The concept of smart cities emerged in recent years as a potential means to mitigate the climate crises that seriously endangers the future of humankind. Since urban areas account for most of the ecological distortion, finding solutions in cities appears unmistakable. Accordingly, the study examined whether smart cities positively contribute to climate crisis mitigation by notably reducing the city's carbon footprint. The study analyzed four smart city cases (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Dubai, and Shenzhen) in order to understand the actual disposition of smart city developments in an expansive scope, distinguishing between different systems of government.
The study had three main research questions we aimed to answer through deductive reasoning:
• To what extent can cities reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by introducing a smart city initiative, thus, possibly mitigating the climate crisis?
• Is it possible to seek a meaningful change and create a sustainable economy through smart cities without a profound structural transformation?
• Are there any significant differences between democratic and non-democratic cities regarding developing sustainable cities and smart city projects?
First, the research found that smart city projects do not explicitly focus on reducing the city's ecological footprint even if they implement programs related to environmental sustainability.
Most smart incentives related to ecological sustainability do not significantly lower the city's carbon emissions; the primary emphasis is on the urban management system or other strategic matters necessary for the establishment, such as creating a modern image for the city that is expected to stimulate economic productivity. Furthermore, it was observed that smart city building could even slow down climate mitigation by increasing energy consumption which approves the study's first hypothesis.
Cities achieved somewhat promising results in smart mobility (Especially Shenzhen, though all cases made relatively progress in their transportation system to make it more sustainable), which led to carbon reduction in cities, delivering a cleaner and healthier urban climate.
However, the progress in mobility transition was mainly thanks to national stimuli driven by the national government's agenda. Even in a rather flourishing domain like smart mobility, policymakers need to encourage citizens by measures to shift to sustainable transportation means since creating a sufficient infrastructure does not tend to be enough for full-scale prompt adaptation (Dubai, Amsterdam, Barcelona).
On the contrary, smart city projects can improve the city's urban environment and enhance the resident's standard of living by reducing traffic, creating more green spaces, and delivering more efficient city management and public services. While it benefits the city's overall economic growth and delivers an economically and socially sustainable development path, it is still inadequate to mitigate the climate crisis by further driving environmental deprivation, especially if it lacks renewable energy resources.
Second, smart cities revolve around the neoliberal notion of the construction of smart cities and their projects while stimulating the city's economy and developing innovative solutions that will eventually adjust the city's urban, social, and ecological issues. The study demonstrated that even if the projects delivered sustainable achievements through public-private collaboration, the result still generates the socio-economic issues embedded in the market logic, leaving potentially the most disadvantaged and raising further social concerns. Consequently, the smart city projects cannot find the synergies in the trade-offs that Barbier described in sustainable development theory, indicating the need for a different structure that finds equilibrium with all the three dimensions of sustainability.
Third, the study found pronounced distinctions between democratic and non-democratic smart city structures that may present new insights into the existing academic literature. As we discussed above, there was no notable difference regarding ecological sustainability; both sides accomplished relatively inadequate outcomes. Nevertheless, the contrast is remarkable in the nature of the smart city approaches. In both the case of Shenzhen and Dubai, the top-down approach was not modified during the given periods, influenced by the nation's strategic objectives. The attitude toward social issues is mixed; overall, the projects do not include citizens in the decision-making or evaluation, neglecting their possible demands and making the outcomes technology-centered with high surveillance capabilities. The research reveals that in democratic societies, different political incentives and contestation can significantly modify the smart city development and the outcomes of the projects. The municipality elections in Amsterdam and Barcelona resulted in considerable mutation in the smart city agenda. In both cases, while the development started relatively as a technology-centric way of serving the needs of multinational companies and the economic progress of the city, then the new governments brought different interpretations and objectives that turned around the city's smart city projects.
The representative governments, as a backlash to neglected social issues, are therefore able to stress the concerns of the society by emphasizing objectives that rest on values such as transparency, accountability, participation, privacy, and freedom.
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