (Turnbull, 2005). As the research conducted for this thesis will show, many Singaporeans today, justify several of the policies implemented by the Singaporean Government with reference back to these riots. The people I spoke to during my fieldwork explained that some policies, such as the policy for multiculturalism, deemed necessary and successful in limiting, if not eradicating, the probability of such riots occurring again. Many informants have also referred to this point in time as a time of anxiety and fear. It is therefore argued that the riots that occurred in Singapore between the 1950s and 1960s are significantly important to the understanding of Singaporean culture today, and its focus on harmony under the One Singapore Nation.

From December 11th till December 13th, 1950, Singapore experienced what is now known as the Maria Hertog Riots (Straight Times, 2015). The riots were instigated when a court had decided to return a child who had been raised by Muslim parents to her Catholic biological parents. 18 people were killed and 173 were injured after three days of destruction, anger and chaos. On April 23rd, 1955 the Hock Lee Bus workers’ strike began which escalated intensively up until the 12th of May 1955. Four people died and 31 were left injured. According to a documentary on Singapore’s History on the Discovery Channel however, Fong Swee Suan was said to have instigated the strike as he was the leader of a bus workers’ union. After having lost

(27)

the elections in 1948, it was said that Suan and Siong were unhappy with the little progress the PAP had made so far and aimed the strike at strengthening radical support. In October of 1956, Singapore also witnessed the Chinese Middle School Riots where 13 people died and more than a 100 were injured. These riots were once again instigated by factors such as the suppression of pro-communist parties. Images of such riots portray large masses of people, mostly bloody and filled with anger rushing the streets in search for safety or conflict (Turnbull, 2005). Such images have also been used as a representation of some of the horrors caused by a divided Singapore.

On the 21st of July 1964, Singapore experienced one of the severest of riots yet. 25 000 Malays had gathered at Padang to celebrate the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday when a policeman asked a dispersed group to rejoin the large group and was answered with an attack. The attack quickly escalated into a bloody scene of destruction and panic where 36 people were killed, 556 people left injured and 3000 people were arrested. The scenes of that July 21st represent a day of horror but also of disharmony. That is why, still today, July 21st is known as Racial Harmony Day.

The collection of these riots represents a time where disagreements and differences caused severe disharmony and unrest for the whole of Singapore (Turnbull, 2005). A time where people took to the streets to openly express hate for those who were different. According to one of my informants, they represent a time that no Singaporean today is proud of but instead satisfaction is expressed with the fact that such scenes have not repeated themselves since 1964. Many informants argued that this is due to the government’s efforts in maintaining stability and harmony through the policies it implements. Even though some may characterize contemporary Singapore as a nation of strong political control, many Singaporeans do not seem to mind as much, as they still remember the horrors of the series of riots that took place in history. Some of the people spoken to during the fieldwork period of this thesis, characterized the causes of the riots as intolerance to differences and therefore use it to explain the importance for racial harmony and acceptance of differences. Although research has shown that the sources of information regarding this period of time are definitely intentionally limited or simply biased in favour of the PAP regime and legitimacy, I still consider them as an explanation to the kiasu mindset. Though the details of the events may have been represented in distortive fashion, their use towards the governance of control of the PAP and the insertion of fear and vulnerability in Singaporeans mindsets is true. Every informant I spoke to refers to this period in history to

(28)

justify their fear of the unknown or of ‘outsiders’ and as such, I deem it a legitimate explanation to the mindset of kiasuism.

2.2.4. The Malaysian Merger Attempt

The racial tensions that presented themselves during the period of riots were also the foundation of discussions between the PAP and the Federal Government of Malaysia, on the topic of a merger of Singapore with Malaysia during the early 1960s. At the time, it was a great dream and goal of Lee Kuan Yew to see Singapore united with its big brother in the north (Drysdale, 1996). However due to several reasons the merger did not take place (Drysdale, 1996). The reasons for separation can be explained as follows. The first being economical, was a disagreement over a common market (Drysdale, 1996). Malaysia, who saw Singapore as an economic threat, did not like the idea of an open and common trading market between the two parties as it was afraid of Singapore’s significantly lower labor costs and the potential of its trading port attracting power away from Kuala Lumpur. Moreover, despite previous agreements at an attempt of an open market, Singapore still faced heavy trade restrictions when trading with Malaysia (Drysdale, 1996). Secondly, politically, Singapore and Malaysia had different policies and ideologies (Drysdale, 1996). Singaporean politics can be characterized as multiracial and meritocratic. They believed in all races being equal and that everyone must work for their rewards. Only those that work hard will be rewarded. On the other hand, Malaysia was built on communal politics and the Bumiputera policy. Communal politics meant that political parties were to be formed along Malaysia’s different racial groups, where every race was represented by a different political party, clearly causing differentiation. Moreover, their Bumiputera policy meant that the Malaysian Government gave special rights and privileges to the indigenous, being Malays. These differences posed as too great of a threat and hence why Malaysian Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman managed to convince the Malaysian Federal Government to expel Singapore at a conference on the 9th of August, 1965, at which Singapore officials were not even invited to (Drysdale, 1996).

As Singapore became independent, once again affected by factors and decisions made outside of their scope of control, LKY said; “I mean for me, it would be a moment of anguish because

all my life, you see the whole of my adult life, I have believed in Malaysia, merger and unity of the two territories. You know it’s a people connect by geography, economics and ties of kinship.” Unlike most independence days, Singapore’s independence was not necessarily a

(29)

brotherly figure. It was a country that felt betrayed, abandoned and fear for what was to come next. Nobody knew how to make anything of this little island, without any resources at all, and whose existence seemed insignificant to the rest of the world.

The selected scenes of Singapore’s history aim to represent a nation that came from nothing, was abandoned by all those who had shown any forms of interest and forever vulnerable to the uncontrollable influx of outside factors. Singapore’s national sense and hunger for survivability can be understood and together with its significantly small, geographical size, it is therefore seen as in constant state of vulnerability. It is such factors that allow for the understanding of kiasu mindset and possible reasons to the national culture of fear. Nevertheless, it is also such factors that strengthen the reasons to Singapore’s existence as a nation and the miracle to which it is referred to as it grew from obscure tropical island into a great Asian tiger, all in one generation.

2.3. The Singapore Government

Lee Kwan Yew is most commonly referred to as the founding father of Singapore. Many equate the great success of contemporary Singapore with LKY’s efforts and leadership. After the unexpected separation of Singapore from Malaysia, it was up to LKY and his political party to build a forgotten and defeated nation into the great economic Asian tiger it is known as today. Though LKY has been criticized for his authoritarian style of leadership and intolerance for dissent, nobody seems to have any doubt in the fact that he was the one who made Singapore what it is today.

The following section will elaborate on some of the more important governmental ideologies, policies and implications that have helped shape contemporary Singapore. Some of the policies and ideologies that will be covered in this section consist of; Singapore’s military defense policy, its foreign talent and investment scheme, meritocracy and the implementation of multiracialism as a policy. This section’s purpose is aimed at giving reason and characterization to the environment and atmosphere in which my research takes place. Moreover, one must acknowledge the implication of such policies on the shaping of Singapore’s culture of fear as

(30)

most of these policies are argued to have caused a highly competitive environment and with it, the anxiety of being left out.

2.3.1. Singapore’s Armed Forces

After having achieved its involuntary independence in 1965, Singapore was left to fight for itself. In 1965, its military consisted of only two infantry regiments, commanded by British officers and made up mostly of non-Singaporean residents (Drysdale, 1996). A few months later, Britain eventually pulled all its military out of Singapore, leaving it vulnerable and abandoned. Singapore had been left to fend for itself by almost all its neighbors and all its allies. It was therefore of the utmost importance for Singapore to establish a large, capable and yet economically-efficient defense force (Drysdale, 1996). As such, it turned to a similar and small nation who had also been left to fend for itself and also had a history of abandonment and rejection; Israel. Singapore enlisted the covert assistance of Israel, which sent its military advisers to help Singapore set up a defense force modelled in part after the Israel Defense Forces. The Singapore Armed Forces was hereby formed in 1966 and are a great national symbol that the nation proudly parades around on their national day, August 9th.

National Service in Singapore refers to the statutory requirement for all male Singaporean citizens and second-generation permanent residents, to undergo a period of two years, compulsory military services in uniform. These periods of service and training are most commonly characterized by harsh and hard conditions and extremely strict discipline. Nevertheless, the rationale behind these practices can be traced back to scenes in history where the absence of the notion of belonging amongst Singapore’s local residents caused for a lack of unity. It was very unlikely that the local residents of Singapore in the 1960s saw themselves as a united front able to work together to defend their country. Most of these inhabitants did not even consider Singapore their country yet. It was therefore of the utmost importance to provide an environment and the right conditions for the common goal of unity. Moreover, after the recent, long and horrifying series of riots caused by disharmony and intolerance amongst Singapore’s races, ethnicities and religions, the government, and more specifically, LKY, saw national service as a tool for harmony and unity (Drysdale, 1996). It is a common belief that if you put a group of differentiable people together, under uncomfortable and oppressive conditions that notions of unity and togetherness will be easier achieved. Similarly, unity and harmony can be achieved by giving a group of people a common goal or a common enemy. As such, the application of National Service in Singapore can be explained as one of the tools used

(31)

to foster a nation of harmony and togetherness, but most importantly, one of compliance. Nevertheless, whether or not such policies and compulsory activities actually nurtured a feeling of harmony is one of question. It can be argued that feelings of harmony cannot be imposed or controlled by governments but in turn should be allowed to develop naturally. Whereas, others might argue that such implication did not deem feasible given the pressure of time and the sheer need to survive as a nation, Singaporeans today still debate on whether there is a harmonious environment in Singapore or a tolerant one. Furthermore, such characterizations can be traced back to kiasu culture as a distinct attribute of kiasuism is selfishness and the act of putting one’s interests above all else.

2.3.2. International Trade and Foreign Talent Policies

International trade has been characterized as being part of Singapore’s identity since before Singapore even became Singapore. Even at the time of Sir Raffles, the goal for Singapore’s future was that of an international trading hub. Still today, one could argue that Singapore’s economy and nearly everything that makes it what it is today, rests on international trade.

Though the elaboration of governmental policies clearly aimed at favoring international trade and the influx of foreign talent is not deemed necessarily significant for the understanding of this thesis, it is important to understand that such policies have initiated a feeling of resentment amongst Singaporeans towards foreign workers in recent years and that it has been characterized as one of the reasons to Singapore’s increasing Gini coefficient and notions of elitism. Elitism in turn, deemed as a factor that fosters kiasu culture as success is understood in terms of materialism, personal assets, social status and intellectual aptitude. Even though this is a recognized problem, current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, has been quoted saying that; “If I can get another 10 billionaires to move to Singapore and set up their base here, my Gini

coefficient will get worse but I think Singaporeans will be better off, because they will bring in business, bring in opportunities, open new doors and create new jobs, and I think that is the attitude with which we must approach this problem”. The author of this thesis therefore

assumes that though one can deduce a clear explanation to problems such a high Gini coefficients present in contemporary Singapore, the benefits of attracting international trade, investments and foreign talent are valued as greater than some of the disadvantages and disparities that such policies may cause. Moreover, such statements as made by Lee Hsien Loong, provide weight to the notion that economic power and development is Singapore’s

Referenties

GERELATEERDE DOCUMENTEN

While sharing Frey’s conviction that new ways of involving citizens in political decision- making in representative democracies are needed, we engage in debate on his proposals

The fact that manufacturers of the wide range of automated immunoassay analysers available at present have not seen fit to incorporate proinsulin into their present test menus

17 Nevertheless, this copying practice showed that the regional press deemed the story relevant to its readers, and in June and July 1763 extensive reports appeared throughout

Today, of course, this old-style evolution- ism has disappeared from anthropological dis- course, but in anthropology in general, and in the anthropology of time in particular, the

For answering the third sub question: what is the strategy of other, for CSM relevant, organizations in the area of sustainability and how do these organizations integrate

Most ebtl employees indicate that there is sufficient qualified personnel and that the offered programme is adequate. At the request of personnel both in Hoogeveen and in

Objective The objective of the project was to accompany and support 250 victims of crime during meetings with the perpetrators in the fifteen-month pilot period, spread over

One of the goals of the Roverway 2018 project, except from organising a successful event for young Europeans, is to increase the interest in the Roverscout programme in