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in national housing policies. The rental market in Brussels, historically unregulated, has not undergone any restructuring or rent liberalization that would have changed the way tenure is regulated. Only with the regionalization of housing policies, the Brussels Capital Region introduced short-term contracts, a local response to the increasing number of temporary international workers and students in the city.

For Amsterdam, governmental reforms have normalized temporary tenure and liberalized rental housing stock through a rent-point system that pushed previously rent regulated units into the free market segment. In Amsterdam, this led to a housing crisis and triggered several municipal reforms that have re-regulated the overheated rental market. Stricter requirements for shared housing were introduced and the number of permits per neighborhood and building became limited, privileging the 'livability' for family and one household's homes. Additional requirements for individual contracts, at least in the transition phase after 2020, led to a decrease in new housing permits. Students, among other groups, who live in shared housing with old regulations, now find themselves in semi-illegal situations, with a risk of being evicted, or in housing units where precariousness is reinforced through high rents and subletting.

As for the second gap, tracing the institutional differences in the two cities revealed different urban outcomes in the student housing market. In inherently unitary markets like Belgium, student housing has taken relatively uniform characteristics in the shared housing sector. On the other hand, through neoliberal reforms in the originally unitary market in Amsterdam, signs of a dualization in the student housing market emerged due to differentiated regulation for shared housing and purpose-built student accommodation.

While students in shared housing can receive contracts with a maximum duration of two years and do not qualify for housing allowances due to the status of dependent swellings, independent studios in purpose-built student accommodation qualify for housing allowances and offer students campus tenure security through campus contracts for the entire duration of their degree. However, I have been critical of these developments in showcasing that in Amsterdam, where a "non-substitutability between submarkets”

(Revington, 2021, p. 1245) exists, this production has not contributed to an affordable housing stock and, in specific cases, has exploited students because of its monopoly position in the market. I argue that these reforms, such as temporary tenure and differentiated regulations for shared and purpose-built student accommodation, have "led

to a complete precaritization of the private rental sector, and growth thereof" (Huisman

& Mulder, p.3).

Having established the political and institutional production of precarity under neoliberal policies and the differing urban forms of regulation, I have used the housing precarity framework to understand non-European housing experiences in these cities. In both cities, most students followed variations of chaotic pathways, where housing transitions were frequent, informal at times, and unplanned. In cases where established networks among landlords of their nationality existed, students showcased an assisted pathway. The findings also highlighted the importance of social networks for non-European students, which were instrumental in avoiding homelessness through couch surfing. Regarding rental strategies, students exhibited forms of minimizing complaints, remaining in place, or in lack of alternatives, leaving their study city. Additionally, in my sample of interviewed students in Amsterdam, I have showcased the aforementioned dualization also in terms of housing pathways. There non-European students tended to follow studio-exclusive pathways in purpose-built student developments, which offered easier accessibility and rental security through long-term contracts.

These findings hint at the rising concern that student housing will take for cities that keep attracting young people without providing adequate housing through universities and housing associations. Additionally, it has shown that in cities like Amsterdam, steps toward ‘de-studentification' have taken place by restricting house-sharing in the rental sector. Together with the segmentation of housing markets, this only reinforces the perceived need for targeted housing developments, in which access to rental tenure is coupled with tenant-based conditions and restrictions, ignoring the failure of governments at large to accommodate a plurality of groups. Lastly, while some of the precarious features of student housing may be unique to this group, this research has shown the structural changes in rental markets, which are likely to persist in the near future and will continue to reinforce the precarious nature of shared rental housing for internationals and locals alike who have little choice but to continue living in this 'transitory' tenure.

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