6.1 Empirical Chapter 1: PEH’s Role, Inclusion and Exclusion
6.1.4 How and Why PEH Feel Excluded in the Community
their choice of urban space indirectly relates to inclusion. It relates to inclusion because PEH perceived safety in visibility, suggesting housed people, cameras, or anyone else present may help PEH if they were being threatened. Junior said,
“I feel more comfortable down by the capital building because it’s more secure. People won’t attack me there because it’s a federal crime since they’re on federal land and there’s cameras everywhere.” (Junior, 18/03/22)
Overall, participants perceived urban space as having indirect inclusionary effects through neighborhood choice, and visible space for their safety and others’ accountability.
“[housed people] are judgmental and they’re mean. I’m mad at them – they won’t hire us, but they tell us to get a job”. (Junior, 18/03/22)
Mae described homelessness as a hole that is nearly impossible to climb out of once you fall in. She, and many others, just wanted a chance to get out of homelessness. As such, public ignorance was very hurtful to PEH, and made them feel excluded.
6.1.4.1.B Domiciled Peoples’ Negative Treatment of PEH
The negative misconceptions about homelessness also fed into domiciled people’s negative treatment of PEH. There were over 50 mentions of domiciled peoples’ negative treatment of PEH throughout the interviews. Domiciled people’s cruelty resulted in a lowered sense of belonging for PEH, making them feel more excluded. Personal experiences of abuse ranged from verbal assault, to kidnapping attempts. Some participants told second hand stories about drive by shootings, stabbings and explosive devices placed by unknown persons at a local encampment. Most participants in both groups said they did not think that the public of
domiciled people accepted PEH as part of the community. Many respondents said that most housed people don’t make eye contact or acknowledge PEH’s existence, which negatively impacted PEH’s self-esteem. Professionals also described domiciled people’s casual indifference towards PEH that they saw in their everyday lives. Jen said,
“I’ll be in the grocery store line, and I’ll hear all these people crack jokes about how there’s no shopping carts because all the homeless people have stollen them”. (Jen, Date)
Situations like these indicate that domiciled people are oblivious to the realities of homelessness, and condone the negative treatment of PEH, which makes them feel more excluded.
6.1.4.1.C The Visibility of Homelessness
Another theme repeatedly mentioned, particularly by professionals, that had an
exclusionary effect was that the homelessness in Thurston County is highly visible. Professionals and PEH perceived that the visibility of homelessness upset domiciled people. Sarah said,
“I don’t think [the public] accepts us at all. A lot of people look at us like we’re eye soars. Why not help us? We’re not here because we want to be.” (Sarah, 21/02/22)
Meanwhile, Connor, a professional, said he thought that domiciled people were,
“More worried about themselves, to put it bluntly…[a local encampment] was swept recently in large part due to [housed] people just not wanting to see it. You know, it’s like, pretty
out of the way. Nobody else is really over there, but most [housed] folks I talked to seemed to be pretty excited about it” (Connor, 04/02/22)
Visibility acts as a wedge between housed and unhoused people and can result in encampment sweeps and the justification for dehumanizing behavior, which further excludes PEH.
6.1.4.1.D Barriers to PEH’s Political Engagement
Aside from the negative beliefs and treatment of PEH by domiciled people, barriers preventing political engagement also excluded PEH. Twelve PEH said their human rights were not honored. Despite this, none of the PEH interviewed engaged much politically. Some said they were afraid they would be jailed for protesting for their rights. Others said they did not want to engage. Simon, a professional, explained,
“Not everybody has the capacity [to be politically engaged]. I would say a large portion of the population [experiencing homelessness] has given up on the same society that has given up on them, and they resent that society has excluded them in some ways.” (Simon, 03/02/22)
In addition, even if PEH wanted to engage in politics, there are many barriers in the way.
Participants often spoke about not being up to date on current events because they did not have a consistent way of reading, watching or listening to the news without access to technology.
Further, without physical addresses, or identification cards, voting and other civic engagement was not feasible for PEH. Professionals also stated that most PEH are focused on their day-to-day survival, and often only got involved with politics and systemic change once they’ve
escaped homelessness. Overall, barriers blocking PEH’s political engagement worked to exclude them further.
6.1.4.1.E Barred Access to Resources and Services
Barriers also prevented PEH from accessing resources and services, which also excluded them. Participants in both groups explained that transportation to and from services was
challenging for PEH. Without a car or means of transportation, getting around the county is challenging. Otherwise, many stated that shelters had many rules and limitations. For instance, many shelters are exclusively for men or women, but not for couples. Others may not allow PEH to stay with their animals. Some participants discussed the issue of not knowing what resources and services were available to them. This was often because PEH did not have access to phones or the internet, where available services are often listed. In addition, participants discussed the
effect COVID-19 has had on local resources and services. Connor, among others, spoke about how much the pandemic put strain on services, and how there are less resources and services due to the strain. For instance, PEH used to socialize and eat together at the local kitchen that
provides meals to them. Now, since the pandemic, PEH have to take their food to go, and miss out on the social activities and reprieve of coming inside to rest and eat. Nick said,
“During COVID it’s been very hard. Lots of homeless people went to the library to get warm [before the pandemic]. Shelters are open, but not for socializing. Before they were open, and you could socialize and talk to people. Plus, you could go in, get warm, shower and clean your clothes. When COVID hit, that wasn’t allowed anymore”. (Nick, 21/02/22)
Further, while the VI has positive aspects, as outlined in the Contest, and “Inclusive Citizenship” section, the reality is that services are not designed to help people when they first slip into homelessness and need support to get back on their feet. Audrey said,
“I didn’t have enough problems to get housing, you know, I was just a mom who was struggling. I didn’t seem needy enough to them…finally I got a case manager, and she said, ‘I’m just going to tell you straight up that you need to tell them that you’re on drugs, and your husband is beating you’. Like no, I’m a mother, I’m not going to lie like that, but she said ‘that’s the only way our services work. They are for helping drug addicts, and victims.’… you can’t get out of it.” (Audrey, 23/02/22)
Margaret, a professional, spoke about local services. She said,
“There aren't enough of us in our community to help everybody. So yes, we are doing it, but man, there's 200 parents and kids on the master waiting list to get into housing, and there's no housing for them. So yes, there's adequate services, but are there ever really adequate services when you have that huge a need? No.” (Margaret, 23/02/22)
Overall, public ignorance, the negative treatment of PEH by domiciled people, the visibility of homelessness, and barriers preventing political engagement and access to resources or services explain, in part, why PEH felt excluded. These factors negatively impacted PEH’s sense of belonging and overall citizenship experience, as well.
6.1.4.2 Excluded from Urban Space
Participants also said there are many barriers that work to exclude PEH from occupying urban space in Thurston County. The most persistently mentioned barriers were: no trespassing signs, move along orders, public censure, shut off hours, and hostile architecture/infrastructure.
6.1.4.2.A No Trespassing
PEH and professionals explained how members of the community, including but not limited to business owners, land owners, law enforcement and domiciled people, are constantly contesting PEH’s presence in Thurston County. Several participants said outright that claiming space is not possible for PEH. Greg said,
“You can’t claim space. Any time someone puts up their tent, they put signs up that say
‘private property’, and tell you to leave within 72 hours. They push people out. Police come and make you leave and keep chasing people around instead of solving the problem”. (Greg,
16/02/22)
Connor, a professional, perceived that since the start of the pandemic, more and more space within Olympia has been privatized. He said,
“it's just more and more fences be getting built up.” (Connor, 04/02/22)
In addition to the privatization and signs against trespassing, PEH explained that people are constantly asking them to move along, or leave a certain space. For instance, Peter told me about how fast-food workers asked him to leave when he was sitting outside the chain restaurant.
When Peter said he was not doing anything wrong, the workers called the police to remove him.
When asked how they respond to such situations, PEH said they leave because they feel unwelcome. Rob said,
“I thank them for the info, even if they haven’t told me anything, and I don’t argue. A lot of people [experiencing homelessness] cuss people out though, but someone has the right to tell people to leave their property. I don’t like bothering people. It bothers me to think I’ve bothered them.” (Rob, Date)
6.1.4.2.B Public Censure
In addition to the signs and move along orders participants spoke about a sense of judgement and disgust towards PEH from domiciled community members that excludes PEH from urban space. Margaret, a professional, said that public censure and negative reception prevents PEH from feeling comfortable in urban space, and may prevent PEH from accessing services. She said,
“Nobody feels comfortable if everybody’s looking at them”. (Margaret, 23/02/22) Sarah, Nick and Wilson expressed that PEH’s negative reception and censure by
domiciled community members was part of the reason why they lived in the country/rural area.
They commute to prime locations in Lacey and Olympia when they need to make money. Sarah said,
“I prefer the country because…it’s safer and quieter. You don’t have to worry much in the country”. (Sarah, 21/02/22)
6.1.4.2.C Shut Off Hours and Hostile Infrastructure
Another theme that emerged that left PEH excluded from urban space had to do with shut off hours and laws preventing human activity in public space, such as sitting. Most frequently, participants spoke about the issues that arose because parks, bathrooms, and sidewalks all had shut off hours. Ava and David, a married couple who lived downtown Olympia struggled daily with the shut off hours, painstakingly moving their possessions from one side of the street to the other in compliance with the rules. David is physically disabled due to third degree burns that cover half of his body. He said,
“I can hardly walk, so moving my stuff is really hard. Police tell me I have to move from the park from certain hours, and then I can go across the street and be on the sidewalk for a few hours, but then that becomes illegal at a certain time, so I have to bring all my stuff back over across the street to the park. Makes me mad. Big bullies. They give me tickets for sitting.”
(David, 23/02/22)
Mae also took issue with these types of laws, and the constant shuffle PEH have to endure as they’re asked to move. She said,
“If they tell me I need to go off the sidewalk, I say ‘see you tomorrow’ and then I’ll get a ticket the next day.” (Mae, 16/03/22)
PEH and professionals also indicated that hostile architecture and infrastructure made PEH feel more excluded in public space. Participants specifically mentioned hostile bench design that made laying down impractical and uncomfortable. They also mentioned the lack of bathroom availability. In Downtown Olympia, there are ten public restrooms, all of which close at 5pm. Audrey said,
“Going to the bathroom was really hard, and COVID made it worse. I mean, rain or snow, you have to go to the bathroom… After a certain time, there is no place to go to the bathroom. Like really? You think people don’t have to go to the bathroom after 5pm? No wonder there’s poop on the sidewalk and trash, like come on.” (Audrey, 23/02/22)
Admittedly, I observed a shift in bathroom norms when visiting Thurston County, as discussed in the context section. In the couple of years since my last visit, business owners have put keypad locks on bathrooms, so accessing the restroom is reserved for people who businesses deem appropriate. In doing so, restaurant and retailer bathrooms have become inaccessible for PEH. Participants described having to go to the bathroom outside in bushes. Despite the lack of restrooms, it is illegal to go to the bathroom outside on public land. This contradiction between law and infrastructure left many PEH feeling degraded and excluded because they don’t always have the opportunity to perform human activities, such as laying down and going to the
bathroom, in dignified ways. As a result, their use of urban space is limited.
6.1.4.2.D What Urban Space do PEH use?
Jen, a professional said the urban space PEH use is,
“Either hidden, or very visible, and I would say for two different reasons… the very visible, I would say is folks that are either just starting out and don’t know…it’s somebody who
…isn’t looking for a permanent spot right in that moment. Folks that need a permanent spot for a long time will hide and just go into bushes off onto the side…by and large, people are hidden, hidden and out of the way.” (Jen, 07/02/22)
Jen’s insights tended to be true for the participants who experienced homelessness, though they used visible space during the day to make money by holding, or “flying” signs.
When resting, and at night, the majority of PEH interviewed said they slept in (semi) hidden spaces, though their answers were varied. As all PEH were characterized as being unsheltered, none of them stayed in places adequate for human habitation. Several slept in tents or cars, but nine slept outside without shelter some of the time, if not all the time. While the participants experiencing homelessness spent their days around shopping centers, and on popular street corners, they spent their nights hidden from sight. Ava, David and John slept downtown in alleys or under building alcoves. Rob and Kane slept in encampments in the woods that were hidden.
Sarah, Wilson and Nick went to the rural parts of the county at night. Overall, while PEH used prime areas to make money, they retreated to hidden spaces where their presence was not contested at night, or when they didn’t need money. All participants attributed this in some way to the contestations they faced when trying to use urban space.