I am not a hipster : I am an individual : a case study of the community and consumption behavior of urban young-adults

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M

ASTER

T

HESIS

“I

AM NOT A

H

IPSTER

–

I

AM AN INDIVIDUAL

”

A

C

ASE

S

TUDY OF THE

C

OMMUNITY AND

C

ONSUMPTION

B

EHAVIOUR OF

U

RBAN

Y

OUNG

-A

DULTS

Kristina Schmitz (10622411) 8/31/2015

MSc Business Administration – Marketing Track

Academic year 2014/2015

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1

STATEMENT

OF

ORIGINALITY

This document is written by Kristina Schmitz, who declares to take full responsibility for the contents of this document. I declare that the text and the work presented in this document is original and that no sources other than those mentioned in the text and its references have been used in creating it. The Faculty of Economics and Business is responsible solely for the supervision of completion of the work, not for the contents.

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2

A

BSTRACT

The globalized world with its transparency and interconnectedness increased the urge for individualism in society. Among young-adult consumers, namely seen as part of the contemporary Hipster subculture, embody this phenomenon. Even though the Hipster is seen as a shallow and superficial figure, people continue consuming stigmatized products and brands. This thesis uses the Hipster subculture as a case study to investigate how the label stimulates consumption and community behaviour of young-adults. The first part of the literature review captures sociological investigations about the Hipster subculture which so far has been almost neglected from consumer studies. Further insights into consumer decision making processes and individual and social influences on consumption revealed that young-adults behaviour contradicts previous theories. A qualitative explorative research was undertaken in order to get a better understanding of the target. Interviews expose that in contrast to their spoken word do not refuse the Hipster figure as such. They lie in order to protect themselves and as previously assumed market dynamics play a crucial role. This dissertation ends with suggestions for further research into stigmatised brands.

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1

C

HAPTER

1:

I

NTRODUCTION

“I’m sipping a scummy pint of cloudy beer in the back of a trendy dive bar turned nightclub in the heart of the city’s heroin district. In front of me stand a gang of hippiesh grunge-punk types, who crowd around each other and collectively scoff at the smoking laws by sneaking puffs of ‘fuck-you,’ revealing in their perceived rebellion […]. The ‘DJ’ is keystroking a selection of MP3s off his Mac Book, making a mix […] of yesteryear billboard hits, from DMX to Dolly Parton, but mashed up with a jittery techno backbeat.

“So… this is a hipster party?” I ask the girl sitting next to me. She’s wearing big dangling earrings, an American Apparel V-neck tee, non-prescription eyeglasses and an inappropriately warm wool coat. “Yeah, just look around you, 99 percent of the people here are total hipsters!”

“Are you a hipster?”

“Fuck no,” she says, laughing back the last of her glass before she hops off to the dance floor.”

(Ferrier, 2014) This quote perfectly exemplifies what the contemporary Hipster, embodying a large majority of current young-adult consumers - bears in its global appearance: the demarcation of a cultural collective and the longing for individuality (Greif, Ross, & Tortorici, 2010). The Hipster used to be the independent, trendsetting city dweller in its 20ies, however since a couple of years the culture faced continuously public mocking due to its superficiality idiosyncrasy. The Hipster is no short-term trend and the young target follows the trend against all odds (Ferrier, 2014; Haddow, 2008; Kiefer, 2009; Petridis, 2014; Praschl, 2014).

1.1 T

HE

H

IPSTER

:

M

ASS INDIVIDUALISTS FORMING A

‘

CULTURE

’

The Hipster culture in Western societies indicates a remarkable trend among young urban consumers: the mass (hyper-) individualism in a global world, namely the antagonism of individuality and social belonging (Schiermer, 2014). In a delightful TED-talk, philosopher Dall'Aglio (2012) explores the universal search for desirability within social environments. He states that the reputed individualists that grew up in the century of globalization and new technologies, also known for the Millennials (people born between the late ’70s and the mid-’90s), represent arguably the most individualistic, commercialised and materialistic generation. “Individualism is the quintessential product of modernity” (Huntley, 2009), which automatically implicates a

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2 new landscape for identity formation and social cultures. However, the dispute is that on the one hand people conspicuously yearn for a unique individuality; on the other hand, overt behaviour shows the opposite, namely a united group of individualists that is exactly what pinpoints the Hipster culture. Newspapers, online magazines blogs and even financial papers such as The Wall Street Journal and Fortune are filled with articles about contemporary developments in subcultures and recognize the idiosyncrasy of the individual in the group: being at odds with one’s own individuality and the fit within social surroundings (Fletcher, 2009; Giechel, 2014; Haddow, 2008; Kiefer, 2009; Lorentzen, 2007). The ambiguous behaviour is particularly visible in the Hipster culture: the outer appearance and the overt behaviour of many young-adults is comparable with the archetypal Hipster, however nobody would dare to admit the affiliation to the Hipster culture: “It’s an odd dance of self-identity – adamantly denying your existence while wearing clearly defined symbols that proclaims it” (Haddow, 2008). Clearly spoken, there appears to be this subculture to the extent that lifestyles, people, mannerisms or values are labelled as such. On the other hand, the majority of those so-called Hipsters are concerned with being unique instead of being part of a coherent community (Williams, 2014).

1.1.1 L

ACKING EXPLANATION FOR THE BEHAVIOURAL PARADOXES IN CONSUMERISM AND LITTLE KNOWN MARKETING IMPLICATIONS

The idiosyncratic consumption- and community behaviour of the young generation and specifically illustrated in the Hipster, challenges existing sub-cultural templates and consumption theories. Since the beginning of the 2000s, the Hipster culture is part of urban cultural scenes, however, it has been neglected in consumer and marketing research (Greif et al., 2010). Why would people put so much effort in being recognizable as a specific type of culture and simultaneously they refuse the affiliation? This genuine behaviour has not been investigated yet, even though it has major implications on decision making processes in consumption.

The first paradox behaviour, denying an affiliation to a culture in spite of investing in its symbolic goods has been investigated by Arsel and Thompson (2011) and they conclude that the Hipster is a created market myth and that is why young consumers that actually identify themselves with the independent field, resist against being labelled as a part of the Hipster culture. However, it is questionable to assume that the Hipster is exclusively a result of cultural production, considering other sociological theories (Michael, 2013; Schiermer, 2014). Secondly, young-adults continue to consume products and brands which are obviously negatively perceived, stigmatized as mainstream in society, despite their desire to be desperately independent and

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3 genuine in style and taste. According to White and Dahl (2006), consumers are less incline to products or brands that are associated with dissociative reference groups, due to self-expression or presentational concerns, because logically people do not like to be associated with an undesired group (White & Dahl, 2007). Additionally, a tendency is visible that consumers do not enjoy behaviours that have the potential to reinforce certain existing stereotypes and tend to protect their social identity by avoiding social groups under threatening circumstances (White & Argo, 2009). Furthermore, it also challenges existing theories of brand image and brand meaning. It is believed that a brand image and the image of the reference group have to be consistent with the consumer since it is used to build up a self-concept or identity (Escalas & Bettman, 2005). This thesis seeks to fill those explanatory gaps.

1.2 P

ROBLEM STATEMENT

The problem is of sociological nature, though, it has major implications on marketing, branding and advertising aspects. The oppositional and ambiguous consumption- and community behaviour of urban young-adult trendsetter (the Hipster), is the main problem the empirical study will focus on. Therefore the leading question that will give clarity would be:

Why and to what extent does the Hipster label stimulate consumption behaviour of the urban young-adult target and vice versa?

So the main objective of this research is: to understand the dynamics of the Hipster movements and the inner conflict of being individual vs. the affiliation to a social collective, to make inferences on the commodity consumption behaviour of the urban young-adult consumer group.

1.2.1 S

UB

-

QUESTIONS

The sub-questions encompass the main concepts and its interrelationships, namely the individual consumer, the social community and the consumption behaviour.

 What are the idiosyncrasies of the contemporary Hipster culture and how does it relate to the urban young-adult consumer target?

 How can the self-concept of the archetypal Hipster be described?

 What and how does the young-adult target consume?

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4

1.2.2 D

ELIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The research’s purpose it not meant to be sort of ethnography of the Hipster subculture. Since the culture in question is still in the evolving stage and new directions of style within are introduced on a regular basis (e.g. the ‘normcore’-trend), it is mainly discussed by sociologist, anthropologists and so forth. Hence, a specific definition and demarcation is problematic, however the underlying processes are analysed in order to make inferences about the urban young-adult consumer target that is highly involved with fashion, music and art scenes. Consequently valuable conclusions for the marketing field, which have been recognized but not studied to an sufficient extent will be made (Greif et al., 2010). It is important to keep in mind that the dissertation is not a sociological investigation as such. It studies a sociological phenomenon which has implications on consumer research, hence, on marketing, branding and advertising.

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HEORETICAL AND

M

ANAGERIAL

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ONTRIBUTION

The thesis will theoretically contribute to a large extent to the deeper understanding of identity formation processes, the dynamics of divergence and imitation in cultural tastes within the socio-cultural group domain and the impacts on commodity consumption behaviour. Berger and Heath (2008) already suggested that more research has to be undertaken in that field in order to gain a broader view on the spread and decline of cultural taste. As mentioned before, the dynamics within contemporary subcultures differ in its structures and that is why it is of interest to investigate more in depth. This research might give new or complementary insights into the conceptualization of contemporary subcultures. Moreover, the research will shed light on the role of dissociative socio-cultural reference groups, which will give further insights based on the theory developed by White & Dahl (2006, 2007). It would be the first test of the notion that dissociative groups can have a different influence on consumer taste and brand choice then assumed.

In addition to that the research has also practical relevance and contributes significantly to managerial practices. The mass individualism phenomena itself is worthwhile to take a closer look at, because it definitely challenges brands and product giants and it gives opportunities for independent brand labels. By identifying criteria of brand preference and choice and what influences the image transfer of brands will clearly contribute to practical branding. According to Arsel and Thompson (2011) the “satirical and critical depictions reached a cultural tipping point, their negative connotations also filtered into branding and advertising strategies that

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5 drew from the hipster myth.” (p. 796). It means that the underlying processes are of importance for trend marketing communication, branding and advertising. Great examples of this are the viral campaigns of Apple and its main competitors Samsung and Microsoft. While Apple tried to use the hipster image as an advantage in the ‘Get a Mac’ campaign (Youtube, 2006-2009), Samsung created an commercial that clearly “depicts iPhone owners as mindless hipster sheep”(Epstein, 2011). Basically it shows that marketers use the Hipster consumer for promotion purposes and the subculture is used to strengthen certain brand images and to create different brand meanings for the different consumers. Major cult brands, such as Abercrombie & Fitch and Hollister face an enormous decline in sales output, which might be because of a wrong understanding of the target (Löhr, 2014). In contrast, Pabst Blue Ribbon used the target to rebrand their product due to enormous decline in sales (Hiscott, 2014). The findings of this study will deliver valuable insights on how to target the contemporary youth consumer group and how to align branding strategies.

1.4 S

TRUCTURE OF THE

T

HESIS

For the purpose the dissertation is structured as followed: in the second chapter there is a brief synopsis of the salient literature on social patterning and consumption. It includes youth theories about different paradigms of subcultures in order to get a well-established understanding for the contemporary trends. Afterwards the Hipster subculture and its differences to former subcultures will be discussed. The third chapter encompasses more insights into identity and consumption theories in order to better comprehend social consumption and the role of the self. The conceptual framework will give an outline for the empirical research. Subsequently, the explorative research methodology is outlined to adequately present the research aims. The iterative, qualitative research is a promising approach to retain a deeper understanding of the target in order to receive perceptive results. It is assumed that findings will show that there are more motives and reasons behind the paradox community and consumption behaviour and that people do not exclusively object to the label ‘being a Hipster’. Other propositions might be that people don’t like to be stigmatized, because the society dislikes it or that they feel so individualistic that they do not want to be seen as a part of a subculture. Research will shed new light on drivers for the strong desire being individual. The thesis ends with a discussion and conclusion, which includes suggested directions for future research.

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6

C

HAPTER

2:

S

OCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

–

N

EW DEVELOPMENTS IN

Y

OUTH

C

ULTURES

The following chapter encompasses a sociological background in youth studies and its different paradigms over time. The origins of subculture are briefly presented to gain a better understanding of the first paradigms; however the review will focus on postmodern theories of subcultures such as the ‘post-subcultures’ (Muggleton & Weinzierl, 2004), ‘lifestyle theories’ (Bennett, 1999), ‘taste cultures’ (Thomton, 1995) or ‘scenes’ (Irwin, 1997). According to Schiermer (2014) those theories alone may provide explanations for the new dynamics in youth cultures and the Hipster figure. The thesis uses the Hipster subculture as a case study to explore the phenomenon of the new kind of social collectives, shaped by a strong sense for self-actualization. The first part of this chapter will introduce the literature on theories of subcultures briefly in order to get a better understanding of the Hipster subculture that will be introduced afterwards.

2.

1 O

RIGINS AND

P

OLITICS OF

S

UBCULTURES AND

C

ONSUMPTION

The concept of subcultures has been investigated among sociological, psychological, anthropological and urban spheres over years (De Burgh-Woodman & Brace-Govan, 2007) and in addition to that it appealed with different and even opposing sociological paradigms in which each proclaims to have the genuine explanation of socio-cultural consumption behaviour (Blackman, 2005). It starts with positions from the Chicago school onwards to recent postmodern theories, in which each following sought to outperform the former. The concept of subculture is concerned “with the agency and action belonging to a subset or social group that is distinct from but related to the dominant culture” (Blackman, 2005, p. 2), upon which distinct means “unlike the majority of the population” (Blackman, 2005, p. 2). Subcultures form the diversity of human behaviour in contrast to the mainstream. The Chicago School captures subcultures by categorizing young urban people from an ethnographic point of view. The American school of structural-functionalism sees subculture in negative deviant means, which might have created the path for British sociologists to generate a subculture from a positivism paradigm. The initial labelling theory “that interpreted youth subcultures in terms of social class relations and social change” (p. 5) derived from that era and is mainly shaped by Cohen (1972). One of his ideas set the core for the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) theory of subcultures and got further

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7 developed by the influential work of Hebdige (1979): it is assumed that youth subcultures emerged from the working class that challenged subordinates with symbolic politics in form of rebellious behaviour (Blackman, 2005). In his book ‘Subculture: The Meaning of Style from 1979 he argues that a subculture is a group of like-mined people that feels neglected by societal standards and together they form a unified identity to resist normality. Evidently, he focuses on distinctive rituals of consumption and the fact that style communicates meaning: “Through style, one’s (sub-) culture reveals its secret identity and communicates its meaning” (Hebdige, 1979). The study implicates that the different subcultures in society represent their style through a combination of clothing, music, dance and drugs. Although the theory lacks empirical evidence, and it has been criticized due to its lacking rigor, it serves as a valuable foundation for subsequent research. For instance it is criticized that social class membership is not the determining variable for the emergence of social collectives (Blackman, 2005).

Bourdieu (1984, 1990) is seen as another grand master of subcultural and consumption theory and thus, has been addressed by many researchers, especially by Holt (1997) in the consumer culture theory (CCT). Bourdieu’s framework introduces the idea of economical, social, cultural and symbolic capital which humans entail or adopt and which determines the position or class distinction in the social space. Through social relations and networks inequalities within society may arise. In his work Distinction: A Social Critique of the

Judgment of Taste (1979) he argues that judgments of taste play a key role in social positioning, social

structures of domination and the transmission to following generations. Adapting Bourdieu’s cultural capital, Thornton differentiates between the genuine subculturalsist and the mainstream and believes that those without cultural capital have a lacking taste. This also suggests that the media is a driving force in the development of subcultures, which will be further discussed on a later stage. The latter described theories build up the foundation for recent conceptualizations of subcultures.

2.1.1 P

OSTMODERN

T

HEORIES OF

S

UBCULTURE

The postmodern theories place greater importance on the individuals search for cultural meaning with their consumption practices and furthermore new terms such as the ‘neo-tribes’ and ‘lifestyle’ were introduced. “For postmodernists, subcultures react imaginatively through consumption and identity to construct creative meanings that can be liberating from subordination.” (Blackman, 2005, p. 8) A strong hedonistic society and the

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8 belief that consumerism frames social identities and relations, shape new sociological ideologies of subcultures (Bennett, 2005).

Different studies suggest that young-adults of the twenty-first century, stigmatized as shallow and superficial, engage in activities which are hedonistic in nature (Blackman, 2005). Although Muggleton’s (2000) extreme postmodernist has been critically reviewed (Blackman, 2005), it will be respected for the analysis of the Hipster. What is demonstrated is that there are no authentic subcultures anymore since individuals are ‘free-floating signifiers’ that are neglected from social structures. Allegedly, there are only variations of past cultures, so called ‘forms of hybrid nostalgia’ that shape Western society structures (Muggleton, 2000, p. 47). Bennett (1999) parallels the idea with an ethnographic study on the British dance subculture, draws upon Maffesoli’s (1996) concept of tribus and presents the ‘neo-tribes’ that by definition describe “groupings which have traditionally been theorised as coherent subcultures and (that) are better understood as a series of temporal gatherings characterised by fluid boundaries and floating memberships” or a “form of late modern ‘sociality’ (Bennett, 1999, p. 599). Surprisingly, other forms of subcultures such as the DiY (‘Do it yourself’) protest throughout the 1990s arguably could be seen as an identifiable youth subculture. According to Kitchin and Hubbard (1999) the DiY culture can be characterized as a counterculture movement, tied to anti-consumerism, punk-ideology, green radicalism and direct action politics. The logic behind a rather reflexive and fluid individual in social space is tidily linked to theories of lifestyle and consumption in which it is argued that the individual choice is a main component in the identity formation.

2.1.2 L

IFESTYLE

T

HEORY

In general, lifestyle theories show an alienation of the concept of subculture and seek to focus on the individuals’ identity construction and the loss of the group concept. More emphasis is set on an adaption on cultures in which young-adults in local settings build up their identity by transforming commodities that are defined by the market power, for their authentic self-presentation. It is of interest that the focus lies on individualistic behaviour: “young people do identities rather than have identities” (Blackman, 2005, p. 13). Thus, lifestyle studies miss consumption constraints that are determined by social structures such as class, gender and ethnicity. However, when analyzing identity construction and the formation of collectives, social class positions should not be completely disregarded (Shildrick & MacDonald, 2006). Scientists defending

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9 former theories, argue that consumption is not available to everyone and that some potential consumers are limited or even excluded from participating in cultural consumption (Blackman, 2005).

In this context the growing interconnectedness of people in the digital age, where online spaces invite new opportunities for signalling and surveillance across geographic and social boundaries, has to be acknowledged. Those group formations undermine previous theories of subcultures. Trends and lifestyles are globally shared and distributed which also contributes to the increased variety and the faster lifecycle of cultures (Berger, 2008). That is why the next chapter evaluates the obstacles in marketing terms.

2.1.3 S

UBCULTURES IN

M

ARKETING

Reviewing the different paradigms of youth subcultures, tribes and lifestyles, a shift in perceptions from mere cohesive subcultures to a plethora of diverse, fragmented and ephemeral collectives in society is visible. Petridis (2014), writer for The Guardian recently announced: “Youth subcultures: what are they now? Mods, punks, soulboys, metallers, goths, hippies: there was a time when young people made it clear what tribe and music they were into by the way they dressed. Not anymore.” Deresiewicz (2011) amplifies that the Millennial generation neither tends to affect or rebel against existing structures, nor are deeper visions and ideologies visible. Instead, current social (consumption-) groups such as ‘Chavs’, ‘Scenesters’, ‘Emos’ and especially the ‘Hipster’ can be summarized as a “post-emotional” generation with “no anger, no edge, no ego” and a low-key and post-ironic presentation and barely distinguishable for the public. The authors De Burgh-Woodman and Brace-Govan (2007) provide a possible explanation for the issues arising in interpreting socio-cultural behaviour. To their mind there has been a misuse of the subcultural term due to a lacking understanding and a correct differentiation of classic subcultures, subcultures of consumption and brand communities. “(Classic) subcultures do not function like a brand community or subculture of consumption where the relationship between consumer and product is stable and necessary in order for the consumer to participate in that community. This is not to suggest that subcultures do not consume since subcultural groups do consume in a focused way which is governed by lifestyle and personal factors, rather than product elements” (De Burgh-Woodman & Brace-Govan, 2007, p. 205).

Solomon’s (2004) definition on subculture claims that social collectives can be seen as a fragmented portion “within” society and that each individual is allocated to a subculture by means such as sex, age, ethnicity etc.

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10 and furthermore no marginal, ideological agency has to exist for a subcultural legitimization. Based on that De Burgh-Woodman and Brace-Govan (2007) suggest that marketing translates subcultures into “its own commodity-orientated sphere by discussing subculture as through manifestly attached to objects which thereby sustain the subculture itself” (p. 189). In addition to that the concept has been further developed by the theories of brand communities (Muniz Jr & O’guinn, 2001). A brand community is a group of non-geographically bound social relations that share an admiration for a certain brand and exhibit three main markers: shared consciousness, rituals and traditions and a sense of moral responsibility (Muniz Jr & O’guinn, 2001). Even though it is assumed that the archetypal Hipster is not focused on a specific brand, the community makers of shared consciousness, rituals and traditions are worthwhile to consider when analysing the cultural collective.

2.2 T

HE

H

IPSTER CULTURE

Since a few years, young-adult city dwellers and trendsetting consumers that fit the mass individualism idiosyncrasy are described as Hipsters. Evidently, young consumers seek for an “authentic” and “cool” identity through taste, consumption and lifestyle and simultaneously a cohesive group of individualists form a mainstream movement, which proclaims to be the Hipster. The difficulty lies within the self-definition of the culture: “An integral part of being a hipster is a denial of hipsterism” as pointed out by the undergraduate journal Spectrum (Nordby, 2013).

In the first chapter, some characteristics about the Hipster have been mentioned briefly, though; the next section will give more detailed insights into its group identity and dynamics: what is the Hipster and where does he come from? Before, one basic fact has to be clarified since the culture already reached the mainstream sphere: the Hipster term is reference to distinct roles, the “true identifier” that is the early adopter in urban spheres and the “archetypal slur”, mainly describes the superficial mainstream follower (Henke, 2013).

2.2.1 O

RIGINS OF THE

H

IPSTER

In order to grasp the contemporary Hipster, it is essential to trace its origins. The term originally circulated during the jazz age in the 1960s, actually among the growing black scene. Jack Kerouac’s (1957) novel ‘On the

Road’, describes the Hipster as a young vagabond, inspired by jazz, poetry, recreational drugs and sex (Greif et

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‘The White Negro: superficial Reflections on the Hipster’. According to the author, there are two types of

people: “the Hip”, the rebellious Bohemians, and “the Square”, the conforming bourgeois. Back then, the Hipster was seen as a new form of Bohemians, a group that emerged in the 1830s as a revolt to mass culture and production. The Bohemians, like-minded intellectuals and artists, wanted to set themselves apart from the mainstream and the mass society and congregated in cafés. The shared body of thought was the desire to be individual, to distance oneself from the tight bonds of society structures and to create own meaning of decency (Wilson, 1999). However, the borders vanished over time so that the mass culture became more ‘bohemian-ized’, which is a great example of the trickle-down theory by George Simmel. It describes the effect in which the perceived lower class adapts trends of the wealthy class to the extent that it is not desirable anymore for the high class (McCracken, 1986). Twenty years later, D. Hebdige (1979) also referred to this group in a different connotation, as a “radical, white intellectual” who appropriated elements of black culture’s dress, language, and music for his own novelty. He argued that the Hipster basically tried to live up against common expectations of middle and upper class life in terms by living in a constrained freedom (Fletcher, 2009).

2.2.2 T

HE

C

ONTEMPORARY

H

IPSTERIn the 1990s the Hipster emerged again from the U.S. and spread over different continents, mainly Europe and Australia. As stated earlier, there is no common census on a tangible definition, but most attempts include descriptions of dress, music taste, and a predilection for non-commercial spaces. Often the Hipster is circumscribed as the ‘hip consumer’, ‘the starving artist’, the ‘graduated student’, ‘the youth, rebellious consumer’, living an alternative lifestyle and residing in gentrifying neighbourhoods such as New York Brooklyn, Berlin Kreuzberg or Amsterdam North (Greif et al., 2010). Lloyd (2010) adopts the term “neo-bohemia” and sees them as aspiring artists, who work occasionally in bars and cafes during their studies and afterwards they enter as a new class of rich young people the labour market within the field of media, fashion, design and marketing. Distinguishable elements of fashion often include objects or styles from past eras, meant to appear ironic or novel with contemporary applications. There is for instance the horn-rimmed eyeglass, retro sneakers, a gunnysack, skinny jeans and items such as “fixies”, bikes without breaks and single gears, and a Holga or fisheye film cameras. The undercut and facial hair is another characteristic for male Hipsters. Hipsters usually listen to indie rock and electronic music, likely bought at independent music labels; they have a passion for non-common hobbies like banjo playing; they are continuously looking for new trends

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12 by studying blogs and magazines and they spend their time in retro bars and maybe local art-houses. Due to their strong desire to differentiate from the mass, they favour to shop in vintage and thrift shops as well as on flea markets (Lanham, 2008). Although they overtly dislike the corporate world, they have a preference for few brands, which include for instance Apple, Converse, Vans, Ray Ban, Bianchi (bikes), American Spirit (tobacco), Club Mate (soft drink), Fritz Cola and the Vice magazine (Giechel, 2014). The development of the Hipster scenes in former shabby charters of metropolitan cities such as in Williamsburg (New York), Kreuzberg (Berlin) or Amsterdam North could also be linked to gentrification of urban spheres, but this discourse would exceed the scope of this dissertation. However, the search for a more authentic life in big cities, young people created this alternative consumption sphere (Lloyd, 2010). Apparently its essential for them to have a political view and there is a tendency for left-winged politics since environmental and social causes are point of interest for Hipsters (Lanham, 2008). It can be concluded that mainly their fashion aesthetic and lifestyle is what unifies them as a collective. Despite all the above mentioned stereotypical characteristics, the Hipster definition is in a constant state of flux, since they are continuously seeking for new trends and therefore the definition of a hipster remains in a continuous process of construction (Greif et al., 2010).

2.2.3 ‘H

IPSTER

B

ASHING

’

The satirical description of the Hipster by Lanham (2008) could be seen as the starting point for editorial criticism and satire. The Hipster was no longer seen as an individual, capable of producing arts; instead it is referred to a subculture of superficiality and self-absorption, producing commercial goods. The insults imply a pseudo-counterculture and pseudo-individualization and therefore media sees the contemporary Hipster as a mainstream culture. In the medial world, Hipsters are criticized for being nonconformist posers, anti-political humans, accused of judging the people and products of mass culture while simultaneously performing their own in-group acts of conformity. The echo of the media believes that the contemporary Hipster is only visible through consumption and hence a superficial creature in itself. Furthermore it has been emphasised that the Hipster does not create any new trends, rather the group recycles past items (Ferrier, 2014; Fletcher, 2009; Haddow, 2008; Lorentzen, 2007; Praschl, 2014). However, recent studies explored determining characteristics that lead to a higher social prestige, namely openness and cosmopolitanism, breadth of taste (meaning the frequency of engagement in cultural consumption) or being trendy and ‘in-the-know’, which means to discover

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13 constantly new cultural goods as quickly as possible (Michael, 2013). Considering the fact that the Hipster embodies new trends and cultural consumption, the public criticism is remarkable. As outlined before, young people even do not commit to the Hipster subculture, which distinguishes it from other subcultures. Nobody of the young-adult group would admit the affiliation to the Hipster culture even though items that are assigned to the Hipster, are consumed (Nordby, 2013). Schiermer (2014) concludes: “[The] Hipster culture is no ‘real’ subculture.” (p. 170). And yet, there is a form of unity visible and simultaneously journalists and sociologists talk about the Hipster as a culture. The next section will focus further on the Hipster idiosyncrasies and differences to other subcultures.

2.2.4 T

HE

H

IPSTER IDIOSYNCRASIES

To get a better picture of the contemporary Hipster it is worthwhile to point out few concepts that capture the ambiguous behaviour and differences to other subcultures. Recent studies by Schiermer (2014) and Michael (2013) show first attempts to reveal inconsistencies in the behaviour and hence point out different changes in the conception of cultures.

In the 60s there has been a movement against civil right, feminism in the 70s and environmental activism in the 80s. Today, the Hipster (or at least the early adopter) attempted to fight mass consumerism. The ultimate goal of the archetypal Hipster is to express individuality through an authentic, unique and hip lifestyle (Heath, 2001). Clearly, the Hipster subculture demonstrates the accentuation of the ambiguity between being authentic and imitating one’s style. Schiermer (2014) simply describes imitation as “doing what others do exclusively – but unwittingly – for the sake of doing what others do” (p. 169). In contrast to that being authentic is “if it is not reducible to imitation” (p.169). The Hipster for example seeks authenticity in values that the working class once inherited. The craft beer Pabst Blue Ribbon is an ideal example for that: the company successfully served the working class in the 1970, however faced major difficulties for more than 20 years, just before the Hipster discovered the brand (Hiscott, 2014). Studies suggest that authenticity may either lie within certain objects and tastes (Harkness, 2012) or it could be seen as an ideology of the ‘real’ self-expression (Giddens, 1991). Schiermer (2014) argues that – at least regarding fashion aesthetics – the Hipster copied few style aspects from the ‘Nerd’ or ‘Geek’, which is the ultimate authentic personality that exists (e.g. Nerd- glasses, button-down lumberjack shirt, skinny jeans, suspenders, and a messenger bag). The Hipster shows the

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14 one or the other unique, personalized or even self-designed tattoo, adds few accessories and a believed authentic style is created. The Nerd represents the outsider of society, thus, marking signs of being non-conform (e.g. against society’s rules of a non-conform dress code).

Another argument is that the Hipster rather takes over symbols of post-eras and therefore shows a redemptive character. “Rather than nostalgia, we are dealing with a shared investigation into the possibilities, potentialities and sensibilities of past aesthetical universes.” (p. 176) that is visible in the Hipsters interest for old-school technology and media (e.g. the rediscovery of conventional film camera, the Polaroid photographs and music records). That is also why Schiermer (2014) argues that the Hipster can rather be described as a conserver subculture then a counter-culture: there is a lack of creative pulse and a lot of applications of past eras, which Muggleton (2000) labels a nostalgia lifestyle.

McLeod (1999) describes the assimilation to the mainstream as a main threat of youth subcultures. Individuals will conform to specific values, or engage in particular behaviours as long as the behaviour is uniquely associated with an identity that they wish to project. As the behaviour is adopted by other groups, it loses its meaning as a signal of a desired identity. If the behaviour is later adopted by those with an undesirable image, it will quickly be abandoned by those who imitated the behaviour at the first place (Berger, 2008). This sub-cultural lifecycle has to be distinguished from other trend or fashion cycles that include stages such as introduction by early adopters, growth due to higher public awareness, maturation though mass confirmation and finally the decline. Subcultures are lead by virtue of its ability to create new styles. Researchers disagree on the discussion if cultures die out forever or if evolves and reappears with a different connotation (Sproles, 1981). In contrast to that there are also opposing opinions proclaiming that certain subcultures are even fighting for their existence and continuation (Arsel & Thompson, 2011). Somehow this could also be applied on the Hipster since it has been present over more than a decade now. Since mainstream already captured the market, it is deviating that the Hipster did not die out yet. So why do they look all the same even though everyone strongly tries to be non-conform? Is the Hipster a subculture at all? One recent mathematical neuroscientific study “The Hipster Eﬀect: When Anticonformists All Look the Same” gives statistical explanations. In essence, the author argues that if any group (can be stock traders or managers) try to be different and opposing a majority, everyone will unwillingly do the same thing. “The reason for that is the time it takes for an individual to register the decisions of others. One cannot be aware of what other people decide

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15 in real time, it takes a little while.” Basically, it is impossible to keep up with trends individually, since it would be a state of continuous alteration (Touboul, 2014).

The review shows that it is difficult to classify the Hipster in a certain collective group and with a specific taste. In addition to that young urban trendsetters co-opt the mainstream due to its popularity and the commercialization via retailers and brands such as American Apparel and Urban Outfitters. Here another peculiarity becomes visible: on the one hand Hipsters avoid the mainstream, seek for independent labels and second-hand ware, on the other hand, few brands are positively accepted and consumed. What criteria does a product or a brand have to fulfil in order to be appreciated by the target? Their production and consumption of stigmatized goods are a great example of post-modern consumption cultures. They basically adopt the rhetoric but not the politics of a counterculture. They do not challenge existing structures to a great extent, rather they seek differentiation through the mere consumption of specific brands cultures (Greif et al., 2010). That could be a possible explanation for the fact that society stigmatizes the Hipster as a pseudo-rebellion. How does the Hipster differentiate to other subcultures?

2.2.5 T

HE

H

IPSTER BY COMPARISON

Comparing the Hipster to other subcultures or communities, consumption appears to be the ultimate form of shared values and traditions. Evidently, all subcultures set themselves apart from others by fashion, aesthetic and taste; however the Hipster shows unique characteristics in behaviour and existence. Anticipating the surfing culture, differences become apparent. Surfers are people that share a passion for the surfing sport, which affects lifestyle, fashion but also music and jargon. It is the experience of the sportive activity that spurs a collective. In contrast to the Hipster, the evolution of the Surfer group occurs apart from consumptive habits, relying rather on a shared mentality towards the activity and the experience. Not all of the Hipster share a passion for vintage cameras or fixed gear bikes. The shared taste for consumptive surfing goods such as clothes and music does not overweight the actual experience. In addition to that class, gender, and race do not have are of no importance: as long as a passion for surfing exists the participation in the group is possible (De Burgh-Woodman & Brace-Govan, 2007).

A second example is Harley Davidson and their brand community where participants admire and live for the brand as such and share traditions and rituals like the biker events. Clearly, this community is united due to the

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16 commitment in a particular consumption item, namely the motor bike. Even though the researchers Schouten and McAlexander (1993) and Muniz Jr and O’guinn (2001) disagree upon a definitional term for the culture (subculture of consumption vs. brand community), they share the opinion that bikers articulate a ideology of consumption. An out-group is visible; hence, a significant degree of marginality is a main characteristic of the biker. The Hipster displays similarity in a variety of consumption preferences, which means that market segments are not as easy to detect as within the biker community (Schouten & McAlexander, 1993).

The above mentioned examples are, in contrast to the Hipsters, not adopted by the mass culture due to their specific taste. Yet, the traditional Hippie culture, a youth movement originally from the United Sates in the 60s, resembles a counter-society of utopian-socialist nature that embraces the sexual revolution, listens to folk and blue rock and favours a spiritual lifestyle. Beyond their style and aesthetics, they share social and political ideologies and engaged for instance in civil right or anti-war movements. Their anti- commercial purchase behaviour is based on their beliefs. Similar to the Hipster, Hippies come from middle and higher classes that want to show their resistance against norms with their appearance, to show their anti-conformism. Their style and taste influenced mainstream society and got adopted. But their taste artefacts endured over a long period and the cultural adoption neither reached the bright mass due to their controversial beliefs and activities (Levin & Spates, 1970). It is assumed that the Hipster exclusively distinct and collects through consumption and that there are no concrete ideological beliefs. Hence, people constantly have to remain distinct from the mass. That could be an explanation for the fact that the Hipster is continuously evolving its taste in the last decade, and those changes within the subculture are taking place on high scale and in shorter intervals of time. The boundaries and the marginality of the Hipster subculture are blurry and that is one main difference the subculture has from other cultures and communities. Accompanied by that the Hipster is the only researched subculture where nobody affirms the affiliation. Recent scientists even argue that the Hipster is not a subculture that evolved among people and this will be discussed in the following paragraph.

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17 According to Arsel and Thompson (2011) the media and marketers created a myth of the Hipster and contributes to a great extent to the cultural discourse. They argue that marketers co-opted the style of the indie scene. The Indies grew on the independent side of the entertainment business and like the Hipsters they promote non-conformity from the mainstream society. They believe in real art and talent besides popular standards and share the same music passion. The authors argue that there has not been a genuine innovator of the Hipster. Instead a whole myth has been created and is basically threatening the indie subculture, since the mass consumes the commercialized stigmata. So their explanation for the non-existence and demarcation of the Hipster subculture is that the created myth devaluates the Indies tastes, thus, they feel the need to distinguish themselves from the cultural category that has been created over their heads. That would basically mean that the Hipster is just the mainstream and commercialized part of the original Indie subculture? It is assumed that there are more reasons behind the demarcation of the Hipster culture and furthermore it is believed that the early Hipster has a strong urge to discover trends whereas the Indie culture follows the same non-conform style over years. It is assumed that there are more or other reasons for the Hipster demarcation. That is why the next chapter focuses on theories of consumption and individual decision making processes.

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18

C

HAPTER

3:

I

NDIVIDUAL AND

S

OCIAL

I

NFLUENCES IN

C

ONSUMPTION

The last chapter covered the literature around the new socio-cultural developments and the sociological theories and explanations of the inner conflict of the young-adult consumer with the help of the Hipster culture. In the following, the focus will be on consumer research literature which seeks to reveal more facts about the consumer decision making processes and its individual and social influences on consumption. This is necessary because contemporary subcultures and especially the Hipster figure are mainly shaped within the realms of consumption. On the one hand consumption is a mean to satisfy psychological needs, such as creating the self-perception, achieving self-actualization and building a self-identity. On the other hand, consumption serves also the social interaction and belonging texts (Escalas & Bettman, 2005; Wood & Hayes, 2012). That is why the following chapter examines consumption processes within the individual and the social context.

3.1 I

DENTITY

F

ORMATION AND SOCIAL INFLUENCE

A main body of research has been undertaken to understand how people categorize and label others and themselves, how they connect or discriminate to specific groups and how a sense of community is maintained via consumption. Those processes equally operate on the individual and the social level, which means both sides have to be evaluated. According to Buckingham (2008) a fundamental paradox is already given in the term identity itself, since it encompasses similarity and difference at the same time. On the one hand, the identity is something uniquely possessed and which demarcates each individual from another; on the other hand it implies a relation to another social collective. Products and brands become relevant for the self-construal when self-motivated goal are achieved. Certain products and brands can provide self-esteem or transfer a feeling of personal accomplishment, which helps individuals though life. The independent self-construal is as important as the interdependent self-self-construal, which describes the social self, what is shared with others and to whom one identifies with (Escalas & Bettman, 2005, p. 380). The personal and the social identity are inextricably related through ongoing interactions: independent goals include independence and differentiation whereas interdependent goals aim for maintaining social relations. Goffman’s approach in The

Presentation of Self in Everyday Life even claims that individuals try to impress others and hence play a

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19 The basic idea is that other people have a great impact on the consumer decision making. Consumers seek either to be in unity or to be in conflict with others and that is when social influence arises. Those motives originate either from plain informational or social-normative goals. When consumers are driven by informational concerns, agreement with other might occur in order to understand reality: “Which brand is best? Or Can I trust this product?” (p. 324) or people might also agree in order to protect a healthy relationship with others, when they are motivated by social concerns: “Are my friends using this product?” (p.325). Secondly, social concerns about the self-concept may occur: “Is this brand aligned with my personal values? Will this restaurant provide healthful, desirable options?” (p.352). Thus, depending on the motive, judgements on product or brand choice will be generated. The strength of the motive also influences the enduring of the judgements, which means that consumers might just “express a superficial agreement with others to just get along” or “to impress others or to view oneself favourably” (p.325). In conclusion, people‘s decision for certain product, service or brand features are motivated by understanding reality, the relationship with others and the desired identity, which basically spurs agreement or disagreement. Consumers thereby constantly change the meaning of certain objects, however the main impact of changed meaning originated from the desire to “align with valued reference groups or to differentiate from devalued ones” (Wood & Hayes, 2012, p. 326).

White and Dahl (2006) studied consumption behaviour of individuals and the relation to dissociative reference groups, basically groups whom the consumer does not like to be associated with. They demonstrate that people avoid being associated with undesired out groups, since they see their own identity threatened. It is likewise difficult for the consumer to dissociate oneself with an integral part of the identity, which is negatively perceived by others, though, the urge to remediate this aspect appears. White and Dahl (2009) extended the research by examining the avoidance of goods and brands of a negatively perceived group and how the consumer’s identity temporarily becomes threatened as well. The authors argue that the dissociative influence is mainly motivated by status concerns and self-presentation threats.

White and Argo (2009) add to the literature that people also avoid products and brands which are compatible with their self- construct, but given certain circumstances, if those are negatively perceived, they would avoid or even quit consuming them. That implies that “that threat to an aspect of the consumer's own social identity has implications for consumer behaviour” (p. 323). These findings have major implications on consumer preference and choice and therefore it is of upmost importance for marketers. However, there is a difference between two types of consumers: people with high and low collective self-esteem (CSE), defined as “the

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20 degree to which the individual sees the self as a worthy member of the social group, values the social identity, and sees the social identity as important to the self-concept” (p. 314). In comparison to the individuals with a high CSE, who are maintaining a connection to products and brands, even though they could be threatened, the individuals with low CSE tend to avoid it. White and Dahl (2007) draw another connection to the branding field by focusing on implications of dissociative reference groups on consumer’s brand connection, evaluation and choices. They build upon the theory that consumers exhibit a weak connection to brands that are mainly associated with out-groups and show that the impact of negative perceived reference groups is higher. It also suggests that consumers chose their goods and brands in a way that shows who they do not wish to represent. As mentioned already in the first chapter, all those theories actually stand in contraction with the Hipster. That is why research is needed to investigate the conditions when consumers shift their beliefs about a dissociative reference group and where is the actual connection to the affiliation or denial to subcultures?

In advertising, marketers make use of the knowledge they have about this specific consumption behaviour. Classic examples for this are competitive brand giants that try to convince a broader audience about their product and to harm the competition. For instance, Pepsi paired a college party with Pepsi drinkers against a crowed of elderly people drinking Coke in a nursing residence. When the delivery got mixed up, the stereotypical behaviour of the people instantly changed. So they basically tried to create a link between Coca Cola and a group dissociative group, the nursing-home residents. Another example is the advertising strategy of Apple and Samsung. Apple tried to promote the ‘coolness’ of a MacBook by presenting a Microsoft PC user with an older, dowdy public servant. However, the research of White and Dahl (2007) exhibits that it is more beneficial to activate the in-group preferences. That is why the research on the Hipster subculture is meaningful.

Escalas and Bettman (2005) researched further consequences of changed product or brand meaning for the customer and argue that there is a transfer of symbolic associations between the reference group and brands. They conclude when certain brands and products are used by in-group members, the consumer connects positively to the own self-identity and logically if brands are used by out-group members, negative connections are made to the self-concept. In practice it means that if a young urban consumer believes that hip people wear Converse and Ray-Ban, those brands embody hip values and therefore is positively relevant for the self. The same individual might think that Tommy Hilfiger expresses conventional values (given that upper-class golfers wear polo shirts) this brand is likely judged negatively. (Berger & Heath, 2007). In sum, there are

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21 intrinsic and extrinsic motivations for specific consumption actions (Berger, 2011). But products and brands available for everyone are also holder of symbolic means and those are also shaped by the people who consume them. With more explanations of symbolic dynamics, divergent and aligning behaviour in a social context can be better explained.

3.2 S

YMBOLIC

M

EANING OF

P

RODUCTS AND

B

RANDS

The modern global society is characterized by greater flexibility and possibilities, however, accompanied with an increased insecurity. It can be recognized that the individual faces difficulties to keep up with changes and interconnectedness. Scientists describe it as the fluidity of identity: “Modern consumer culture has offered individuals multiple possibilities to construct and fashion their own identities, and they are now able to do this in increasingly creative and diverse ways” (Buckingham, 2008, p. 9). There has been a shift to a rising importance of material goods and brands in society, which means that consumption is a way of presenting the self, the status and the group membership that is described by identity signalling, namely the way how individuals negotiate social status (Berger, 2008). The symbolic value of those goods and brands inhabit signals that individuals either approve or disapprove for. Due to the globalization, technological advancement and the commercialization of goods, bands are a main vehicle in the development of subcultures and the identity construction of the individual.

Consumers use brands to construct their identity in different ways: “The relationship can be symbolic, in that the brand is symbolically meaningful or iconic if the sign resembles the object, or indexical if the sign has a factual connection to the object” (Schembri, Merrilees, & Kristiansen, 2010, p. 633). The symbolic meaning influences consumption and brand choice to a great extent and can also be inconsistent when the brand is dealing with multiple and overlapping meanings. Occasions, situations and certain circumstances can influence changes in consumption and brand choice. Consumer need to redefine their identity and hence, the symbolic character gets even more important for potential consumption choices to make the transition to a new desired identity clear also for outsiders. For instance as soon as an artefact, considered as a product or a brand becomes available for the mass, the Hipster has to consider to refuse, since its ultimate status of being independent and anti-conform is in danger (Michael, 2013). The indexical way is a connection the consumer has with the brand due to experience, memories and so forth. It is argued that a brand has different

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22 experiential meanings for each consumer and identifying those meanings are of importance to better understand the brand image. (Schembri et al., 2010). An affiliation to vintage products or brands could be due to indexical meanings since childhood memories might occur.

Over years the promotion of brands with symbolic values was common and successful. Nevertheless, in a recent study Chernev, Hamilton, and Gal (2011) found out that the mere focus on symbolic means and neglecting functional attributes has disadvantages. Their empirical study showed that consumers likely feel a point of saturation with self-expressive brands, especially when there is an exaggeration of self-expressive behavioural. A great example for this “over-customization” in order to fit most individual’s preference is Starbucks: they allow customers to choose their own beverage from more than 50.000 possible combinations. “In addition to expressing their identity through choice, customers often engage in acts of self-expression by customizing products to reflect their identity” (p.66). That could be an explanation of the fact that young-adults partly refuse giants and feel attached to independent brands, because then identity is not served as a supplement with a cup of coffee. Linking it to the theories of authenticity (see chapter 2), it could be concluded that authentic meaning and no customized symbols is what a large body of younger people aim for. Being authentic and distinctiveness from the mass is a predominant need for young-adults. Considering symbolic meaning of goods and brands within the social setting, Berger and Heath (2007) developed a social approach to explain why and where consumers diverge in their consumption behaviour while being influenced by their social environment.

3.2 .1

D

IVERGENCE THROUGH SYMBOLIC CONSUMPTION

Former studies rather focused on individual drivers for differentiation, as for instance the need for uniqueness (Snyder and Fromkind 1977 as cited by Berger & Health, 2007), though; the authors believe that divergence is also caused by the strong desire to evoke desired or to avoid undesired identity inferences, since divergence varies in different product domains (e.g. music or hairstyle). “People use symbolic domains to make identity inferences about others, but the particular identities that are inferred depend on who else holds the taste” (Berger & Heath, 2007, p. 132). Subsequently it always depends on the set and the type of other people, who share a common taste. The whole theory is applicable to divergence and differentiation, as consumers not only diverge from out-groups, but also tend to differentiate from their in-group members. One short-coming of the

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23 approach is that it cannot be generalized to all kinds of drives for divergence, for example: “Hipsters may all wear the same style of jacket, allowing them to signal their type (as we predict), but they are likely to select different colours (as predicted by the uniqueness literature), allowing them to feel somewhat unique relative to others of their type” (Berger & Heath, 2007, p. 132). As it can be seen there is a thin line between affiliation and divergence, which also shows the following example. Out-groups that copy a cultural-specific taste are a main driver for divergence in order to avoid misidentification. These findings support contemporary subcultural developments: if a subculture (the Hipster) is a target of mainstream appropriation, they are forced to find new means of differentiation.

Another viewpoint on divergence originated from a recent study by Bellezza, Gino, and Keinan (2014). They examined how people react to nonconforming behaviour, such as wearing sneakers to a professional setting (representative for the Hipster sub-culture). Nonconforming behaviours, as costly and visible signals, can act as a particular form of conspicuous consumption and lead to positive inferences of status and competence in the eyes of others. A series of studies demonstrates that people confer higher status and competence to nonconforming rather than conforming individuals. These positive inferences derived from signals of nonconformity are mediated by perceived autonomy and moderated by individual differences in need for uniqueness in the observers.

In conclusion it can be said that the overall human behaviour on the marketplace when it comes to consumption can be seen in a paradox way: on the one hand people tend to align to the standard (fashion) code among their related social groupings (to protect their self), on the other hand forming individuality seems to be a precarious accomplishment that includes also the rejection of mass products, in order to define the self differentiated from the mass (Newholm & Hopkinson, 2009). In addition to the individual motivation and the social influences on consumption one more actor in the consumption sphere has to be considered: the market itself. As mentioned in chapter two Arsel and Thompson (2011) believe that marketers and the media engage in “mythmaking” and play a crucial role in the formation of contemporary subcultures. In the following

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24

3.3 C

ULTURAL

P

RODUCER CREATING MEANING

One of the most influential models of cultural meaning trough marketing and consumption was developed by McCracken (1986). He described consumption objects as semiotic carrier that hold on to various cultural codes and that are embedded by cultural producers using marketing techniques. Consumers acquire those products and enhance meaning and symbols for others. Even though it does have a strong impact on the objects’ meaning per se, social meaning for others has been added. The model represents the meaning transfer though different stages: culture is transferred from the culturally constituted world that basically is the everyday life experience. On the one hand culture is the “lens” through which people view and assimilate the phenomena of everyday life (how the world is seen) and on the other hand it is seen as a “blueprint” of human activity (how the world will be shaped by humans). Moreover he explains that the constituted culture is formed out of a grid of categories and material objects sustain its existence. Material objects are expressed though goods, which allow individuals to discriminate among the cultural categories. Cultural principles (ideas and values) regulate the construction of cultural meaning, namely the segmentation in discrete cultural parcels. “Cultural categories and cultural principles are mutually presupposing, and their expression in goods is necessarily simultaneous” (McCracken, 1986, p. 74). For instance, clothing (substitute for any other low- or high involvement category) differentiates between low and high class or men’s and women’s wear and fashion, simultaneously transfers the nature and the meaning of the differentiation of these categories: “Clothing communicates both the supposed "delicacy" of women and "strength" of men or both the supposed "refinement" of a higher class and "vulgarity" of a lower one” (McCracken, 1986, p. 74). The instruments of meaning transfer from the constituted world to a consumer good, McCracken presents advertising and the fashion system as the first stage of trajectory. The advertiser or marketer creates links between a consumer good and a representation of the culturally constituted world and the fashion system is capable to transfer meaning (journalists, e.g. newspaper, magazines), to invent new cultural meaning (opinion leaders, e.g. fashion designer or social observers) or it engages in a reform of cultural meaning (innovative groups, e.g. hippies, punks or gays). The second trajectory, so the meaning transfer from the actual material object or good, takes place with symbolic action or according to McCracken rituals. The ritual is medium to manipulate the meaning customized to the consumer, basically it is used to transfer the meaning contained in goods to an individual consumers. Although there is one common purpose, there is a differentiation between four personal rituals:

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25 Exchange rituals is a movement of charged properties, e.g. gift-giver invites another individual to partake the properties possessed by the good such as when parents gift their children. In a possession ritual individuals claim or deny a possession of a good or brand in the consumer’s daily life, e.g. showing off on a housewarming party. Grooming rituals are used to shape up or to display the good’s properties e.g. a “going out” ritual, so the preparing for an evening out. Finally, the divestment rituals are practiced to remove previous meaning of a property so that meaning-loss or meaning contagion cannot take place. The author lastly illustrates that people need the continuous appropriation of goods in order to satisfy their desire for freedom and self-fulfilment.

Kozinets (2002) continues this research pillow and claims that the market affects consumers directly by homogenizing the individual and by suppressing self-expressive affords: “market influences constrain consumers’ creative roles and identities, limit their human freedom by enforcing particular views of reality, and make their everyday life less diverse and more passive.” They argue that alternative lifestyles are a way to emancipate the common market logics. But even the alternative lifestyles such as the Hipster are of interest for the media and the marketers. Taking McCracken’s theory into consideration it can be concluded that the Hipster received negative stigmatized connotations due to constituted symbols through either of the trajectories. Referring back, the literature study showed meaningful insights, yet, it remains unexplained why people would risk being identified with an undesired group.

I am not a hipster : I am an individual : a case study of the community and consumption behavior of urban young-adults

M

ASTER

T

HESIS

“I

AM NOT A

H

IPSTER

–

I

AM AN INDIVIDUAL

”

A

C

ASE

S

TUDY OF THE

C

OMMUNITY AND

C

ONSUMPTION

B

EHAVIOUR OF

U

RBAN

Y

OUNG

-A

DULTS

MSc Business Administration – Marketing Track

Academic year 2014/2015

STATEMENT

OF

ORIGINALITY

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A

BSTRACT

C

HAPTER

1:

I

NTRODUCTION

1.1

T

H

:

M

‘

’

1.1.1

L

1.2

P

1.2.1

S

-

1.2.2

D

1.3

T

M

C

1.4

S

T

C

HAPTER

2:

S

OCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

–

N

EW DEVELOPMENTS IN

Y

OUTH

C

ULTURES

2.

1