May the Narrative be with you

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Leiden University

May the Narrative be with you

Pogge’s insights on the Right of Expression in Ukraine’s

Information Space

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May the Narrative be with you 2

May the Narrative be with you

Pogge’s insights on the Right of Expression in Ukraine’s Information Space

Leiden University

MSc Crisis and Security Management G. M. van Buuren

5 August 2018 Sien Werkman 1457942

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A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s :

I would first of all like to thank my supervisor, professor van Buuren, for believing in me, his open and critical attitude and providing the possibility to write and finish this thesis. Also, I would like to thank professor McAllister for his help with the literature part and introduction into philosophy. Also to all my roomies and siblings, who kept me positive, to coffee, wine, food, also to myself for granting me eight hours of sleep every day and keeping to the schedule, and finally to my bunny Einstein, who always cheered me up in the depths of the thesis-darkness.

You were the chosen one! It was said that you would destroy media oppression, not join. You were to bring balance to the Information Space, not leave it in darkness1.

1_{20th Century Fox ; Lucasfilm Ltd. ; written and directed by George Lucas ; produced by Rick McCallum. Star Wars. Episode III, Revenge of the Sith.}

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A b s t r a c t

In its confrontation with Russian, Ukraine established the Ministry of Information Policy to counter the ‘dark pro-Russian informational forces’. This study aimed to find what insights Pogge’s theory provides regarding this ministry. The laws, policies, official statements, three Ukrainian media outlets, and information from Reporters Without Borders form the basis of the analysis. Pogge’s theory provides a manner of examination that studies the conduct of a government through a human-centered perspective, instead of a legislative. In Ukraine’s case, Pogge’s theory showed that Ukraine’s aim to shape the information society is not morally objectionable, which is in contrast to banning Russian content. The main

argument is that aiming to shape society leaves the choice to the citizen whether to engage in this process or not, while banning Russian media deprives the citizen of his or her choice, and therefore, of their autonomy.

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Index

List: tables 7 List: abbreviations 7 Introduction 8 Reading guide 9

Defending an unconventional approach 10

Choosing Pogge’s perspective 12

Relevance of the theme 14

Relevance of the case 14

Relevance to other actors 15

Theoretical Framework 16

Thomas Pogge’s perception on human rights and justice 16

Human rights and human flourishing 17

Freedom of speech and an ethical worldview 18

Human rights and institutions 18

Official disrespect 19

Balance 20

Nationalism 21

Method 22

Operationalization 22

Dimensions and pillars 23

Indicators 25

Sources 27

Scope of the study 28

Weaknesses 29

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Reading guide 30

Segment 1: the MIP, staff, aims and tasks, and councils 31

Main staff members 32

Aims and tasks 34

Other actors 36

Analysis segment 1 38

Policy and law 38

Organizational structure 41

Society 44

2. General Policies and Laws 45

The Concept 45

The development process 48

The Doctrine 50

The development process 52

Analysis Segment 2 54

Policy and Law 54

Organizational Structure 57

Society 58

Segment 3. Fulfilling human rights in Ukraine 59

Special cases 61

Segment 4. Ukraine’s questionable acts 62

Fighting Russian Information 62

Treason 64

List of Shame 65

Journalist Oppression: Silence 67

Analysis Segment 3 and 4 70

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Organizational Structure 72

Society 73

Discussion 74

Core tasks of the ministry 76

Human flourishing: developing one’s ethical worldview 78

Developing one’s ethical worldview: political participation 78

How does the ministry relate to the (under)fulfillment of the right of expression? 79

Balance and Nationalism 81

Comparing relative gains and losses 82

Current case: restricted narratives 82

Imaginary case: free narratives 84

Comparing the current to the imaginary case 85

Fulfilling human rights: what are excessive costs? 85

Conclusion 86

Implications of the main findings 87

Suitability of Pogge’s theory 89

Literature 89 List: tables Table 1 26 Table 3 82 Table 4 84 List: abbreviations

ATO - Anti-Terrorist Zone

Concept - Information Security Concept of Ukraine Doctrine - Information Security Doctrine of Ukraine

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ECRI - European Commission against Racism and Intolerance

EU - European Union

FSB - Security Service of the Russian Federation

HF - Human Flourishing

HR - Human Right(s)

LGTBI - Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual and Intersex MIP - Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine

NCTRb - National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting NGO - Non-Governmental Organization

NSDC - National Security and Defense Council

OSCE - Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe RSF - Reporters Without Borders

SBU - Security Service of Ukraine

VK - VKontakte

UIS - Ukraine’s Information Space

Introduction

Russia left no stone unturned in its conflict with Ukraine, strengthening its information

campaigns since 20132. The West smelled the rat and labeled the information as propaganda and more recently, as fake news. The Russian information campaign is a thorn in Europe’s flesh, especially since more and more signs of criticism towards the European Union (EU) took the spotlight. The member states raised their awareness, and fake news became a hot topic3.

2_{https://www.unian.info/politics/2333103-russian-propaganda-undermining-trust-in-any-information-source-researcher-says.html 20 May 2018}

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Ukraine lies between those two fires, which makes the country a striking case. In the west, there is “the West,” and in the east, there is Russia. Ukraine sat on the fence for many years, doubting which side to choose. The country has expressed its aspirations to become a potential member state of the EU for a long time; however, the lack of willingness from the EU disappointed Ukraine4. Russia, on the other hand, was willing to strengthen its economic ties with Ukraine, but due to the Soviet past, Ukraine was rather hesitant to take steps towards Russia.

Ukraine became aware of the wide variety of information flows and wanted to manage them. This awareness heightened particularly during the conflict and with the recent acknowledgement of the vital significance and strength of information. When the new government seated, the cabinet voted for the establishment of the Ministry of Information Policy. One of the measures the ministry supported was the shutdown of VKontakte5 (VK), one of Ukraine’s favorite social media platforms. The measure is supposed to counter the spread of Russian information on the platform. However, while the banning of Facebook in China invoked outrage amongst western press agencies, the same agencies paid little attention to the shutdown of VK6. The small number of articles led to question why Facebook’s shutdown is generally considered a human rights (HR) infringement, but VK’s case as legitimate. Is it due to our unfamiliarity with VK? Or is it because Facebook brings pro-western beliefs to the Chinese, while VK brings pro-Russian ideas to the Ukrainians and the EU?

Reading guide

The shutdown of VK was the primary reason to start designing this research that focused on the right of expression, a human right. Studying human rights is usually done from a legal perspective7. This study, however, is based on Pogge’s philosophical book “World Poverty and Human Rights”. This base is unconventional in the social sciences, a discipline that usually focuses more of efficiency and/or effectiveness. The discipline tends to circle around defining governmental actors or actions as good or

4_{Wolczuk (2004) Integration Without Europeanisation: Ukraine and its Policy Towards the European Union}

5_{https://vk.com/poroshenko.petro 2 2 June 2018}

6_{https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2017-05-17/why-ukraine-said-nyet-to-russian-social-networks 2 June 2018}

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bad, preferring to focus on concrete legal aspects. This research is different because it goes straight to the very core: is the MIP just?

The unconventionality calls for a reading guide, since this introduction holds information that would normally be placed in the methodology chapter. The change of structure is meant to provide the reader with knowledge of the ‘thought baseline’ on which this research built. The following part of the introduction defends the choice of an unconventional approach by briefly referring to a number of philosophers of science. After this, the introduction elaborates on the choice for Pogge, followed by the relevance of the theme, the case, the actors, and finally the formulation of the research question.

Defending an unconventional approach

I chose an unconventional approach to study the ministry because I hope to broaden the number of ‘tools’ there are to study governmental institutions, security, or rights. As Feyerabend argues in Against Method8, every perspective and every theory sheds its light on particular subjects. Feyerabend states that politics and ethic influence all theories. This anarchistic epistemological view holds that there is not one true theory, because all are created from a particular perspective. Therefore, using more theories brings more perspectives, which in turn lead to more discussion, which, as Mill9 argues, leads to more knowledge. Classical theories are instrumental and as critical; however, they do and should not have the monopoly on the truth10_.

Another philosopher that favors the application of more ideas and theories for research purposes is Fricker11. Describing epistemological justice, she states that withholding access to information is harmful. Fricker’s ideas lead to the argument that using one set of theories is a manifestation of information retention, which causes harm. Fricker adds that not letting someone add knowledge to the pool is a form of testimological injustice, which implies that everyone should be free to choose every

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Feyerabend (2010) Against Method 9_{Mill (1989) On Liberty}

10_{NOTE: I do not wish to state that we do not need any classics at all, neither am I trying to suggest that all methods should be rejected. I do not entirely} agree with Feyerabend, however, I do believe that the way some research fields conduct research now is too strict and limiting. I intend to argue that a combination of strict methods and free research would truly richen the academic world.

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form of method or theory and add the knowledge gathered by these approaches to the general pool of knowledge. Even if this information holds that a theory is unsuitable for the analysis of particular issues. The knowledge that a theory is not applicable to a particular case is knowledge as well. However, one might render new bridges between concepts and theories incredible and oppose the need to try building them, which Medina would call the epistemology of resistance12. Achieving knowledge about possible constructions that could exist becomes practically impossible in a research culture until those effects and relations become imaginable. The problem with epistemological resistance is that there is blindness to the culture’s blindness. This is, in turn, meta-ignorance13, a failure of social imaginary. These statements that were made regarding The Mockingbird, can be applied to the culture within various disciplines in the academic world. This ‘translation’ would hold that meta-ignorance manifests itself as refusing to see unfamiliar theories as equal to the most-quoted/ classic theories. The situation emerges in which

someone is not willing to see phenomena through someone else’s eyes. It is the antonym of open-mindedness14. As Ollie states: “[i]t is not enough to present a new scenario, we have to encourage our audiences to re-evaluate their own perspectives relative to our one15

.”

Finally, I support the uniformitarian idea that theories can only be ‘approximately true.’ A theory is only the most important theory, until a newer and better theory defeats it. The truth lies within the case or situation, not in the theory. This also means that I perceive the theoretical conservatism as a threat to the pursuit of getting closer to a proper theorization of the truth. When academics use the same theory repeatedly, we do not create or find better ones. I am aware that by stating that there is no

absolute truth that I will never be able to defend what I believe to be true because my truth is only the truth until there is a new and better truth. In addition, I am aware that others might perceive the academic world, research, and theories in another way. One might be a catastrophist for instance, and not be troubled by signs of increased theoretical conservatism. He or she might not see the need in a

12_{Medina, J. (2013) The Epistemology of Resistance: Gender and Racial Oppression, Epistemic Injustice, and Resistant Imaginations}

13_{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ahRLBkuTW8w 4 May 2018}

14_{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ahRLBkuTW8w 4 May 2018}

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disciplinary revolution or changing accepted theories and perspectives16. I argue, that these views are mostly personal and defending these views and opinions on research methodologies and theories would require another thesis, if not, an entire book. If you, as the reader, disagree with my methodology and theory, I invite you to read the thesis anyway and learn more about what you disagree with. In the end, whether one agrees on the theory-choice or not, it does provide more information about a scarcely studied case. The core of academia is, I believe, to learn more about the world around and inside us.

Choosing Pogge’s perspective

Now that the argument for unconventional approaches is clear, this section elaborates on the choice for Pogge. Pogge is a renowned writer who has written dozens of articles. He builds on Rawls his perception of HR as a form of justice, not, as is it often seen, as freedoms. Aside from the fact that he has published many inspiring writings, there are several legitimate reasons why his views are a perfect fit to study the MIP.

First, he focuses on the government that should establish a system which fulfills HR. This focus fits well within a study that focuses on the role of a government since the research aims at uncovering whether the MIP system creates a space in which HR are fully respected and realized. Second, as will be further discussed in the Theological Framework and Methodology section, some of the dimensions that Pogge describes are comprehensive guidelines for the research. Those dimensions are HR and human flourishing, balance and nationalism. The dimension of balance is relevant because Ukraine is currently in the middle of an aggressive information war with Russia17. As mentioned in the introduction,

Poroshenko ordered the ban of VKontakte because it is a Russian company, which he claims to be a threat to Ukrainians; showing that Ukrainian authorities are well willing to use far fetching measures in the ‘aggressive information war.’ This naturally leads to wonder where the line is. How do Ukrainian authorities, and in particular a ministry established for information policies, balance their will to counter information that favors Russia and the freedom of expression, media, and information circulation. This example also leads to the third dimension, the dimension of nationalism. Is it justified to shut down VK

16_{Stanford (2015) Catastrophism, Uniformitarianism, and a Scientific Realism Debate That Makes a Difference}

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because it is Russian? Also, are other measures justified, like the ban of Russian books, movies, TV-channels18? Serious concerns can be raised about Ukrainian ultranationalism19, as well as to the influence of nationalism on the fulfillment of HR.

Using Pogge’s theory has some consequences on the study. First, I took in mind that concepts such as propaganda are social constructs and are used because it bothers those who use the concept20. It is thus not a reality but a way in which we perceive reality. Therefore, I referred to pro-/non-western or pro-/non-Russian information or news. This is a consequence of using Pogge his theory, because his book does not focus on labeling types of actions, but focuses on whether a system is just. Discussing what can be considered propaganda, or whether this concept is useful at all, distracts from the topic of this study; what insights Pogge provides on the MIP.

Combining philosophy with governance means that this study is written from a transdisciplinary approach. This is, as Alvargonzález argued, possible when disciplines have similar material elements, terms, operations, theories, and principles21; similarity holds that both disciplines are studying cells, or both studying societies or the universe. In this case, both disciplines are applied to a ministry. The transdisciplinarity provides understanding of how the ministry affects a real individual, instead of only society as an abstract entity.

The primary objective of HR analysis is often to see whether right-holders are able to enjoy their rights and whether the human right providers are taking their responsibilities. The primary objective of this analysis focuses on broadening the scope of Pogge’s theory instead of specifically analyzing HR. The aim was to see if Pogge his ideas are applicable to the analysis of a ministry. Hopefully, this will lead to more research combining different fields of research and motivate the use non-conventional ideas in political analysis. The objective is therefore not solely to shed a new light on the functioning of

18_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/126.html 2 May 2018}

19_{Boichenko (2018) The Far Right’s Disproportionate Influence}

20_{Feyerabend (2010) Against Method}

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a ministry, the limits of fake-news restrictions or an assessment of HR violations, a major part of the objective is to call for a more progressive and inter-/transdisciplinary approach in the social sciences.

Relevance of the theme

The right of expression in Ukraine needs to be studied for several reasons. First, as J. S. Mill stated, most great writers asserted freedom of conscience (and the right to express this) to be an

indefeasible right, and they deny that a human being is accountable to others for their beliefs22_{. Applying}

this to information policy entails that every person should be free to choose whether he or she wants to open him- or herself up to either western or Russian information, without being required to defend this choice. Numerous other authors discussed the importance of freedom of speech. The Founding Father of America already expressed their belief in the power of ideas and debate23. This belief has not faded since then. More recently, Williams stated that democracy depends upon citizens being able to discuss policies and (potential) politicians24, who have to be able to deliberate their tasks freely. Another reason that Williams provides is that the freedom of speech plays a crucial role in enabling societies to solve problems25, and is essential for the development of individual autonomy26.

Relevance of the case

It is apparent that one should be free to express his or her beliefs, opinions, and thoughts. The reason to study Ukraine and not all other countries in which there is an observed tendency of the government to interfere in information flows is that Ukraine is at the forefront of an information war. Ukraine is the country in Europe in which the government is balancing on the line between the citizens’ rights to access information and the perceived need to stop pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian information. The taken measures show the intensity of the situation, and the need to study whether the government is still balancing on the line, or has fallen off. Even though Ukraine is in a critical situation, very little academic research was conducted on the Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine (MIP). Therefore,

22_{Mill: p.11}

23_{Downs and Cowan (2012) Predicting the Importance of Freedom of Speech and the Perceived Harm of Hate Speech}

24_{Williams (2014) Protecting Freedom of Speech in Australia}

25_Idem 26_Idem

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this study will see whether the practices and policies of the MIP are in line with what Pogge27_{believes to}

be the rights of a human being concerning the freedom of speech, the press, expression and conscience and how these rights should be realized. As Scanlon argued that insofar as a constitution is best

understood as giving legal recognition to rights (like the right to express oneself) that can be understood, as morally apart from the legal embodiment, there is always room to discuss if the way in which the jurisprudence has interpreted the interests that guide this right is defensible28.

Relevance to other actors

This study determines whether the rights of the Ukrainian population are fulfilled according to Pogge; this makes it extremely relevant to the Ukrainian citizens. The Ukrainian government has a direct relation to it’s citizens, therefore the study is very relevant to them as well. The conclusion provides the government an evaluation of their measures, points of consideration and insight into the philosophical dimension of their actions. The study is relevant to other actors who deal with unwanted information as well. The research shed light on the possible limits to potential measures, making it essential to EU citizens as well, as European politicians determine the policies and laws that frame the world Europeans live in. This study is relevant to academia because it fills the gap in research about the MIP and provides more insight into the country and the conflict. Last, and most important, this study broadens the scope in which Pogge’s theory can be used. Hopefully, it will loosen the social sciences’ boundaries, making it more open to take different perspectives. This is core relevancy of the study, it richens the academic world with more ways to gather information.

The research question

The research question in this study is:

What insight does Pogge’s theory provide on the existence and conduct of the Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine?

27_{See the Theoretical Framework and Methodology chapters for more information}

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The next (second) chapter starts describing Pogge’s theory from “World Poverty and Human Rights,” which forms the basis on which the research question will be answered. The third chapter explains and justifies the methodology, the limitations and the shortfalls of the research. The fourth chapter presents and analyses the results. These parts focus on the structure of the MIP, its core documents, and it’s actions regarding the right of expression. The fifth chapter discusses the findings. Finally, the sixth chapter concludes the research, reflects on the usefulness of Pogge’s theory, and makes suggestions for future research and debate.

Theoretical Framework

This chapter provides background information. This framework holds no information on

propaganda or fake news analyses, because this research aims to establish what light the theory sheds on the Ministry. The aim is not to study whether the information is propaganda, if it is wrong according to anyone but Pogge, or if any rights or laws are violated from any other perspective than the perspective of Pogge. The following parts start introducing Pogge’s perception on human rights and justice; starting with his interpretation of human rights and human flourishing, including a part specifically on the freedom of speech and ethical worldviews; how institutions relate to human rights, followed by an explanation of official disrespect. After all factors of human rights and human flourishing, the

theoretical framework continues with a description of balance and nationalism. These parts create the basis on which the discussion and, therefore, the answer to the research question, were based.

Thomas Pogge’s perception on human rights and justice

When assessing democracy, or governmental power and conduct, we assess amongst others, how social practices govern the interaction between the individual and collective agents, and their access to resources and rights. We call the collectivity of the more fundamental and pervasive institutions within the social system the institutional order. They define how projects are executed, how conflicts are settled and how those institutions themselves are (re)made, interpreted and enforced. If these actions are

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morally appropriate and equitable, we describe the institutions most prominently with the concept of justice. It is, therefore, critical to formulate and to justify criteria of justice in our political discourse29_.

Pogge explains that social institutions do not only shape the environment and options people live in and enjoy; the institutions also shape their values and their aspirations. These values, consequently, cannot provide an impartial standpoint from which other alternative institutional ways can be compared. Pogge argues that we cannot have a determined idea of how individuals define a good life for

themselves, apart from the information about the social condition under which we grew up30_{. Pogge}

states that there is a minimal standard of justice of our age. He employs fundamental HR as the internationally recognized minimal standard. He states that an institutional design is unjust when it produces foreseeable human right deficits. Meeting HR is a necessity when an institutional design realizes HR; it does not automatically mean that it is just. Only the contrary, if the regime fails to realize the rights insofar as reasonably possible, then it is unjust31_.

Human rights and human flourishing

Human flourishing (HF) means that a human’s life is good and worthwhile in the broadest sense. The concept entails the most comprehensive indication of a human life’s quality, and it may include different specific assessments. Pogge gives the example of pleasure, if someone claims that HF is

nothing more than pleasure, it does not mean that the concept of HF is no broader than that of pleasure32_.

Pogge states that the autonomy of adults is to be respected; the measure of their flourishing is to be posited by the person himself. Including the components, he believes his flourishing to consist of, what the relative weight of these components are, and how they are integrated into his life. Someone’s autonomy is respected insofar as one can choose his flourishing to consist in whatever he takes it to consist in33

. This implies that one should be free to choose what he or she wants to say, read, and to believe.

29_{Paragraph based on Pogge: p.37}

30_{Paragraph based on Pogge: p. 40-42}

31_{Paragraph based on Pogge, p.25}

32_{Paragraph based on p.33-34}

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Freedom of speech and an ethical worldview

Pogge believes that the assumption of freedom of speech is existential. He states that it is a universal fact that almost all humans experience a deep need for an ethical worldview that will help them judge their life and the life of those they care about34_{. He argues that in every culture within this}

interdependent world there is a wide variety of ethical worldviews. Including opinions about objectivity and universality, and the importance of ethical and personal quality of life. He states that even a

moderate aspect of justice has to demand that social institutions are designed in a way that the persons the institutions affect can develop, deepen and realize their ethical worldviews.

Pogge has two presuppositions for the capacity to create an ethical worldview. First, the liberty of conscience; the freedom to develop and live in line with one’s ethical worldviews, as long as it is possible without excessive costs to others. Pogge states that this includes other liberties, such as the freedom of access to informational media and the freedom to associate with persons that have the same, or different ethical beliefs. The second presupposition is political participation; the freedom to

participate in structuring and directing social systems to which one belongs. This includes the freedom to express ethical criticisms of political decisions and institutions publicly. Also, one needs the freedom to assemble and equal chances and terms for those who compete for political office and who take part in political decisions35_.

Human rights and institutions

Pogge states that HR are the best formulation method for complex and internationally acceptable core criteria of justice. Pogge’s institutional understanding entails that the postulate of a human right to X entails that every coercive social institution must be, insofar as reasonably possible, designed in a way that all affected humans have secure access to X.HR are thus a moral claim on any coercive institution imposed upon oneself, and, therefore, a moral claim against anyone that is involved in their design or imposition. Pogge states that all those whose physical integrity is not sufficiently secure can file a valid

34_{Paragraph based on p.54}

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complaint against our social institutions, thus, not only those who happen to suffer an actual assault. This is why he states, it makes more sense to speak of non-fulfillment or underfulfillment rather than violations of HR36_.

Official disrespect

It is relevant for assessing the justice of social institutions how these institutions affect the flourishing of those affected37_{. Pogge labels governmental HR violation as official disrespect. A}

manifestation of official disrespect includes maintaining and issuing unjust laws that authorize or require HR violations. Or construing existing legislation as licenses to violate HR. Official moral wrongs are according to Pogge often disguised under the name of law and are generally committed openly. He argues that the more closely moral wrongs are related to the official’s job, the more it is tolerated and encouraged through the officialdom, the more it fits under the label of HR violation. He states that these official wrongs do not only deprive victims of their rights, but these wrongs attack the very rights themselves. They attack the very idea of rights and justice38_.

Pogge states that two aspects are crucial to a society’s record of the degree of official disrespect. First is the subset of occurring violations, are they official and are they HR violations? The second aspect includes facts regarding the attitude of the government and the people toward the right and all occurring violations. Are they committed or disposed? Pogge notes that unofficial violations do not need to be a HR violation, but that official indifference towards private violations is official disrespect. He argues that the object of the right can only be genuinely secured with a (small) vigilant citizenry that is extremely committed to this right and works hard towards its political realization39

.

Pogge distinguishes six ways in which institutions might relate to non-fulfillment of HF and official disrespect:

36_{Paragraph based on p.52-53}

37_p.45-46

38_{Paragraph based on p.65}

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1) The shortfall is officially mandated by law40

2) The shortfalls result from the conduct of private subjects that is legally authorized by the government41

3) Social institutions foreseeably and avoidably engender the shortfall through the conduct that they stimulate (but it is not explicitly required or authorized)42

4) The shortfall arises from private conduct that is legally prohibited but barely deterred43 5) The shortfall arises from social institutions that avoidably leave the effects of a natural defect

unmitigated44

6) The shortfall arises from social institutions that avoidably leave the effects of a self-caused defect unmitigated45

Also, Pogge states, one must be aware of the incentives that a social institution provides to encourage or discourage specific behavior46_.

Balance

Pogge calls for a systemic coherence in morality: he states that the moral assessment of persons and their behavior, state of affairs, and social rules, must be based on fundamental principles that hold for all persons equally. Also, he states that every discrimination that has been built into such a

fundamental principle should be given a plausible rationale47_{. When morality gives incentives towards}

regrettable behavior, Pogge wonders whether it constitutes at least some reason to revise morality48

. He questions whether persons can differ so much from one another that somewhat different fundamental principles may hold for them and when this distinction would be arbitrary49

. 40_{Pogge, p.47} 41_Idem 42_Idem 43_{Idem, p.48} 44 Idem 45_Idem

46_{Paragraph based on Pogge. p.79-81}

47_{Pogge, p. 100} 48_{Pogge, p. 78} 49_{Idem, p. 100}

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There is not one set of social institutions that best meet the values and aspirations of all people it affects. When choosing between two sets of institutions, we have to compare the gains and losses in the flourishing of different groups. The measure that we can use is, according to Pogge, the degree to which those particular institutions meet the various values and aspirations of the affected people50_{. HR should}

generally outweigh or trump other moral and non-moral concerns51_{and a situation of conflict can never}

influence the process in which the human right are weighed52.

Nationalism

Someone’s interests and situation affects, according to Pogge, their concrete judgment that he or she derives from his or her moral values. People tend to, at least unconsciously, interpret their moral values in their favor. They also tend to select, represent, and connect facts in such a way that their desired concrete judgments are facilitated. Pogge labels this as the rationalization theory, and he states that it is much stronger when people are surrounded by individuals whose relevant interests are similar to their own. The individual’s desire to state that their interests are morally defensible are reinforced by the expressed approval of his or her peers. This is avoidable according to Pogge. When group members have regular contact with individuals who are not part of the group, the outsiders could show the insiders that there might be other possible beliefs or explanations, which support different moral judgments53_.

Pogge defines nationalism as a situation in which citizens and their political leaders show a preeminent concern to preserve and enlarge their mutual advantage. Someone might think that tolerance for nationalism can be justified by the belief that no one could ask us to subordinate our pursuit of national interests to a concern for a minimally just international order so long as other countries are practicing the same self-restraint54

. However, he states that the strength of someone’s moral reason not to harm others should not vary with the potential victim’s relative distance to the agent, and particularly

50_{Paragraph based on Pogge, p.40}

51_{Pogge, p.60} 52_{Idem, p.43}

53_{Paragraph based on Pogge, p. 3-5}

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not with the potential victim’s status as a compatriot or foreigner55_{. When we do wrong to a foreigner,}

foreigners, and compatriots are equal. Injustices we commit against foreigners have the same weight as injustices against compatriots. Honoring these constraints is morally required, and, Pogge states, thus show no disloyalty to our country, and neither do they undermine shared feelings of community and allegiance56_.

There is, according to Pogge, firm and widespread agreement that nationalism should be limited when the basic justice of the larger playing field is at stake57_{. He states that partiality by officials and}

citizens is not acceptable when it seeks to shape a society’s ground rules and endanger the secure access by some to the object of their HR58_{. Pogge even argues that when a society’s social institution authorizes}

harms, the citizens who uphold those institutions through their political consent or economic supports contribute to those harms59_{. He claims that all members of society, according to their means, have to}

help create and sustain social and political orders under which everyone has secure access to his or her rights60

.

Method

To answer the research question (what insight does Pogge’s theory provide on the existence and conduct of the Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine?), this thesis drew on a qualitative case study in a more philosophical nature. This chapter describes the operationalization (including the dimensions, pillars, and indicators) the sources (including the method of analysis), the scope of the study and the weaknesses of this approach.

Operationalization

The most important dimensions form Pogge’s theory and different pillars from the MIP shape the conceptual framework of the analysis. These sections can overlap partly or entirely because the 55 Idem, p.138 56_{Idem, p.139} 57_{Idem, p. 130} 58_Idem 59_{Idem, p. 141} 60_{Idem, p. 75}

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fundaments of freedom of speech, expression, media and thought go hand in hand. For each dimension in combination with a pillar, indicators were set up to operationalize the theory. These indicators are manifested in the form of questions; the answers to these questions will provide the necessary

information to create a large image of the functioning and existence of the MIP in the light of Pogge, and, therefore, an answer to the research question.

Dimensions and pillars

To answer the research question, I filtered three major dimensions from Pogge’s theory. The filtering was based on the strength of emphasis Pogge placed on a particular subject. The selected dimensions are:

Human flourishing and human rights

The right of expression is a human right and the focal point of this study, therefore this dimension unquestionably belongs within this research. As described in the theoretical framework, Pogge discusses what the

government and society need to do to guarantee HF and HR. He stated that a criterion of justice must take account of the specific causal pathways relating social institution to HF61. The dimension should also shed light on whether ideas and principles can differ so much that different fundamental principles hold for them.

Balance The dimension of balance appears often and clearly in World Poverty and Human Rights. Pogge shows numeral times that it is challenging to hold balance between taking certain measures (f.e. financial: improving the western welfare, while this leaves third world countries without chances to participate in the world economy) and upholding human rights. Pogge states that situations of conflict and competition should never be allowed to

outweigh the realization of HR. Since Ukraine is currently in a situation of

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major conflict, it is essential to see whether the ministry allows this conflict to be more important than the freedom of an individual to create their own worldview and form and express their own opinions. It is important to know whether the human right underfulfillment counts as a basic-good deficit, and if so, how morally significant the deficit is62.

Nationalism Pogge dedicated an entire chapter to nationalism. It is an essential part of his analysis, in which he explains that nationalism leads individuals to justify the actions they take to optimize their situation at the expense of another’s. Pogge argues that there should be firm limits to nationalism and that there are contexts in which it should not be invoked at all. One could interpret the dimension of nationalism as a distinction between the self and the other. As briefly mentioned in the introduction, nationalism in Ukraine is on the rise. In combination with measures that specifically counter pro-Russian websites and information, nationalism requires specific attention within this study. This analysis applied nationalism as the group of Ukrainian citizens who agree with the government are the selfs and the group who does not agree are the others. Nationalism is in this research understood as a process in which the Ukrainian selfs show a preeminent concern for the preservation and enlargement of their own collective advantage.

The pillars:

Policy and Law The pillar of policy and law is not solely meant to analyze the content of the documents. Pogge states that is important to take into account how social institutions relate to possible shortfalls (unrealized human right), whether they were officially mandated or legally authorized. The policy and law

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pillar is an area that evidently shows what the core tasks of the ministry are and how they are to be executed. Therefore, this pillar shows whether these tasks and the execution are related to HR and how.

Organizational Structure Pogge emphasizes organizational structure. This analysis looked into the core motivation of the ministry’s establishment, the minority representation amongst the staff, and their reaction to human rights infringements.

Society Society might be an unconventional pillar to be studied in governance; however, Pogge mentions the role of society explicitly. This research focused whether society has any chance to form political institutions and decisions, or to publish criticism or advice with regard to their work.

Indicators

To have a clear view of what was analyzed and how information was filtered, I set up indicators in the form of questions; the answers were derived by discourse analysis. All questions are based on Pogge’s theory. The footnote refers to the exact page in his book. The questions without footnotes are indirectly based on his theory, or are a ‘summarized question’. For example, all questions in the

Nationalism dimension are based on the chapter Nationalism in Pogge’s book. The questions regarding the motivation of a policy or organizational structure were chosen to reveal whether a situation is motivated from the conflict, or it might be motivated from Ukraine’s desire to join the EU. These questions cover the balance dimension. Including the MIP’s motivation brings more depth to the data. The data will not only hold what the ministry did, but also why. The why questions might explain why the ministry caused, for example, foreseeable underfulfillment of HR, in other words, why the ministry officially disrespected society.

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The indicating questions provided answers that led to an assessment of the working of the

ministry according to Pogge. The collected information from these answers forms the basis on which the discussion leads towards an answer to the research question. The indicators are listed in Table 1; the footnotes refer to the exact pages in World Poverty and Human Rights on which the indicators are based on. Clear table cells show that the pillar within the dimension has not been explicitly described and was not analyzed.

Table 1

Dimension Pillar

1. Human flourishing and human rights

2. Balance 3. Nationalism

a. Policy and law 1. What incentives does the ministry provide to promote HF and HR63_?

2. Does the ministry restrict the press or expression64_?

3. What do the laws and policies note regarding free media?

1. Is a situation of conflict or competition influencing the weighing process of HR65_?

2. What is the motivation for the policy and law? 3. What does 2.a.2 imply about the weight?

1. Are the laws and policies focused on specific groups?

b. Organizational structure

1. Does the organizational structure represent diverse conceptions of HF66

? 2. Is social interaction and participation promoted67_?

3. How does the MIP or its staff respond to HF/HR violations68_?

1. What is the motivation for the organizational structure?

3. What incentives does the ministry provide to promote HF and HR69_?

4. What are the relative gains and losses in the flourishing of different persons and groups70_?

1. Are all groups represented? 63_p.79 64_p.71 65 p.43 note 4 66_p.42 67_p.42 68_p.67 69_p.79 70_p.40

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c. Society 1. Is society free to judge the institution71_?

2. Is society free to impose its own understanding of justice72_?

3. Is society free to take part in structuring and directing the social system73_?

4. Is the ministry cooperating with other groups to safeguard the realization of HR74_?

1. Does 1.c apply to all groups?

Sources

The research data is drawn from the following sources:

Including all news articles and all policies and laws introduced by the MIP.

These sources revealed how the institution wants to be seen. The MIP has carefully though of the information and is therefore an interesting source to see the MIP’s perception. Also, analyzing the policies and laws is essential to analyze the products of the MIP, because they created it.

75

Unian; Ukrinform; Interfax. Search through with key words “Ministry of Information Policy”, “MIP”, “Yuriy Stets”, “Emine Dzhaparova”, “ministry of truth”. And

This section revealed how others perceive the MIP, holding information that the MIP might not want to publish. Sources 3 and 4 are strictly limited to content that is related to the MIP. For example: news about the conflict that does not relate to information, speech or media activities were not analyzed.

71 p.55 72_{p.43: note 3} 73_p.55 74_p.68 75

NOTE: proved to be rather useless. The Ukrainian media provided very little media that was different from what the MIP reported.

Website of the MIP Online Ukrainian news media + RSF

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the website of Reporters Without Borders

The sources provide data in the form of text. The data was analyzed through discourse analysis. This holds that a text is read critically, while being aware of the paradigm of the speaker76. An example could be the difference of our assessment when a student states to plant a bomb at school during the exams, and when a bearded man would say the same. The same words hold very different ‘meaning’. The first could entail that the student is tired of studying, and is joking. The second case could hold that the bearded man is joking as well, however, we will also tend to think of the risk that he might actually commit an attack. Communication is a part of us, and a part of the world, it is influenced by paradigms, but it can also create them. Critical reading reveals a significant amount of information about the text producer, since he expressed his inner world through language. An example regarding word choice could be someone choosing to call the Russian Federation Russia, or they might refer to the country-aggressor. The first is neutral, while the second implies an underlying hostility. Discourse analysis has a few weaknesses as a method; these weaknesses are discussed in the last part of this chapter.

This research based on data from the ministries website, Ukrainian sources, and the independent RWB, to limit the influence of anti-Ukrainian information.

Scope of the study

Time The timeframe of the study was set on December 2014 - April 2018. This is from the beginning of the ministry in its current form until the start of the research. The timeframe is long enough to include long-term processes, but does not start before the establishment of the ministry to exclude irrelevant data.

Area The geographical scope of the study was set to Ukraine.

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Theme The subject matter is limited to the right of expression, which requires freedom of the media, speech, access to information, liberty of thought and political participation. As Pogge states, rights are a manifestation of justice. Therefore, studying a right provides information about the (in)justice of the MIP. However, the theme-frame does exclude other rights, for example, the freedom of choice. Thus, the study cannot answer whether the MIP is just or unjust in every thematic area.

Object The analysis focused specifically on the MIP, its projects, laws, policies, and comments from other actors or institutions on the MIP’s existence and conduct.

Weaknesses

A major weakness of this study is the subjective nature of the data, analysis, and discussion. The majority of the data is judgment based. Only a small part is fact-based (for example formal restrictions of the press in the law, or the political background of the staff of the MIP). The Human Rights

Indicators report stated that in practice and the context of certain HR, the distinction between objective and subjective information is often difficult to make. Elements of subjectivity in the categorization of objective indicators cannot be wholly excluded or isolated. The report rightly stated that the

characterization of the nature of the information captured could in itself be perceived as a subjective exercise77.

Using clear and specific definitions and a broad and in-depth deliberation of the argumentation will not necessarily lead to more objectivity, but it provided the reader the chance to consider all

arguments and underlying ideas and to form her or his own beliefs. I argue that this subject is impossible to be considered on an entirely objective basis. Therefore, the aim of the study was not to avoid

subjectiveness altogether. This study aimed to assess the Ministry of Information’s existence and conduct according to Pogge’s theory and to provide arguments to the reader. This is, however, formed

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by my beliefs, and I will strive to clearly define when a given is the way as described, or if I believe it to be a particular way. By specifically addressing this difficulty and subjectiveness, I hope to motivate the reader to think about the provided argumentation and to construct his or her own opinion.

Another limitation apart from the subjectivity of concluding was the subjective nature of the data itself. For example, the website of the MIP provides information which has been internally discussed and carefully formulated. The news media Ukrinform is in their hands, and this information required specific attention. All data that this study used required questioning and discussion because every author has his or her interests. This problem was tackled as much as possible by pointing out the relations of the media platform to the actors. The problem could not be dealt with entirely, but transparency, discussion and a critical review of the sources helped.

Finally, one could argue that an additional limitation to the study is that it focused on written data from the government and information from media or other institutions. The study did not aim to research the policies in practice. The research question focused on what Pogge’s theory reveals about the ministry, not on what his theory reveals about the daily life of a Ukrainian citizen.

Results and Analysis

Reading guide

The following chapter analyses all gathered regarding the MIP and its conduct, divided in four segments. First: the establishment of the MIP, its staff, aims and councils. This segment is chosen because it studies the initial motivation of the ministry and the organizational structure. The second segment discusses two major documents the ministry created, forming the basis of all their other campaigns, laws, and policies. The fundamental nature of the documents makes this segment essential. The documents clearly outline the interests of the MIP, and how the ministry formally relates to the right of expression. The third segment elaborates on the ministry’s fight to realize HR. The final segment discusses the ministry’s acts that might be HR violations. The latter two segments were chosen because this study’s theme is the right of expression. Specifically focusing on how the ministry deals with HR

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(violations) is essential to answer the research question. Also, as mentioned in the Theoretical

Framework, Pogge highlights examination of how institutions behave regarding HR (under)fulfillment. This segment allowed analyzing whether the ministry actively enhanced or countered an ideal

environment for the right of expression.

Every segment was analyzed according the dimensions and pillars. Each segment starts with a description of the results, followed by the analysis. The analysis starts from a to c and each pillar analyzed from dimensions 1-3. Thus, the order will be:

1) Policy and Law  HR and HF, Balance, Nationalism

2) Organizational Structure  HR and HF, Balance, Nationalism 3) Society  HR and HF, Nationalism.

Some segments do not contain data providing information about every pillar or dimension; this is noted explicitly. The first two segments start describing the results, followed by the analysis. Segment 3 and 4 were analyzed together. The analysis is structured in the following manner: the indicating question is stated and answered, followed by examples supporting the answer. The next chapter discusses and works toward an answer to the research question based on all answers from the current chapter. Therefore, this chapter does not directly focus on answering the research question, but outlines the basis on which the discussion is written.

Segment 1: the MIP, staff, aims and tasks, and councils

On 2 December 2014, the parliament officially presented Yurii Stets as the minister of the

MIP78, which was created via a resolution on 14 January 201579. That same day the parliament voted for the provision of the MIPs responsibilities and objectives80. The establishment of the MIP led to mixed reactions. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) firmly opposed the creation of an information ministry

78_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/documents/11.html 3 May 2018}

79_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/6.html} _{3 May 2018}

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without consultation with civil society81.They argued that the establishment was in the backdrop of the information war against Russia and surprised unconsulted media freedom organizations and journalists. The United States Ambassador to Ukraine, Geoffrey Pyatt, stated that Ukrainian authorities made a major mistake creating a ‘ministry of truth’ to generate alternative stories82,83,84. The MIP reported meeting Pyatt but his criticism was left unmentioned85. The ministry troubled some ministers; opponents called the MIP ‘the ministry of truth86,’ claiming that the ministry would restrict the media. Despite the criticism, 288 out of 339 ministers voted for Ukraine’s new Cabinet of Ministers87. However, they could only vote for the cabinet in its entirety, not for each ministry separately.

Others were more positive88. Deputy of the minister, Bidenko, stated, “[t]here is war and Ukraine is losing in information campaigns on simple provision of information to public. Russia makes use of the absence of transparent information by spreading ‘fakes’ and people simply do not know what to believe. The number one objective is the coordination of all government agencies to make public information fast-spread, clear, and transparent. Another aspect is the media space regulation that exists in chaotic state. The Ministry is to develop a concept of information security. This is a white book containing legitimate and subordinate that would regulate this system.89” Syumar, chair of the

Committee90, also highlighted the ministry’s importance during the conflict. Mentioning that the MIP should provide answers to key questions regarding information policy, especially at the time of the information war91.

Main staff members

81 http://rsf.org/en/news/rwb-opposes-creation-information-ministry 20 May 2018 82_{https://en.interfax.com.ua/news/general/482678.html 21 May 2018} 83_{https://www.unian.info/politics/1250710-pyatt-ukraines-huge-mistake-to-correct-troll-factory-and-ministry-of-truth.html 21 May 2018} 84_{https://en.interfax.com.ua/news/general/482678.html 28 May 2018} 85_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/51.html} _{26 May 2018} 86 https://www.unian.info/politics/1017056-poroshenko-congratulates-ukrainians-on-formation-of-pro-european-government.html 21 May 2018 87_idem 88_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/165.html} _{2 June 2018} 89_idem

90_{Note: committee unknown}

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Yurii Stets The minister is Stets, former journalist with a degree in Amateur and Folk Art, Business Management and International Business Management. He was born in 1975 in the west of Ukraine, close to Lviv, which is the most pro-Ukrainian region of the country. He received his degrees in the pro-Russian east, in Kharkiv. He worked as a general producer for Poroshenko’s 5 Kanal until 2007 and started as the parliament’s deputy. In 2014, he worked as chief information security officer for the National Guard of Ukraine92.

Emine Dzhaparova Stets appointed Dzhaparova as his future successor. She was born in the Crimea93, has a degree in International Relation from the Tara Shevchenko University in Kyiv, and worked for various media businesses, including the Crimean ATR, Krym-realii and Radio Svoboda94. She is currently the first deputy of the MIP.

Tetiana Popova Popova is also the minister’s deputy, appointed on February 4, 201595. She advises the Minister of Defense and a member of the Public Council of the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting (NCTRb). She is responsible for the cooperation with journalists in the Anti-Terrorist Zone (ATO), creating a television channel for the army, and restoring the broadcasting of Ukrainian TV channels96.

Artem Bidenko Bidenko was appointed as the minister’s deputy and chief of staff of February 4, 201597. He is currently the state secretary98. He was the chairman of the

Coordinating Council of Outdoor Advertising Association of Ukraine and a

92_{up until here paragraph based on: http://mip.gov.ua/en/content/biografiya.html 29 May 2018}

93_{https://www.ukrinform.net/rubric-polytics/2254893-emine-dzhaparova-says-she-is-ready-to-assume-post-of-information-policy-minister.html 22 May}

2018

94_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/content/dzhaparova-emine.html 28 May 2018}

96_{paragraph based on: http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/51.html 14 May 2018}

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member of the parliament’s Public Council of the Committee of Freedom of Speech and Information Policy. Bidenko is responsible for open and transparent governance of the ministry, working on draft laws, and developing the Concept of Information Security of Ukraine99.

Yulia Kazdobina On 12 October 2016, Stets appointed Kazdobina as the advisor on the Crimean Information Policy. She is responsible for improving freedom of speech in the Crimea, and dissemination of Ukrainian mass media in the Crimean Information Space. Others that worked on Crimean issues were Sergiy Konstinkyi and Dzhaparova100.

Dmytro Zolotukhin Zolotukhin is a deputy since 21 February 2017. He was the secretary of the MIP’s Expert Council and was directly involved in the development of the Information Security Doctrine. He had experience in the public sector on developing media literacy, training in open source information for the MIP, and he worked with national security agencies101.

Aims and tasks

Herashchenko, at that time chair of the Committee of the parliament on issues of European Integration, stated that the new ministry should have five tasks. First, advocate and counter-propagate in the Information Space of the Crimea and the ATO zone. Second, developing a methodology and

implementing projects countering propaganda and agitation caused by Russian information. Third, fighting disinformation. Fourth, countering Russian propaganda in the World’s Information Space. Fifth, fighting censorship and self-censorship amongst media owners and journalists. She noted: “I think the Ministry of Information Policy should be a friend that is ready to lend a shoulder to all patriots,

99_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/51.html} _{14 May 2018}

100_{paragraph based on: http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/1490.html 2 June 2018}

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journalists and citizens who want to defend their country in the information war with Russia, both in Ukraine and in Russia, and all over the world!102”

The provision103 of the MIPs responsibilities, tasks and objectives defines the ministry’s two core tasks. First, safeguarding Ukraine’s information sovereignty by broadening socially important information in- and outside of Ukraine’s borders, and ensuring the functioning of the state’s information resources. Second, guaranteeing mass media reforms to broaden socially important information. Other tasks include monitoring the media outlets’ impact on ‘public conscience,’ promoting Ukrainian TV abroad, supporting domestic audiovisual productions, and creating an Expert Council.

The MIP’s official website and staff elaborate further regarding their aims. The ministry published articles that state “Yurii Stets urged Lithuanian MPs to support the aspiration of Ukrainian part to ban the broadcasting of propaganda channels such as Russia Today104”. Bidenko stated that the ministry examines technology options to combat Russian propaganda105. This is strengthened by the ministry’s statement that the MIP’s overriding principles are counteracting Russian information aggression, developing an information policy and coordinating authorities regarding information dissemination106. The same statement includes that the concept of information policy will be based exclusively protecting freedom of speech, thought, and expressing one’s opinion. As Bidenko stated: “[w]e need to ensure we have world class media regulations to promote pluralism and balance … That involves detailed lawmaking and not knee-jerk censorship actions that might undermine Ukraine’s support in European capitals and Washington DC107” He believes that modern civil servants should be responsible, effective and open to dialogue with the media to ensure transparence of their activities to the public. Dzhaparova focuses more on (counter) propaganda and values, arguing that the state should not interfere, but create values shared by society. According to her, the MIP is not a ministry of

censorship, regulation, gag orders or propaganda; in contrast, the ministry stands for freedom of speech, 102 https://www.unian.info/politics/1017732-herashchenko-takes-to-facebook-to-defend-ministry-of-truth.html 28 May 2018 103_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/7.html} _{5 May 2018} 104_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/60.html} _{13 May 2018} 105_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/101.html} _{14 May 2018} 106_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/41.html} _{13 May 2018} 107_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/101.html} _{14 May 2018}

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access to information and creating certain values, which could be the basis for independent objective media108. She noted, “[t]he motto of MIP’s activity is simple and reflects the reality of our work: ‘The best counterpropaganda is truth!’ For decades Ukraine has been living in the ‘kingdom of crooked mirrors,’ where Moscow had monopoly on our ‘real’ history, culture, and so on. Hence, Ukrainians face a simple task – to shape their own narrative. Through communication channels, the international broadcasting platform and other projects, MIP returns the national truth.109”

Other actors

The ministry cooperates with a number of other actors, for instance, the Security Service of Ukraine110, the Committee on Freedom of Speech and Information Policy, the Committee on National Security and Defense, Committee on European Integration, the NCTRb, the State Service of Special Communication and Information Protection, the State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting of Ukraine and enterprises that belong to the MIP, for example, Ukrinform, The Multimedia Platform, UATV and the Public Broadcasting111. Aside from these actors, the MIP also created its own councils. Expert Council The Expert Council is not just an advisory body; it has a prevailing role within the

ministry112. The idea to create the council was born during the communication between Stets and non-governmental organization (NGO) representatives113. The Expert Council’s purpose is shaping documents such as the Strategy of Information Policy of Ukraine, Ukraine’s Information Security Concept, and the State

Programme of Ukraine’s Information Space (UIS) 114,115,116. These documents are

109_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/2105.html} _{3 June 2018}

111

all: http://min.gov.ua/en/news/2179.html 5 June 2018

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the information constitution of Ukraine117. In addition, the co-chairman of the council emphasized the need to develop a national narrative118.

Public Council Stets initiated the establishment of a Public Council in response to initiatives of civil activates 119. The Council is a permanent advisory body to control the

government120, establish effective cooperation between the MIP and the public, and to ensure consideration of the public opinion during the formation and

implementation of the state policies121,122,123.

Student Council The Student Council124 was an advisory body composed of 12 students from the International Information course from the Taras Shevchenko National University. Stets noted that those young professionals would help promoting Ukraine

abroad125,126. Danylenko stated, “… the experience of the Student Council under MIP is exemplary of how public authorities involve young people in the

establishment of the state information policy. The establishment of the Student Council is an evidence that counteraction of the information aggression in Ukraine is a matter of national importance, and the resolution of this question is a mission for a Minister as well as for a student.127”

The Student Council changed in December 2017. New students came from different universities from all over the country. However, the title of the announcement

117 http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/193.html 7 May 2018 118_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/1642.html} _{25 May 2018} 119_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/20.html} _{4May 2018} 120_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/41.html} _{6 May 2018}

121_{Paragraph based on: http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/268.html 12 May 2018}

122 http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/206.html 8 May 2018 123_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/114.html} _{20 May 2018} 124_{http://mip.gov.ua/documents/69.html} _{10 May 2018} 125_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/1134.html} _{22 May 2018} 126_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/1487.html} _{20 May 2018} 127_{http://mip.gov.ua/en/news/1568.html} _{20 May 2018}