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56 archaeologist herself, is following the most conservative approaches that also are aligned with the governmental wishes that serve mostly neoliberal interests.

57 spontaneous. What I can say though is that the roots of this social reaction cannot be traced in the “castroplikta” case study.

Now as for the second level of my research, the archaeologists’ involvement in these cases was examined. For this purpose my questionnaires were formed in such a way that the answers I would get, would distinguish the interrelations of archaeologists’ within the local community. As a result I managed to deduce conclusions about the way archaeologists’

participate in events that concern the cultural heritage of the city and most importantly, what the citizens believe for their participation. This time, my initial hypotheses were not far from what the data have shown.

The implementing decisions about demolishing the refugees dwellings are considered to be here a terminus post quem for the archaeologists’ involvement to the cultural heritage management issues of the community of Thessaloniki. In my perspective, the period of the discussions over “castroplikta” is crucial for the way Thessalonikeans interpret their cultural heritage and act for its preservation. In this complex matter, more citizens were getting involved in this case gradually. This way they proved to be resilient as an acting group that still exists in favour of the preservation of the remaining dwellings. By that time, archaeologists seemed to be completely aligned with the governmental and municipal decisions. The few opposing voices did not have the dynamic to alter the course of events.

Through the events of the second case study, a turning point in the archaeologists’ interaction with the wider community of the city is described. In the Venizelou Street antiquities case study, most of the archaeologists rallied around a common cause and found the means to oppose to the commercial company as well as to the State. This way, their political awareness became more visible to the general public. In my opinion, the socio- economic conjuncture along with the stressful allegations for blocking the construction of the metro, forced archaeologists to change their attitude. Certainly, I cannot disregard the weight that the Roman and Byzantine monuments carry for the archaeologists of Northern Greece. After all, in comparison to the “castroplikta” dwellings, the antiquities of the metro satisfy the requirements of UNESCO’s World Heritage List.

During the problematic in situ preservation of the antiquities found during the construction of Venizelou metro station in 2012 (almost two decades after the “castroplikta”

case), the response of the whole city towards its cultural heritage was significantly different.

Many years of construction drawbacks along with the ultimate targeting of the archaeologists

58 who worked for the ATTIKO METRO Ltd., turned the public to look past to the in situ preservation for a long time. Hopefully, the last few years the public as well became more aware of the antiquities importance and less suspicious of archaeologists. Their frustration over the drawbacks did not stop them from demanding a solution which ever it may be. After a point though, the constant interest of scientists and organizations from all over the world along with their frequent presence in the media and the press of the country have sharpen the public’s awareness over the antiquities. Greek archaeologists as well have tried in their own way to encourage the public’s awareness.

The question of whether the archaeologists had an active role in changing the former public’s interpretation still troubles me. During the recent events in the second case study, archaeologists’ role was overall upgraded in public’s interpretation. Both of the main national unions of archaeologists took a step forward and claimed time and space in the national public discourse over the endangered antiquities. Nevertheless, for the citizens within the borders of Thessaloniki the archaeologists’ role was not decisive enough in order to be visible. On the contrary, foreign archaeologists were considered to be more active in the press of the city.

The public had the impression that local archaeologists were only informing the press and so the media were responsible for the dispersion of the news over the endangered antiquities.

What was not caught to their attention was that many archaeologists were also participating in organizing activities defending the in situ preservation of the antiquities of Venizelou Street. As I found out, this happened because archaeologists themselves chose to act under the radar. Their hesitation is based on the feeling that the public could easily become aggressive towards them. The period in which archaeologists were the community’s scapegoat was not that many years earlier. Therefore they feel like they have to protect themselves. Another issue that many archaeologists face is their active participation in the excavations for the construction of the Metro. They are professionals who find themselves to be in a delicate position as they are bound with confidentiality agreements. There are also many professionals that are still facing legal disputes with the main constructor for unfair dismissal of personnel and so they avoid any further prosecution.

Even as it is though, most of my informers that belong to the general public admitted that archaeologists are getting closer to issues concerning the community. For the informers that had to collaborate with archaeologists working for the Ephorates until 2018 their experience

59 was unexpectedly positive. Archaeologists were trying to make the social aspect of archaeological practice visible. Their efforts unfortunately reached a dead end with the new conservative government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis and with Lina Mendoni as Minister of Culture and Sports in 2019. The conservative way in which she approaches the culture has already cancelled any initiative that brings archaeologists closer to the society.

Back in 2010, Sutton and Stroulia highlighted the fact that the absent of indigenous or descended groups encouraged a gap between the past and the present in Greece (Stroulia &

Sutton, 2010: 10). This exact gap created indifferent citizens and archaeologists aligned with the national narrative for the archaeological past of the country (Stroulia & Sutton, 2010: 10).

What I extracted from my research differs. The intensity of hostile political initiatives against the cultural heritage in Thessaloniki, triggered the interest of the local community towards the antiquities.

For both of the case studies discussed in this thesis, stakeholders had to face provocative and aggressive authoritative initiatives. Especially in the “castroplikta” case, a number of dwellers have been forced to leave their estates permanently. In this case, only few citizens were drastically affected and the greater public that aligned with their cause had similar and specific political identities. As for Venizelou Street case, the importance of the antiquities was never truly prioritized over the constructor’s profit. The citizens who considered highly the Byzantine character of the city found the means to organize mobilizations over the protection of what they perceived as the city’s cultural heritage. Their efforts were quite successful116 as they manage to handle the dilemma “metro or antiquities”. Claiming both of them in conditions of transparency in favour of cultural heritage, they adopted social movement’s characteristics and managed to alter the general public opinion.

In my view, after 2010 the implied politics in Thessaloniki, encounter stakeholders in a way that subaltern cultures are treated in other countries facing great social inequalities and conflicts. This shift of the monuments as former agents of the hegemonic narrative to endangered monuments gradually brought the citizens to a position that they had to radicalize in order to protect what perceived to be an important aspect of their cultural identity.

Accordingly, archaeologists found a way to response to the circumstances by hesitantly getting closer to the local community. Hence in few words, in Thessaloniki we are now dealing with a highly informed audience, very much interested for the future of the cultural

116 This conclusion comes through my field research.

60 heritage of the city. On the other hand, we are also dealing with a State that degrades the importance of the antiquities that formerly served the national narrative of the glorious past.

Zooming out from my research, I could say that this is an effort to prove the importance of socially relevant archaeological practices. Having in mind David Harvey’s perception about the Postmodern condition, I cannot help wondering whether the mobilization of the public in Thessaloniki relates to a conservative process through which people are trying to grasp to well known components of their identity (Koirala, 2016: 173). A socially aware archaeologist should “read” the local community in which he or she operates in. This way, they gain the ability to avoid “the mutability of the present” that affects the way locals perceive their past (Stroulia & Sutton, 2011: 39). I strongly believe that the anthropological analysis of social behaviour can be considered as an asset by archaeologists in their social entanglements during their service. Apart from their political stance, archaeologists in Greece could avoid being supporters of controversial narratives or staying invisible advocates of antiquities.

Furthermore, they could create the conditions for antiquities to gradually detach from political speculations.

61

Appendix of Interviews Archaeologists

Dimitrios Koufovasilis (K.D.): Born in Athens in 1977, he studied History and Archaeology in the University of Athens and apart from an active archaeologist he is a politically active citizen as well. As a member of the M-L K.K.E., party he participated in the last national election. After the elections of 07/04/2019, he is the president of S.EK.A., the Association of Urgent Archaeologists. Despite the fact that he is not well connected with the reality of the city of Thessaloniki, through his position in the Association, he represents the urgent archaeologists of the Northern Greece as well. Throughout his working experience all over the country, he has formed a spherical view about the conditions archaeologists face. I am referring to him as K.D. through the text in order to avoid confusion with the initials of the following informer.

Dominkiki Kadh (D.K.): A young scholar of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki born in 1989 who have participated in Prehistoric, Classical as well as Roman excavations as a student. After her graduation, she participated in rescue excavations all over Greece. Her master studies in Zoo archaeology were conducted in Sheffield University and she is now a Phd candidate in Aristotle’s University. She is a devoted archaeologist, with a critical view in our field. Her parents close friends are archaeologists so it was rather interesting for her to realize the distance her interpretation about the field work to the reality.

Georgios Skiadaresis (G.S.): Born in 1969 in Leukada, he studied archaeology in Aristotle’s University of Thessaloniki as well. In 2016 he was announced Professor of History and Archaeology in Byzantine Archaeology in the same University. From his position as chief of the Ephorate of Thessaloniki’s City Antiquities, he refused to help the disposition of the antiquities of the Venizelou Street metro station. Therefore he was displaced in his service. He is now supervisor of the Department of the Byzantine and Post Byzantine Antiquities and Museums. His is a distinguished archaeologist, while in the same time, his progressive ideas and strategies are not always accepted by his colleagues in the Ephorate. He is supporting as well many of the actions of the citizens in favor of the in situ preservation of the antiquities of the metro.

Konstantina Kapsali (K.K.): Another graduate born in Thessaloniki in 1989 and studied Archaeology in Aristotle’s University. She participated in several excavations in Prehistoric sites in several parts of Greece as a student and is specialized in cultural administration through her master studies at Leiden University in Netherlands. Recently, she had an interesting experience in working for the Fund of Archaeological Proceeds, through a programme conducted by O.A.E.D.. For the last few years, she is working on film projects concerning archaeology.

62

Rest of the Public

Anestis Daniilidis(A.D.): He was born in 1989 in Thessaloniki and raised in the west part of the Ano Poli neighborhood. He is a graduate of the Department of Civil and Structural Engineering and having his Masters degree in Madrid. His vivid memories of the city connected to his refugee grandparent, depict a rather interesting aspect of the city, not far from now. Right before his studies in Spain, he was managing an Airbnb apartment in Ano Poli. As a host, he interacted with many visitors, foreign as well as Greeks, so he formed a view about how tourists are thinking about the cultural capital of the city.

Afroditi Foutri (A.F.): She was born in 1978 in Thebes, another Greek city with archaeological interest and moved in Thessaloniki the last twelve years. She is a clinical sociologist and art therapist. Her Thesis dissertation for the Universities of Aegean and Florina concerned the “castroplikta” dwellings and her research conducted from 2017 until 2019. After her research she moved to a neighborhood hit by the restoration of the Byzantine Walls. She is rather close to the stakeholders in the area and has a deep knowledge about the case as well. Her efforts about keeping the memories of the residents vivid and known to the greater public exceed the extent of her academic research by creating a Facebook page promoting images and stories of Ano Poli as well as conducting performative guided tours.

Elli Xrisidou (E.X.): She was born in 1956 in Kilkis, a small town in Greek Macedonia and studied fine arts in France. She was actively involved in the leftist youth of Interior KKE.

Alongside, she participated in several exhibitions, inside and out of Greece. She has worked as a professor in Thessaloniki and from 2011 until 2019 she was serving the Municipality of the city as a Vice Mayor of Culture under the mayorship of Giannis Mpoutaris. After the municipal elections of 2019, she elected as a town chancellor with the political camp of

“Open City”.

63

List of Acronyms

AN. EL. Independent Greeks

A.P.Th. Aristotle’s University of Thessaloniki K.A.S. Central Archaeological Council

M-L K.K.E. Marxist- Leninist Communist Party of Greece O.A.E.D. Man Power Employment Organization

S.E.K.A. Association of Greek Urgent Archaeologists S.t.E Council of State

SY.RIZ.A. Coalition of Radical Left

64

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